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Formerly Fett&iv "&f~~Ring*s College 

Cambridge ; Librarian of the British 

School at Athens 



B.A. (CANTAB.), M.A. (ABDN.) 

Wilson Travelling Fellow in 

Aberdeen University, 19213 





Printed in Great Britain 







XXIX. 'THE FORTY' 391-402 


XXXI. THE ' TOMB OF S. POLYCARP ' . . 406-28 
Introductory. ........ 406 

1. The Traditional Tomb and its History. . . . 406 

2. The Value of Tradition at Smyrna .... 414 

3. The Anti-dervish Movement of 1656-76 . . . 419 

4. The Ruins on the Castle-hill ..... 423 


1. At Kaliakra ........ 429 

2. At Eski Baba . . . . . . . 431 

3. At Baba Dagh ........ 432 

4. At Kruya ......... 434 

5. Bektashi Propaganda ....... 437 

XXXIII. S. JOHN ' THE RUSSIAN ' . . . 440-1 





vi Conte >ls 

ZOND 469-74 


1. Yuruk Tribes 475~ 8 

i. According to Tsakyroglous ..... 475 
ii. According to Langlois ..... 478 

2. Turkoman Tribes ...... 478-82 

i. According to P. Russell ..... 478 

ii. According to Burckhardt ..... 480 

iii. Afshars according to Grothe . . . .482 

iv. Cilician Kurds according to Langlois . , . 482 

Introductory. . . . . . . . -483 

1. The Date of the Institution of the Janissaries . . 484 

2. The Personality of Haji Bektash ..... 488 

3. The Connexion of Haji Bektash with the Janissaries . 489 

Introductory ........ 494 

Translation ......... 495 


TASHI 500-51 

Introductory. ........ 500 

1. Asia Minor 502-13 

A. Vilayet of Angora ...... 502 

B. Vilayet of Konia ...... 506 

C. Vilayet of Smyrna (Aidin) ..... 507 

D. Vilayet of Brusa (Khudavendkiar) . . . 508 

E. Vilayet of Kastamuni . . . . . 511 

F. Vilayet of Sivas . . . . . . 5 1 1 

2. Mesopotamia . . . . . . . .514 

3- Egypt 5H 

4. Constantinople ....... 516-18 

A. European side . . . . . . .516 

B. Asiatic side 517 

Ct ntents vii 

5. Turkey in Europe 518-22 

A. Gallipoli Peninsula . . . . . .518 

B. District of Adrianople . . . . .518 

6. Bulgaria ........ 522-3 

7. Rumania ......... 523 

8. Serbia ........ 523-5 

9. Greece ........ 5 2 5~36 

A. Macedonia ....... 525 

B. Thessaly . . . . . . . 531 

C. Crete ........ 534 

D. Epirus . . . . . . . .536 

10. Albania ........ 536-51 

i. Argyrokastro ....... 541 

ii. Tepelen ........ 542 

iii. Klissura ........ 543 

iv. Premet ........ 544 

v. Liaskovik ....... 545 

vi. Kolonia ........ 545 

vii. Koritza ........ 545 

viii. Kesaraka. . . . . . .547 

ix. Frasheri ........ 547 

x. Tomor ........ 548 

xi. Berat ........ 549 

xii. Elbassan ........ 549 

xiii. Kruya ........ 549 

xiv. Martanesh . . . . . . -551 

xv. Dibra . . . . . . . -551 

11. Austro-Hungary . . . . . . . 551 

A. Bosnia . . . . . . . 551 

B. Buda-Pest . . . . . . . 551 


Introductory. . . . . . . . 552 

1. Translation ........ 554 

2. Glossary of Albanian Religious Terms .... 562 

viii Cont nts 



Introductory. . . . . . . . .564 

1. Bektashism and Orthodox Islam .... ^'65-7 

2. Bektashism and Christianity in Asia Minor . . 568-76 

i. Haji Bektash Tekke ..... 571 

ii. Haidar-es-Sultan Tekke ..... 572 

iii. Tekke of Sidi Battal ..... 573 

iv. Shamaspur Tekke ...... 573 

v. Tekke of Nusr-ed-din (Kirklar Tekke), Zile . 574 

vi. S. Nerses, Rumkale. . . . . .574 

vii. Chapel at Adalia ...... 574 

viii. ' Tomb of S. Polycarp ', Smyrna . . . 574 

ix. ' Tomb of S. Theodore ', Benderegli . . 575 

x. Mamasun Tekke ...... 575 

3. Bektashism and Christianity in Europe . . . 576-85 

xi. Tekke of Sari Saltik, Kilgra .... 578 

xii. Tekke at Eski Baba ..... 578 

xiii. Tekke of Binbiroglu Ahmed Baba . . . 579 

xiv. Tekke of Akyazili Baba ..... 580 

xv. S. Eusebia, Selymbria ..... 580 

xvi. Tekke of Yunuz Baba, Ainos . . . .581 

xvii. Tekke of Turbali Sultan, Rini .... 582 

xviii. Tekke of Sersem Ali ..... 5^ 2 

xix. Tekke of Karaja Ahmed, L'skub . . . 582 

xx. S. Naum, Okhrida 583 

xxi. S. Spyridon, Corfu ..... 5^3 

xxii. Tekke at Athens . . . . . .584 

4. Political Background ...... 586-96 



Introductory. ........ 604 

1. The Traditional Origin of the Girding Ceremony . . 604 

2. The History of the Girding Ceremony .... 607 

3. The Intrusion of the Mevlcvi ..... 610 

4. Political Combination under Mahmud II . . . 618 


Cc itents ix 




EYES 641-5 


RHODES 646-62 

1. The Story and its Development ..... 646 

2. Tangible Evidence ....... 650 

3. Dragon Processions . . . . . . 655 

4. De Gozon and the French Side of the Legend . . 658 




TINOPLE 717-35 

Introductory. ........ 717 

1. Arab Jami and its Traditions ..... 718 

2. Superstition and Politics at Constantinople, 11570-1610 721 

3. Kurshunlu Maghzen Jamisi ..... 726 

4. The ' Arab ' in Folk-lore and Hagiology . . . 730 


Introductory. ........ 741 

1. ' Strategic ' Legends ....... 742 

2. ' Romantic ' Legends ....... 744 

3. Perversions ........ 748 


x Con. mts 

LXI. ORIGINAL TEXTS ..... 755-68 

1. The Parthenon as a Mosque ..... 755 

2. Lampedusa ........ 755 

3. Mamasun ......... 759 

4. Eski Baba ......... 761 

5. Hafiz Khalil (Akyazili Baba) ..... 763 

6. TheBektashi 7>&fc*f of Thessaly ..... 766 

GLOSSARY ......... 769 

INDEX .......... 771 


The Sacred Fowls of Saint James . . Frontispiece 

Photograph. Mr. C. Thomas 

Map of Part of the former Turkish Empire, with an 
inset on the Distribution of the Bektashi in 
Albania ....... at end 




ABOUT fifty miles west of Konia, the capital of the 
Seljuk princes of Rum, is a spring with a remark- 
able Hittite monument, known locally as the ' Spring 
of Plato ? (Eflatun Bunari). The monument consists of 
a mass of masonry built of colossal stones, the chief face 
being decorated with a number of rude human figures 
sculptured in relief. 2 

The connexion of Plato's name with this monument 
has long, and rightly, been regarded as due not to Greek 
but to medieval Turkish traditions. 3 In the learning 
of the Arabs, Plato ' the divine ? holds a distinguished 
place. In Persia several philosophic Sufi sects claim to 
be his followers. 4 The culture of the Seljuk Turks 
was entirely derived from the Persian, and Konia has 
been from 1233 onwards the seat of the philosophic 
Mevlevi dervishes. We are not surprised to find that, 
at the Zinjirli medreseh in the neighbouring town of 
Karaman, students of the highest class were officially 
called ' Platonists V or that the name of Plato should 
be known, at least to the learned, in medieval Konia. 

The connexion of Plato with the Hittite monument 
which bears his name is still not obvious. Some new 
light is thrown upon the question by the traditions 
still current in Konia 6 concerning the philosopher and 

1 The first edition of this chapter appeared in B.S.A. xviii, 265 ff. 

* See Hamilton, Asia Minor, ii, 350 ; W. H. Ward, in A.J.A. 1886, 
49 ; Sarre, Reise in Kleinasien, p. 123 ; Perrot and Chipiez, Hist, de 
PArt, iv, 734 if. and fig. 356. 3 Ramsay, Pauline Studies, p. 177. 

4 Malcolm, Hist, of Persia, ii, 272 f. 

5 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 232, 405. 

6 These came almost without exception from Sir W. M. Ramsay's 
servant, Prodromes Petrides. 

B 2 

364 Plato in the Folk-lore * f the Konia Plain 

by stray references to him in the description of this 
part of Asia Minor by the seventeenth-century Turkish 
geographer Haji Khalfa. 1 These references are three 
in number. 

The first records the existence of a ' tomb of Plato the 
divine 5 2 in the citadel at Konia. 3 This is also mentioned 
earlier by the thirteenth-century geographer Yakut, 4 
one of Haji Khalfa's acknowledged sources. Yakut adds 
that the tomb was ' in the church by the mosque 5 . 5 
This church is identified with that of S. Amphilochius by 
a note in the Pilgrimage of the Merchant Basil (1466) : 
' il y a la une eglise chretienne [consacree] selon eux, 
a Platon, &, selon nous, a Amphilothee (sic}. II repose 
entre la grande porte & la porte septentrionale [de 
Pautel] ; et Phuile sainte decoule de lui jusqu'a present. 5 6 
The church of S. Amphilochius, a fourth-century bishop 
of Iconium, is still standing/ and in it is said to exist 
a ' spring of Plato 3 , 8 probably the ayasma of the saint, 
considered as a well devised for astrological purposes. 9 

1 Tr. Armain, ii, 65 1 ff . 

2 Plato, Aristotle, and Socrates are given the title of ' divine ' as 
having admitted a Prime Cause in their philosophies ; the tomb of 
Plato is placed by Haji Khalfa immediately after the orthodox Moham- 
medan pilgrimages at Konia. 

3 P. 670, cf. Otter (Voyage, i, 61), who borrows direct from Haji 
Khalfa, as often, e.g., in the case of the Ivriz relief; a comparison with 
Haji Khalfa shows that he never visited this monument, though he is 
generally credited with the discovery. 

4 The date of Yakut's Geography is generally given as 1224. 

5 Af. Sarre, op. cit., p. 34, note ; cf. p. 125. 

6 Ed. Khitrovo, I tin. Russes, p. 256. 

7 Ramsay and Bell, Thousand and One Churches, figs. 328-30 incl. ; 
Ramsay, Cities of St. Paul, p. 380 and pi. xiv ; Pauline Studies, pp. 170 f. 

8 Pauline Studies, p. 170. 

9 For a well of this sort see Evliya, Travels, I, ii, 60 : ' . . . the astro- 
nomer's well, which is one hundred and five cubits deep, and was dug 
by the famous astronomer AH Kushje for astronomical observations ' 
(temp. Murad IV) ; cf. E. M. Sykes, Persia and its People, p. 140. The 
use of the well is of course a form of lekanomancy analogous to the 
* inkpool ' method of divination still used in the East. 

Associai >d with Water 365 

The church is still vaguely connected with Plato : some 
hold that it was his observatory, others * have heard ' 
that his tomb is there. I could see no trace of tomb or 
ayasma inside the building, nor does the saint share 
' Plato's ' connexion with the underground river sup- 
posed to flow beneath it. 

The second reference x is to the so-called ' river of 
Plato ' by a village (not marked on our maps) called 
Bunarbashi, near Madenshehr and the ' Thousand and 
One Churches.' 

In both these passages, as at Eflatun Bunari, Plato's 
name is associated with water-springs, 2 and that in a 
country where the water supply is regulated by mysteri- 
ous and still imperfectly known channels. 3 Pre-Hellenic 
Iconium had a legend of a deluge in which the entire 

1 Op. cit., p. 735 : * Maaden Schari, alio nomine Eflatun Sui ' in 
Norberg's translation (ii, 529). 

* I do not know this country well enough to say whether plane-trees, 
which in some parts habitually grow by springs, or some Greek place- 
name derived from irXdravos [plane-tree], may have suggested the 

3 Ramsay, Cities of St. Paul, p. 323 ; cf. Hamilton, op. cit., i, 482 ; 
ii, 342. With these channels are probably connected strange places 
like the ' devil-haunted 9 lake of Obruk (Sarre, op. cit., p. 74). In his 
IJapaSocrecs, nos. 59-67, Polites gives instances of places /JouAiay/zeVot 
for sins (no. 59 : Kopais blocked the outlet for spite). Similarly im- 
perfect knowledge is responsible for the tale heard by Goujon to the 
effect that objects thrown into the Jordan emerged at Messina because 
there was an underground connexion between the two (Terre Sainte, 
p. 225). A Lebanon herdsman blocked the outlet of a lake there : as 
a result a river in Persia dried up, but the herdsman's staff, having fallen 
into the lake, appeared in Persia, and so was instrumental in ultimately 
discovering the herdsman, who for a heavy reward unblocked the out- 
let of the lake (Kelly, Syria, p. 60, from Lamartine, Voyage en Orient, 
iii, 1 1 8 ff., cf. ibid, iv, 67). A similar mysterious underground connexion 
was supposed to exist between a well in Cairo and Zem-Zem at Mecca 
(Lee Childe, Un Hiver au Caire, p. 50 ; Le Bruyn, Voyage, Delft 1700, 
p. 1 88). It is instructive to compare with these the procedure followed 
in the case of the vanishing and reappearing stream of Samaden, 
Switzerland (Bund, Berne, 4 September, 1919). 

366 Plato in the Folk-lore * the Konia Plain 

population perished. 1 The whole plain was, and is, 
subject to floods. 

The missing link in the connexion is supplied by Haji 
Khalfa's third reference to Plato : ' The inhabitants 
of the country 2 say that the plain of Konia was once 
a sea, which Plato caused to disappear.' 3 

In our own times, Hamilton, the discoverer of Eflatun 
Bunari, heard at the lake of Egerdir a converse tradition 
that * eight hundred years ago it was all dry land and 
that a river ran through it until its course was stopped 
by a magician named Eflat ? . 4 The same legend is cur- 
rent at Beyshehr, where ' Plato ? is supposed to have 
blocked the outlet of the lake in order to bring its 
water to Konia, but to have desisted on finding that a 
town was flooded by his operations. 5 Similarly, Eflatun 
Bunari is regarded as the spot where ' Plato ', with 
cotton, pitch, and large stones, blocked the outlet of 
a subterranean river which threatened to flood Konia : 
this legend is current also at Konia itself. The figure 
of Plato has become very vague. He is generally de- 
scribed as a Turkish bey, but is said by the more imagi- 
native to have come from Bagdad. 

The role of the magician-philosopher-engineer Plato 
in the plain of Konia thus proves to be similar to that 
of the Minyans in Boeotia and of Herakles in Thessaly, 
at Lerna, and at Pheneos. He represents not only 
superhuman skill, magical or divine, but also the 
superior science of an age long past and dimly remem- 
bered by its monuments. 6 The conception of the c ma- 

1 Ramsay, ibid., pp. 319 ff. 3 About Ismil, east of Konia. 

3 P. 671, the saltness of L. Tatta and others in the district suggests 
a ' sea * rather than a mere freshwater inundation. 

4 Op. cit.y i, 482. 5 From Prodromos Petrides. 

6 This non-magical side is well illustrated by the strictly utilitarian 
and rather commonplace works ascribed by Orientals to Apollonius of 
Tyana (^Belinas, see Steinschneider in Z. D. Morgenl. Ges. xlv, 439 ff. 
and Gottheil, ibid, xlvi, 466). Such are an economically heated bath 
at Caesarea Mazaca (Haji Khalfa, tr. Armain, p. 676 ; cf. H. Earth, 

Magicians and Water 367 

gician ? who makes water appear and vanish is doubt- 
less aided in this particular instance by the frequency, of 
mirage effects in the district, 1 and that of the engineer 
by the subterranean water channels (duden) alluded to 

But the manipulation of the flow of water by ma- 
gicians is not effected by ordinary means, or subject to 
the ordinary hydraulic rules. An apocryphal work of 
' Belinas ' (Apollonius of Tyana) claims for its alleged 
writer that he ' dir ected the flow of waters by talismans', 2 
that is, by the enchantment of spirits, persons, animals, 
'or objects for the furtherance of that end. The ' talis- 
mans ? were generally buried in the earth or set up on 
columns. The belief in such ' talismans ' still persists 
in the East. In comparatively modern times a Pasha 
of Egypt, induced by a c Frank ? to dig for treasure, 
stumbled in the process inadvertently on the ' talisman * 
which prevented the silting up of a branch of the Nile. 3 
The * talisman ? in this case was a huge negro holding 
a broom, with which, evidently, he was supposed to 
remove the silt. We may surmise with some probability 
on the analogy of other talismans, that the Pasha's actual 
discovery was an ancient statue or relief, possibly in 
black basalt and therefore supposed to represent a negro. 4 
Similarly, Plato at Eflatun Bunari, having blocked the 
opening of the river, set ' talismans ? to guard it in the 
shape of the figures of the Hittite relief. His intention 

Reise, p. 57) and the canal at Damascus (Le Strange, Palestine, p. 266). 
On the other hand, the really remarkable engineering works of Alex- 
ander become so exaggerated as to be inexplicable save by magic (cf. 
e.g. Haji Khalfa, ii, 685). In western folk-lore the rich legend-cycle 
of Virgil covers the whole ground (see Comparetti, Virgil in the Middle 
Ages, passim). 

1 Sarre, op. cit.^ p. 96. 

2 Gottheil in Z. D. Morgenl. Ges. xlvi, 470. 

3 See below, p. 732, and n. I. 

4 For the ' idolum in forma pueri Aethiopis ' seen by Fabri sec be- 
low, p. 730, n. 2. 

368 Plato in the Folk-lore if the Konia Plain 

was of course beneficent, and ill-intentioned persons 
who wished to disturb his arrangements would be faced 
by a crowd of angry jinns. Somewhat similarly, one of 
the two giant columns at Urfa (Edessa) is regarded as 
a talisman, the removal of which would let loose floods 
on the city. 1 

Whether in Christian tradition S. Amphilochius or 
any other saint was credited with a beneficent miracle 
similar to Plato's, as the archangel Michael certainly was 
at Colossae, 2 we cannot say. The fact that ' Plato's 
tomb ' was shown in a Christian church seems to favour 
such a supposition, but the substitution of names may 
have been made on quite untraceable grounds ; 3 even 
a supposed resemblance between ' Eflatun ' and some 
perverted form of Amphilochius is not impossibles Nor 
is there any need to suppose a survival or continuous 
tradition, since the natural conditions of the country 
have at all times been sufficient to account for the 

1 This tradition, which appears not to be recorded elsewhere, I have 
orally from Mr. John Orchardson of the Mac Andrews and Forbes Com- 
pany. The other column at Urfa is held to conceal an immense 
treasure, but no one dares search for it for fear of mistaking the right 
column and causing a flood. 

2 Ramsay, Cit. and Bisb., p. 215. For S. Michael's association with 
waters see Lueken, Michael, pp. 53, 131. 

3 So the origin of the Ivriz river, with its mysterious source and dis- 
appearance, was locally attributed, for reasons entirely lost to us, not 
to Plato but to one of the Companions of the Prophet, see above, 
p. 106, n. i. 

4 Note especially the form Amfhilotheos in the Pilgrimage of Basil, 
which would help the identification as containing the consonants,/, /, /. 
The similarity (?) between the names of saint and sage, suggested by 
me as a possible reason for their identification, was brought forward 
spontaneously as an explanation at Konia. It is of course possible that 
the original dedication of the church was to S. Plato of Ancyra, mar- 
tyred under Diocletian and celebrated by the eastern Church on 
1 8 Nov. ; he was sufficiently important to have had a cult at Con- 
stantinople, but nothing connects him with Iconium. S. (ocrios) Am- 
philochius was never a full-fledged saint and many churches are known 
by their founders' names rather than by those of their patron saints. 

Legendary Floods 369 

genesis of so simple a type of myth. At Dineir, for 
instance, where somewhat similar conditions prevail, we 
need not connect the ancient legends of the Deluge x 
with the modern folk-tale, located apparently at Sheikh 
Arab Gueul, of an ' infidel (giaur) dervish ' who flooded 
a town in revenge for ill-treatment, 2 Nor is a deluge- 
legend necessarily evidence of floods : the very instruc- 
tive series of flood-legends given by Carnoy and Nico- 
laides 3 as current at Caesarea seems based merely on 
a gradual identification, probably by Armenians, of 
Argaeus with Ararat. 4 

1 Ramsay, Cit. and Bish., pp. 669 ff. 

2 Laborde, Asie Mineure, p. 105. The hero may again be Plato. 
Giaur is used as well as but-parast to designate pagans (von Diest, 
Tilsit nach Angora, p. 38, n. 6). 

3 Trad, de VAsie Mineure, pp. 222-3 ? c f* Scott-Stevenson, Ride 
through Asia Minor, p. 206 ; Tozer, Turkish Arm., p. 333. There are 
interesting deluge legends in Collin de Plancy, Diet, des Reliques, ii, 89. 
A lake is expected one day to burst through and flood Granada (W. G. 
Clark, Gazpacho, p. 156). 

4 Cf. Hume Griffith, Behind the Veil in Persia, p. 177 ; Leclercq, 
Mont Ararat, p. 79. 



AT the first appearance of the Ottomans, towards the 
close of the thirteenth century, Christian and Turk 
had already been living for two centuries side by side in 
the interior of Asia Minor under the rule of the Seljuk 
sultans of Rum. The political history of this period is 
still emerging from obscurity : the social and religious 
history has hardly been touched. The Byzantine his- 
torians, concerned only incidentally with provinces al- 
ready in partibuSy give us no more than hints and we 
have none of those personal and intimate records which 
are apt to tell us much more of social conditions than 
the most elaborate chronicle. 

The golden age of the Sultanate of Rum is undoubtedly 
the reign of Ala-ed-din I (1219-34), whose capital, 
Konia, still in its decay bears witness by monument and 
inscription to the culture and artistic achievement of 
his time. Ala-ed-din was a highly educated man and 
an enlightened ruler. He was familiar with Christianity, 
having spent eleven years in exile at Constantinople. 2 
One of his predecessors, Kaikhosru I (1192-9, 1204- 
10), who likewise spent an exile in Christendom, 
nearly became a Christian and married a Christian 
wife. 3 He was more than suspected of infidelity to 
Islam by his stricter Moslem neighbour of Aleppo. 4 
Ala-ed-din ? s grandson, Az-ed-din, the son of a Chris- 
tian mother, was said by the bishop of Pisidia to have 

1 This chapter is reprinted, with some additions, from the B.S.A. 
xix, 191 ff. 2 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 31. 

3 Sarre, Reise in Kleinasien, pp. 39 f. 
* C. Huart, Konia, pp. 214 f: see above, p. 168, n. I. 

Ala-ed-din and Jelal-ed-din 371 

been a Christian, and his sons, when at Constantinople, 
were admitted to the Sacrament. 1 Both Ala-ed-dm 
and his house were therefore familiar with Christianity 
and, if not actively sympathetic to it, at least without 
prejudice against it. 

Beside Ala-ed-din stands another striking figure, that 
of Jelal-ed-din, the mystic poet of Bokhara, who came 
to Konia in 1233 and is represented as a close and in- 
fluential friend of the temporal ruler. Jelal-ed-din, 
with his friend and master in philosophy, Shems-ed-din 
of Tabriz (d. 1246), originated the order of dervishes 
known by the name of Mevlevi, who have throughout 
their history shown themselves humane and tolerant 
towards Christians and regard all religions as reconcil- 
able on a philosophic basis. 2 Jelal-ed-din himself seems 
to have been acquainted with Greek 3 and to have as- 
signed to Christ as a prophet a much higher position 
than his strictly orthodox Moslem, contemporaries. 4 He 
appears, further, to have regarded himself specially as 
a missionary to the Greeks, and is reported by Eflaki to 
have said that ' God had a great regard for the Roman 
people ' (i.e. Rumi, 'Poj/zcuot), and, in answer to a prayer 
of Abu Bekr the first Caliph, made them ' a chief recep- 
tacle of his mercy ? : in the same passage the metrical 
poems and rhythmic dances of the Mevlevi are repre- 
sented as devised to attract the mercurial temperament 
of the Greeks to Islam. 5 Several tales illustrating the 

1 Pachymeres, ii, 24 ; iv, 5 ; Hammer-Hellert, op. cit. i, 45-7 ; (/. 
Pears, Destr. of Greek Empire, p. 56. 

2 See especially Eliot, Turkey in Europe, p. 185 ; cf. Ramsay, Revo- 
lution in Turkey, p. 202. 

3 Gibb, Ottoman Poetry, i, 152 ; of Jelal-ed-din's son some rhyming 
Greek verses of a mystic-philosophic sort, written in the Persian 
character, have come down to us (Krumbachcr, Byz. Litteratur, p. 81 1 ; 
Meyer, in yz. Zeit. iv, 401). 

4 C. Field, Mystics and Saints of Islam, p. 205. 

5 Acts of the Adepts (13 10-53), * n Redhouse's translation of the 
nevi, p. 27 (13). 

372 Christianity and Islam under Sultans of Konia 

success of the Mevlevi propaganda among Christians 
are related in Eflaki's collection. 1 Specially notable is 
the anecdote of the abbot of the ' monastery of Plato ' 
(to which we shall return), whose reputation for learn- 
ing extended to Constantinople, Trebizond, Sis, and the 
land of the Franks ; Jelal-ed-din himself visited the 
monastery, and there spent seven days and seven nights 
sitting in a cold spring. At the end of this time he 
came out unharmed and walked away, singing a hymn, 
to the astonishment of all. The abbot ' made oath that 
all he had read about the person and qualities of the 
Messiah, as also in the books of Abraham and Moses, 
were found in Jelal, as well as the grandeur and mien, of 
the prophets, and more besides '.* Two generations 
later, there lived in the same monastery an aged monk 
who had had similar relations with Jelal-ed-din and was 
visited by the dervishes of the neighbourhood. He told 
some of these that once, when Jelal-ed-din had spent 
forty days in meditation at the monastery, he had taken 
advantage of the occasion to ask him what was the ad- 
vantage of Islam over Christianity, since the Koran said 
all men alike should come to hell fire. Jelal replied by 
putting the monk's cloak, wrapped in his own, into an 
oven : when they were taken out, the monk's was found 
to be scorched and charred by the fire, JelaPs only puri- 
fied. The monk at once professed himself the disciple 
of Jelal. 3 From all this it seems clear that Jelal-ed-din, 
like his royal master, was conciliatory in his attitude 
towards Christianity and Christians. 

In the previous chapter * I have pointed out that the 
old church of S. Amphilochius at Konia, transformed 
by the Turks into a mosque, was venerated by Moslems 
from the thirteenth century onwards as the burial-place 

1 Acts of the Adepts (1310-53), pp. 22 (7), 51 (33), 66 (53), 90 (85) ; 
the latter may refer to the conversion of KaXoicodvvrjs, the architect 
of the Blue Medreseh at Sivas. 2 Ibid., p. 72 (63). 

3 Ibid., p. 87 (81). 4 Cf. also above, p. 17. 

Plato a Link 373 

of c Plato the divine Philosopher *, while the Christian 
tradition, persisting despite the transformation of the 
church, still held that the grave in it was that of the 
Iconian bishop and saint Amphilochius. So late as the 
fifteenth century both religions shared in the ambiguous 
cult. 1 

The Moslem veneration of Plato at Konia, which is 
possibly to be traced to the influence of theMevlevi der- 
vishes, or even to that of Jelal~ed-din himself, may have 
been expressly intended as a cult which Christian and 
Mohammedan might share on equal terms. For the 
learned of both religions ' Plato ' may be considered a 
philosophic abstraction, somewhat akin to Justinian's 
6 Holy Wisdom of God ? ; for the unlearned and super- 
stitious Moslems he was a great magician and wonder 
worker ; for the Greeks and Armenians he remained, 
in Konia at least, S. Amphilochius. The case for such 
a rapprochement between Islam and Christianity as 
seems implied by the cult of Plato will be materially 
strengthened if we can find other evidence of friendly 
relations between the Mevlevi and the Christians. A 
certain amount of tradition points in this direction. 

In a rocky gorge an hour north of Konia stands the 
ancient Greek monastery of S. Chariton. The monas- 
tery 2 is enclosed on three sides by walls and on the fourth 
by a precipitous cliff. The enclosure contains three 
churches, all wholly or partially excavated in the rock. 
Beside them is a small mosque of similar construction. 
The mosque is simple and unobtrusive, a rectangular 
chamber with a plain prayer-niche (mibrab) cut in the 
rock. The Christians in charge of the monastery explain 
its presence by a legend that the son of Jelal-ed-din, fall- 
ing, when hunting, from the cliff above the monastery, 

1 Khitrovo, I tin. Russes, p. 256. 

2 Niebuhr found it inhabited (Reisebescbreibung, iii, 119) and 
saw a stone with an inscription of Michael Comnenus (see below, 
P- 383). 

374 Christianity and Islam under Sultans of Konia 

was preserved from injury by a mysterious old man who 
was afterwards identified from the eikon in the church 
with S. Chariton. The miracle is still commemorated 
by a yearly present of oil J from the successors of Jelal- 
ed-din the Superior of the Mevlevi order is always 
a descendant of the Founder who, further, spend 
every year one night in prayer in the mosque. 2 Chris- 
tian tradition thus represents Jelal-ed-din as at least 
half converted to Christianity by the miracle of S. Chari- 
ton. Mevlevi tradition, on the other hand, asserts that 
the abbot of the * monastery of Plato 9 was converted 
by the miracles of Jelal-ed-din to his philosophy ; the 
* monastery of Plato ' is evidently identical with S. 

We have thus found two originally Christian sanc- 
tuaries adapted for the veneration of both religions by 
the intrusion of the ambiguous * Plato 5 figure. One of 
these compromises certainly (possibly both) is due to 
the Mevlevi dervishes. Is there a corresponding con- 
cession on the Moslem side ? 

In the great convent of the Mevlevi at Konia the 

1 The church of Sylata, a Greek village near Konia, receives a similar 
present of oil, and here, too, the practice is referred to the Seljuk period, 
the Greeks attributing it to Ala-ed-din himself (Pharasopoulos, Ta v- 
Aara, p. 1 32) and the Mevlevi to Jelal-ed-din (from Sir Edwin Pears, who 
was so informed by the present Superior of the Mevlevi). A similar story 
is told by Lady Duff Gordon of Egypt, where Copts still give offerings 
to the family of Abu-1-Hajjaj, the local saint of Luxor, in commemora- 
tion of a Christian saint's appearance to a descendant of Abu-1-Hajjaj 
(Letters from Egypt, p. 283). 

a Mr. Vassos Vaianos of Sylata informs me that the then Chelebi also 
made a grant of land to the monastery : the title-deeds were for some 
time at S. Michael's, Sylata, but are now lost. The * cell of the Dedes ' 
(underground) has Mohammedan inscriptions referring to the Mevlevi 
on its walls. 

3 Acts of the Adepts, p. 87 (81). The ' monastery of Plato 9 is here 
said to have been ' situated at the foot of a hill, with a cavern therein, 
from whence issued a stream of cold water ' evidently the ayasma of 
S. Chariton. 

Jelal-ed-din and his Christian Friend 375 

founder, Jelal-ed-din * el Rumi ', lies buried. His tomb 
is a place of pilgrimage for pious Mohammedans and 
especially for members of the Mevlevi order. Beside it 
is another tomb of which a curious legend is told. It is 
said to be that of a Christian who gave Jelal-ed-din such 
proofs of friendship and faithful service that the latter 
insisted that they should be buried side by side. There 
are at least three variant traditions as to the personality 
of the faithful friend. An Armenian version, told two 
hundred years ago to Paul Lucas, represents him as a 
bishop and even gives his name, Efsepi (Eusebius). 1 
The Greek version states that he was the abbot of S. 
Chariton, 2 on whose relations with Jelal-ed-din we have 
remarked above. The Mevlevi themselves say that the 
second tomb contains a Christian monk converted by 
Jelal-ed-din.3 Thus the essential part of the legend, 
i.e. that a Christian ecclesiastic is buried beside Jelal-ed- 
din, is acknowledged by all parties. Whether in point 
of fact the supposed tomb is indeed such may be ques- 
tioned. It may well be a cenotaph which has come to 
be regarded as a tomb. In this case we can point to 
a modern parallel of some interest. In the convent of 
the Mevlevi at Canea (Crete), founded only forty years 
ago, are two saints 5 tombs, side by side and exactly 

1 Lucas, Voyage dans la Grece, i, 151. The legend is referred to also 
by other writers (J. Pardoe, City of the Sultans, i, 52 ; Macarius, 
Travels, tr. Belfour, p. 8). 

2 Orally in 1913 from Prodromes Petrides ; the abbot of S. Chariton 
is introduced in the version of Levides (Moval rfj$ KaTTTraooKias, 
pp. 156 f.) : cf. N. Rizos, KaTTTraSoKiKa, p. 130. Both probably owe 
something to the flepiypatfrij of the Archbishop Cyril, who says 
(p. 42) : TrXjjcriov rov loiov MejSAa [i.e. Mevlana =Jelal-ed-Din] ?vat 
/cat fivfjiJ,a evos /caAoyepou r/yov/Jievov rov "At* Movaarr/pfov [White 
Monastery,' the modern Turkish name of S. Chari ton's] . . . ra^ei/ros* 
Ki Kara Stara^tv rov loiov UTrepaya.TraWos' avrov> <f> 9 a> l/cetro 
/cat ftcxpt rwos [j,avpov KaXoyrjpiKov or/ceTracr/za, TO OTTOIOV OLTTO 

rpiaKovra /zere/JaAov els aAAo ^/ocD/za, Sta va /x^ 

3 On the spot through Prodromes Petrides, 

376 Christianity and Islam under Sultans of Konia 

similar in outward appearance. One of these is that of 
the founder, the other admittedly a cenotaph erected 
by the terms of the latter's will to commemorate his 
revered teacher. 1 Similarly, at Konia Jelal-ed-din may 
have intended what is now called the * tomb of the 
monk ' rather as a commemorative monument to his 
honoured friend ; and this would be quite in keeping 
with their traditional relations. 

Whether the legend or any part of it is true or not, 
we have here to all appearance the compromise on the 
Moslem side we have sought. For a third time an 
Iconian sanctuary is artificially rendered accessible to 
Christian and Moslem at once : the sanctuary is in this 
case the centre of the Mevlevi dervishes, the tomb- 
chamber of their Founder himself. 

Second only to Jelal-ed-din in the veneration of the 
Mevlevi of Konia is Shems-ed-din of Tabriz, who lies 
in a much humbler mausoleum in a different quarter of 
the town. 2 This also has been a celebrated shrine. 
Schiltberger, one of the Christian prisoners of the battle 
of Nicopolis (1396), notes it alone of all the wonders of 
Konia. In ' a city called Konia ', says he, 'lies the saint, 
Schenisis, who was first an Infidel priest, and was secretly 
baptised ; and when his end approached, received from 
an Armenian priest the body of God in an apple '.3 
This legend, rendering needless a second tomb, has the 
same effect as that of the central convent. Moslems 
could visit and venerate the tomb of Shems-ed-din, the 
dervish philosopher, while Christians saw in the same 
person a holy man who, born in darkness, had at length 
turned to the light, and as proof of his sanctity wrought 
mighty works after his death. 

We have thus found in Konia the temporal capital of 

' F. W. H. 

a The authenticity of the tomb seems somewhat doubtful (see Eflaki, 
in Redhouse's Mesnevi, pp. 108 f. and preface, p. x), 
3 Hakluyt Society's edition, p. 40. 

Religious Fusion 377 

the Seljluk dynasty and the spiritual centre of the Mevlevi 
dervishes, four sanctuaries which might be visited with- 
out violence to conscience by Christian and Moham- 
medan alike. We have found also in Ala-ed-din an 
enlightened and liberal monarch with no bias against 
Christianity, in Jelal-ed-din a philosophic mystic with 
Christian leanings, and in the abbot of S. Chariton 
if he is historical a Christian ecclesiastic evidently 
attracted by the spiritual personality of Jelal-ed- 

To Ala-ed-din politically, as to the Mevlevi philo- 
sophically, the assimilation of Christian and Moslem 
was desirable. The Greek Church, here in central Asia 
Minor, was spiritually at a low ebb during the period in 
question, 1 It seems, therefore, possible that some sort of 
religious compromise on a philosophic basis was devised 
between Ala-ed-din, Jelal-ed-din, and the local Chris- 
tian clergy, and deliberately fostered by some or all of 
these parties. 

The idea is not without parallels elsewhere : Akbar, 
the Mogul emperor of India, an enlightened ruler and 
a philosopher, made in his time a somewhat similar 
attempt to reconcile the various creeds of his subjects. 2 
The movement at Konia may be regarded as a local and 
artificially accentuated manifestation of ideas widely 
current in the mystic heterodoxies of Islam, which 
would find great scope among the heterogeneous, and 
in religion primitive or degraded, population of medieval 
Asia Minor. Similar ideas of religious fusion formed in 
the fifteenth century the motive-power of the rebellion 
of Bedr-ed-din of Simav 3 and are to some extent potent 
to-day among the Bektashi sect in Albania, whose doc- 
trines and organization seem to have been used for 

1 For the diocese of Iconium about this period see Wachter, Verjall 
des Griechentums, pp. 16 18. 

* Bonet Maury, in Rev. Hist. Relig. xi, 152 ff., li, 153 S. 

3 See below, pp. 568-9. 

3295** c 

378 Christianity and Islam under Sultans of Konia 

political purposes by Ali Pasha of Yannina. 1 Such 
religions in countries of mixed population cater alike for 
the educated and the ignorant, providing for the former 
a philosophic standpoint, for the latter a full measure of 
mystery and superstition, and for all alike a convenient 
compromise and a basis of mutual toleration. 

1 See below, pp. 586-92 and reff. 


THE following inscriptions from the monastery of 
S. Chariton near Konia are here published from the 
texts given in the extremely rare pamphlet of the patri- 
arch Cyril VI on the province of Konia, 1 of which the 
Archaeological Society of Athens is fortunate enough to 
possess a complete copy. Of the author a short notice, 
to which nothing material seems to have been added by 
recent investigators, is given by Papadopoulos-Vretos. 2 
He w^s born at Adrianople about 1750, became Arch- 
deacon of the Patriarchate, and subsequently (after 
1802) Metropolitan of Iconium and of Adrianople. In 
1813, on the resignation of Jeremias IV, he was elected 
Patriarch as Cyril VI. In 1819, in consequence of an 
intrigue, he was deposed in favour of Gregory V and 
retired to his native town, where he was hung by 
the Turks at the outbreak of the Greek Revolution in 
June 1821. The map of the province of Iconium, to 
which the Description forms a supplement, was pub- 
lished in 1812 at Vienna. 3 It was reproduced on a 
smaller scale by Kiepert. 4 

The monastery of S. Chariton, near Konia, is de- 

1 'IcrropcKT) n^piypa^j] rov v Biewr) 7rpoe/cSo#i/Tos' x a} P o yp a " 
<J>IKOV mVciKos rfjs /xcyaAij? '^p^tcrarpaTrtas '/KOVI'OU. Nvv irp&rov 
TVTTOIS KSo0laa. * Ev TO) IlaTpiapxiKto Tv7Toypa<f>ia) . *Ev Hrei 
1815, sm. 8vo, pp. 73, of which the last seven (67-73 inclusive) are de- 
voted to a (not very valuable) Hcpiypa^rj rrjs ' ASpiavovTroXcws Kai 

TIVOJV TOJV 7Tpt T7^9 @pQKr)S fJLpWV. 

2 For A. Papadopoulos-Vretos see Sathas, NeoeXXTjviKTj 0tAoAoyta, 
pp. 212 f. For Cyril cf. Sathas, op. cit., p. 678, and Z. Mathas, Kara- 
Aoyos 1 F[aTpidpx<*>v> Athens, 1884, p. 166 (Nauplia, 1837, P- 2 7^)- 

3 Ilivai; ^a>poypa^t/co9 rrjs fjLeydArjs * ApxicrarpaTrias IKOVIOV, ev 

VT), l8l2. 

Memoir uber die Karte von Kleinasien, pi. iii and pp. 180 if. 

C 2 

380 The Inscriptions of S. Charitorfs 

scribed by Ramsay * and recently by myself. 2 Cyril's 
description is as follows : 

* Among the hills near Sylata, in a ravine about an hour east 
of the latter and about an hour west of Konia, is the monastery 
of S. Chariton the Confessor, called in Turkish Ak Monastir 
[' White Monastery 5 ] from the hills of white stone which sur- 
round it, a foundation of S. Chariton. The monastery possesses 
a church dedicated to the Most Holy Mother of God of the Cave, 
spacious and hewn out of the rock like a cave ; also all the cells 
and chapels, six or seven in all,3 are rock-hewn caves : the door 
of the church is to the south. . . . Outside the enclosure is the 
Sacred Well below the level of the earth, which the Blessed 
Chariton excavated by a miracle from a sheer rock.* In front 
of the monastery are gardens and vineyards.' 5 

The memory of S. Chariton is celebrated by the Greek 
church on September 28. According to the Synaxaria 
he was a native of Iconium, who lived in the time of 
Aurelian as a hermit in Palestine, where he died at 
an advanced age. A cave church founded by him was 
shown at a lavra called Pharan. Amongst other mir- 
acles he is recorded to have brought ' clear water out of 
a sheer rock ' (e aKporo^ov Tre'rpas v8a>p Stauye? eevey/<:a>v). 
The scene of this miracle is not recorded, but it is 
evidently conceived of on the lines of the striking of 
the rock by Moses. It does not suit the ' Ayasma of S. 
Chariton ' at Konia, which is a well some depth below 
the surface and approached by a flight of steps. The 
difficulty is realized by Cyril, who slightly twists the 
words of the Synaxaria (ava)pv<=v e d/cporo/xou XiOov) 6 to 
fit the Iconian monastery, which is probably a colony 
from Palestine. 

1 Pauline Studies, p. 1 88 ; cf. Cities of St. Paul, p. 375. 

2 In B.S.A. xix, 193 ff. with a photograph : reprinted above, pp. 

373 ff- 

3 There are now two, dedicated to S. Sabbas and S. Amphilochius. 

4 aVO)pV^V * CiKpOTOHOV X100V. 

5 TJeptypa^Ty, pp. 45-7. 6 XiOov for 

Text and Commentary 381 

The inscriptions existing in Cyril's time at the monas- 
tery of S. Chariton I are as follows : 

I. Over the door of the church outside : z 
MeydXr) earlv rj 86a TOV OLKOV TOVTOV r) ea^drrj vTrep rrjv 


The year of the world 6576 = A.D. 1067-8; the 
seventh indiction places our inscription in 1067. Konia 
was not taken by the Seljuks till 1086. If, as we suspect, 
S. Chariton of Konia was a foundation from Palestine, 
the date is explicable as that of a time of exodus from 
Palestine of monks driven out by Saracen oppression : 
this movement was the cause of the foundation of the 
monastic colonies of Latmus and, probably, Athos. A 
monk Mark is known to have been abbot of S. Sabbas 
about this time, 3 but the name is not enough to make 
good the connexion. The wording of the inscription 4 
is evidently influenced by the prophecy of the second 
temple, saying, ' the glory of this latter house shall be 
greater than of the former'. 5 

II. Above the same door, inside : 6 

Twos TO epyov ; TO ypd^a ov Aeyco, 0O$ yap o 
vvwv KapSias, dv/catvtcr07y, /cat KaXXcepy^dj] 6 

" TTJS VTrepayias AeaTroivrj^ r/fjuajp OTOKOV KCU d 
Mapias, T7j9 emAeyo/zeV^s' ZVr^AatcortacrTjs', iraTpiapxovvTO$ TOV 
oiKov[JiVi.Kov TraTpidpxov Kvpov Fpriyopiov, /cat em BaoiXziov 
TOV va^aTaTov BaaiXeajs /cat AvTOKpaTOpos 'Pco/jtatcov Kvpov 
*Av$poviKov, v rat9 rmepais BaaiXevovTOs jueyaAoyeVou? Meya- 
Xov SOV\TOV Ma^aovTi TOV Ka'iKaovar) /cat AvQzvTov rjfJL&v, 

1 They are given Uepiypa^rj^ pp. 46-7. Nos. 1-4 are also given, 
evidently after Cyril's copies, by N. S. Rizos, KaTTTraSo/ct/ca, pp. 132 ff. 

2 77* avTT]v [sc. Tr^v TTvA^v] ea>0i> tat yypafjLfiva zv XiOco raSe. 

3 See Krumbacher, Byz. Litter atur, p. 154. 

4 Given by Rizos, p. 132. 5 Haggai, ii, 9. 

6 "EaojOev 7rdva) Trjs CLVTTJS TruArj?. The inscription is given by 
Rizos, p. 133. 

382 The Inscriptions of 5. Chariton's 

TOV$ <riAy> tvStiCT. j8. vrrofivrj^a MarOalov itpopovaxov KOI 

The year of the world 6797, indiction 2, corresponds 
to A.D. 1289. Of the potentates mentioned, the patri- 
arch Gregory (II) reigned from 1283 to 1289,* the 
emperor Andronicus (II) from 1282 to 1332, and the 
sultan of Konia, Masud, son of Izz-ed-din Karkaus II, 
from 1283 to 1 294.* The relations between Christianity 
and Islam under theSeljuks of Konia were very friendly. 3 
The Greeks were to know no such liberty in church 
building as this till the reign of the reforming sultan 
Mahmud II (1808-39), in whose reign we find again 
church inscriptions recording the Christian bishop and 
Turkish sultan. 4 

III. ' The grave of this abbot lies outside the same 
door of the church, on the right as you go in, near the 
wall, buried in the earth. 5 5 

/cetrat TOJV MOVOLGT&V TO /cAeos, de^VTjorou Kriropos 
Kvpov Mardalov, Kai KaOrjyovfjievov re rfjs fjiovfjs 
tret, ,90x7, IvSiKTiwvos iof No/Ji[3piov a '. 

The date (6806, indiction i) is A.D. 1298. 
used, as often on Athos, 6 in the secondary sense of 
restorer or considerable benefactor, the monastery of 
S. Chariton having been founded, as we have seen, much 

IV. c Within the church opposite the door towards the 

1 On him see Krumbacher, op. at. 9 p. 98. 

2 Huart, Konia, p. 247. 3 See above, pp. 370 ff. 

4 e.g. my article * Bithynica *, in B.S.A. xiii, 294. 

5 Tov OTTOLOV * Hyovfievov TO p,vfj[jLa KiTGLi 
TjvXrjs TOV vaov K Segicw elmovcn nX^aiov TOV 
ets 1 T?)v yfjv. Rizos gives the inscription, p. 133. 

6 See F. W. Hasluck, Atbos, pp. 61-2. 

"Text and Commentary 383 

west, is a grave in the floor, on which is a marble sarco- 
phagus with the following inscription : 5 l 

*Evravda Ketrcu Tropcfrvpoyevvrjrwv yovos Mi^a^A *A/j,ipaaxd- 
vr)$, eyywv rov Travevyeveardrov Sicreyyovoi; ra>v ddXlfjiOJV rrop- 
<f)vpoyvvrjra)v BaaiXecw Kvpiov *Ia>dvvov Kop,vr)vov Iv erei ,9609, 
IvScKr. ca' firjvl JVbc/z. a'. 

This inscription still survives and good texts have 
been published by Sterrett 2 and Cumont, 3 which show 
that our archbishop was but an indifferent copyist. 
The person mentioned in the inscription was a descen- 
dant of the royal house of Trebizond, who died in exile 
at the court of Konia in 1297. 

V. ' In the left aisle of the church, near the northern 
door of the screen in the wall of the Trpooxo/ziST? outside, 
is another sarcophagus with these letters : ' 4 

'Evravda KZLTCU evyeveardrojv eiKtov, KaQapov re Xeya) rov 
/jLCLKaptrov , eiKOJV Se rpicr/xcxfca/oo? "^X 7 ? 5 TrayKciXov vlov Se 

It seems impossible to get much from this text con- 
taining neither name nor date. Omissions seem to have 
occurred in CyriPs copy. 

VI. A sixth inscription from S, Chariton is given by 
Sterrett in his Epigrapbical Journey 6 from a copy by 

1 "EvSov rov vaov dvriKpv rrjs TrvXrjs TTpos St?cm>, tv ru* eSa 

yfj$ etvai IJLVYJUCL, /cat err 9 dvraj /Jbdpfjuapov cu? Kiflovpiov. For this 
use of Kipovpiov (ciborium) see Du Cange, Glossarium, s.v. ciborium. 

2 Epi&- J our -> no - 22 9> f rom a copy by Diamantides : see also Gre- 
goire, in Rev. Instr. Pub. Belg. lii (1909), p. 13. 

3 In yz. Zeit. iv (1895), pp. 99-105, from a new copy by Diaman- 
tides. and a photograph. It is also found in Rizos, op. cit., p. 133. 

4 "Eri, 19 rov dpiarpov ^opov rov vaov TrXrfaiov T^9j8optas > 7ruA^s > 
rov lepov f$ij[Jiaro$ ct? rov rot^ov TTJS 7rpoaKOp,i$fj$ H^ojOev erepov 
KtjSovptov fJL ypa/x/xara rdoe. 

5 For MX*/ see Karabashek, in Num. Zeit. ix (1877), p. 213 (quoting 
Ibn Batuta), further below, p. 506, n. 3. 6 No. 243. 


THE annual Blessing of the Waters at Epiphany, 
known to the Orthodox Church as the Great Con- 
secration (Meyas 'Ayiaanos), is one of the most picturesque 
rites of modern Greece. The ceremony, which takes 
place in the open air, has been well and fully described 
in Miss Mary Hamilton's book, Greek Saints. 1 The 
officiating priest plunges a cross into the sea, a river, or 
even a cistern, according to the locality, and, taking it 
out wet and dripping, sprinkles the bystanders. In 
some places the cross is thrown in bodily and retrieved 
by one of the bystanders. The first person to touch the 
cross after its immersion is considered particularly lucky. 
After the official blessing the water is held to have 
beneficent power and the bystanders drink or wash in 
it. The sea and waters in general are consecrated by 
the ceremony for the ensuing year. In seaports this has 
a peculiar importance for shipping and seafarers, and in 
former times even Turks did not venture to put to sea 
until the waters had received their (Christian) blessing. 2 
In 1915 a hitch in the procedings at Levkas caused 
considerable consternation. The cross thrown into the 
water stuck in the sand and could not be retrieved : 

1 Pp. 112 ff. 

2 Busbecq, Lettres (Paris, 1748), ii, no. Two doves are released at 
Athens as the cross is thrown into the water. This liberation of birds 
at church festivals is widespread : in Brittany the Pardon des Qiseaux 
is the festival of S. Jean du Doigt, when various birds are released (see, 
e.g., Quetteville, Pardon of Guingamp, pp. 365 ff.) ; in Russia it is pious 
to loose birds at the Annunciation (Romanoff, Rites of the Greco- 
Russian Church, p. 125) ; cf. also the Roman custom at the feast of 
SS. Philip and James (Tuker and Malleson, Christian and Ecclesiastical 
Rome, i, 187). It is scarcely necessary to say that in these cases the 
symbolism is not the same as in the Greek Blessing of the Waters. 

Among Greeks 385 

this was considered a presage of great disasters in the 
ensuing year, and it was particularly noted that the 
ceremony had no effect on the storm which was raging 
at the time of its performance. 1 

Miss Hamilton makes a gallant attempt z to show that 
the Greek ceremony is a rain-charm and hints at a clas- 
sical survival. It is true that the elements of the forms 
used, the immersion of a sacred object and the wetting 
of the persons assisting at the ceremony, are used as 
rain-charms both in Greece and elsewhere. But the 
supposed allusions to rainfall in the songs quoted in 
support of the theory rest on mistranslation alone. The 
first song quoted (from Imbros) expresses the quite 
orthodox idea of consecrating springs and waters ; the 
second* also from Imbros, refers only to dew ; the 
third, which in the translation appears the strongest 
proof of all, refers not to rain, but merely to c wetting 5 , 
which is an ordinary use of the transitive verb /Jpcxco. 3 

So far from the ceremony being even remotely a 
classical survival or peculiar to Greece, it is matched 
in nearly every detail by the corresponding Armenian 
ceremony. The latter is thus described by Struys, a 
Dutch traveller of the seventeenth century, who wit- 
nessed it at Shamakh: 

1 IJarpLS, 7 J an - X 9 2 5 : vv7Tia rov yeyovoTOS* rovrov TTpo- 
KXrjOrj etfAoyo? avyKivrjcns /ca#* SXijv rrjv AevtcdSa, ISiairepcus Se 
ol OprjaKoXrjTrroi /cat SetcrtSat/zoi'es' x a P aKrr iP^ ovv ro TTpS/yfJia a)$ 
Trpoouovc^ov /xeyaAa? Karacrrpo<f>d$, rpofiepa dr^Tj/xara. . . , Xapa- 
/CTTjptcrrt/CT) Sid rrjv CLTTcuaLoSogiav /cat drreXTnoiav 77 OTrota e^ct /cara- 
Aaj3et row irpoXrjTmKovs, efve /cat ^ TrapaTrjpyais TOJV, on, /cat 
JJLCTO, rov dytaa/xov, r) 9dXaaaa e^aKoAovOei va ^atVerat 

2 Op. cit., pp. 119 ff. 

3 P. 127, [/Ltta 7repSt/ca] . . . j8/>e^t rov d<f)evrr) /cat iraXw 
^erat /cat jSpc^et rrjv Kvpd TTJ?, /cat rraXw ^avajSpc^eTat Kat 

ra <f>rpd rrjs, which Miss Hamilton translates : * It sent rain down on 
the Lord, and again it rained and rained on our Lady, and again it 
rained and rained on its wings '. The true rendering is ' it [the par- 
tridge] wetted (i.e. sprinkled with water) our Lord, and again wetted 
itself and wetted our Lady, and again wetted itself and wetted its wings.' 

386 The Blessing of the Waters 

c L'Eveque commence par chanter la Masse plus matin que 
du coutume; puis il fait un sermon sur un Texte pris dans 
L'Evangile de ce jour ; a la fin duquel il annonce la benediction 
de la Riviere qu'on appelle Chatsche Schuran. 1 Pendant le ser- 
mon de 1'Eveque, tous les Armeniens du Pays se rendent autour 
du lieu ou se doit celebrer la Fete, avec la Croix & la banniere 
. . . [L'Eveque] fit un signe auquel des Armeniens tous nus 
sauterent sur la glace & la rompirent en plusieurs endroits, 
pendant que PEveque s'amusoit a lire & le peuple a chanter des 
Himnes, des Pseaumes, & des Cantiques. Lorsque la glace fut 
rompue, le peuple se tut, & 1'on entendit le son des cloches, des 
cimbales & des trompettes, durant lequel FEveque avanga vers 
Pendroit ou Feau paroissoit ; & apres y avoir repandu de Fhuile 
benite, il la benit avec une Croix enrichie de pierres precieuses 
& pour confirmer la benediction il la plongea par trois fois dans 
Feau, fit la meme chose avec sa Croce, & dit ensuite quelques 
prieres qui ne durerent pas long-temps. A peine les eut-il finies 
que le peuple accourut en foule, les uns pour boire de cette eau, 
& les autres pour s'en laver les pies, les mains, & le visage. Et 
comme il y en a partout d'une devotion singuliere, plusieurs se 
depouillerent, & sauterent tous nus dans Feau, le zele & la fer- 
veur les empechant de sentir le froid qui etoit extreme/ z 

The Armenian ceremony is also described by Taver- 
nier, though by some misconception he places it on 
Christmas Day. His account is as follows : 

f Then in all the Cities and Villages where the Armenians live, 

1 ' Nous croyons que ce mot devrait se transcrire plus exactement 
khatche tchrouin qui veut dire croix de Veau, ou faite sur Veau^ signe 
distinctif de cette ceremonie' (Note by E. Bore in UArmenie^ vol. ii of 
Chopin's Russie in the Wnivers Series, p. 134). Bore thought the 
ceremony peculiar to the Armenian Church. 

2 Struys, Voyages, pp. 245 f. The Armenian ceremony at Constanti- 
nople is mentioned by A. Galland,^wrw^/, i, 31. There is a picturesque 
account of the Blessing at Moscow in The Voyage of Osep Napea(i$$j), 
in Hakluyt's edition. Mrs. Bishop (Journeys in Persia, ii, 312) de- 
scribes the Nestorian Epiphany, Vaujany (Caire, p. 332) the Coptic, 
and della Valle (Voyages, iv, 370) the Persian * Aspersion of Water ' on 
5 July, which may be a derivative from the Christian Epiphany. In 
Albania Miss Durham saw sheaves, evidently firstfruit sheaves, dipped 
in the water (Burden of the Balkans, p. 124). 

Among Armenians 387 

if there be any River or Pond, they make ready two or three flat 
bottom'd Boats, spread with carpets to walk upon ; in one of 
which upon Christmas day they set up a kind of an altar. In the 
morning by Sunrising all the Armenian clergy, as well of that 
place as of the parts adjoining, get into the Boats in their Habits, 
with the Cross and Banner. Then they dip the Cross in the 
water three times, and every time they drop the Holy Oyl upon 
it. After that they go through the Ordinary form of Baptism. 5 r 

To students of the Holy Land, but not to those in- 
terested in Greece, it is probably a commonplace that 
almost all the details of the Greek and Armenian cere- 
monies are derived from the very early celebration of 
the Baptism of Christ Himself at the River Jordan. 
Antoninus of Piacenza, a sixth-century pilgrim, de- 
scribes, the Epiphany ceremony at the Jordan at some 
length, not omitting some miraculous occurrences which 
he, in common with other devout pilgrims, doubtless 
believed he saw. z The following is a rough translation 
of Antoninus 5 execrable Latin : 

4 On Epiphany Eve a great service is held attended by count- 
less people, and at the fourth or fifth cockcrow the vigil is 
celebrated. After Matins, at the first sign of daybreak, the con- 
gregation rises and the service is continued in the open air. The 
priest, supported by his deacons, descends into the river and, 
as soon as he begins to bless the water, the Jordan, roaring 
mightily, returns upon itself, the water above the place of bless- 
ing piles up, and the water below runs down to the sea, accord- 
ing to the words of the Psalmist, The sea saw and fled, Jordan was 
driven back.i All the Alexandrians who have ships send men on 
that day with pails 4 full of perfumes and balsam, and at the 
time when the water is blessed, before the baptism begins, they 
plunge these pails into the river and take of the consecrated 
water to use for asperging their ships before they put to sea. 5 

1 Voyages, pp. 171 f. 

2 Ed. Geyer, I tin. Hieros., p. 200 (ed. Tobler, p. 15, xi). 

3 Ps. cxiv, 3. 4 MSS. colaphos, obviously for calathos. 

5 Curiously, Jordan water was considered unlucky on board ship, at 
least by western pilgrims ; cf. Fabri, Evagat. ii, 36, 43, and Fiisslein, 
ap. Mirike, Reise, p. 221. 

388 The Blessing of the Waters 

When the baptism is finished, every one goes down into the river 
for a blessing, wearing shrouds and other garments of all sorts 
which are to serve for their burial. 1 When all this has been 
done, the water returns into its own bed.' 

The Greek and Armenian Epiphany ceremonies thus 
derive directly from a common source in Palestine, the 
fountain-head of the Christian religion. For the study 
of all such antiquities the principle here involved is 
important and too often neglected. In Greece particu- 
larly it has been kept in the background by the more 
fashionable idea of classical survival. A typical instance 
is the supposed equation of S. Elias to Helios. 2 The 
occupation of nearly every conspicuous height in Greece 
by chapels of S. Elias does not imply that the saint 
replaces Helios, though the arguments brought f6rward 
to support the theory are most ingenious. The proto- 
type of the mountain dedicated to Elias is to be found 
at Carmel in Palestine, and the Elias of the Old Testa- 
ment is a rain-making saint. No further explanation is 
needed. Of the mountains in Greece not dedicated- to 
Elias a large majority, including, e.g., Mt. Athos, 3 are 
dedicated to the Transfiguration. Here, again, the 
connexion with the Bible story and Palestine is obvious. 
A further instance of a slightly different sort is that of 
S. Nicolas, the sea-saint of Orthodoxy, 4 who, despite 
the attempt to represent him as a survival of Artemis, 5 
owes his vogue among seafarers simply and solely to the 

1 The cheap printed cotton shrouds sold for this purpose at Jeru- 
salem are well known to all tourists : according to Tobler (Topogr. von 
Jerusalem, ii, 706) they were already mentioned by Antoninus of Pia- 
cenza. Mohammedans similarly wet their grave clothes in the water 
of the wqll of Zem-Zem at Mecca (Burckhardt, Arabia, i, 276). For the 
Kerbela practice see Cuinet, Turquie d'Asie, iii, 202. 

2 See further above, p. 320, n. 3. 

3 Wrong in Hasluck, Athos, p. 19, n. I. 

4 The Athos Guide to Painting ascribes no sea miracles to him 
(Didron, Iconographie Chretienne, pp. 365-8). 

5 Anichkof in Folk-Lore, v, 108-120. 

Palestinian Prototypes 389 

position of the church on a dangerous coast passed by 
every pilgrim ship from Constantinople or the West on 
its way to the Holy Land. 1 The local coincidence has 
here made a bishop as at Sinope a gardener (S. Phocas), 2 
and at Pelusium a monk (S. Isidore), 3 all landsmen, into 
sea-saints, while S. Peter the fisherman and S. Paul the 
seafarer receive no special honour from mariners. S. 
Michael in Symi 4 or S. George at Herakleia Perinthos5 
may also from the position of their churches develop 
a reputation as sea-saviours. The personality of the 
saint is of very small importance as compared with his 
own position as the chief saint of a seafaring popula- 
tion, or with that of his church, on a site conspicuous 
from tjie sea or near a well-known point of danger. 

What is true of ceremonies and cults is true also of 
buildings and superstitions. The church of the Sepulchre 
and the Mosque of Omar in the Holy City have left 
their mark even on western Europe in the ' round 
churches ' of the Templars. 6 The ' sweating column ' 
of S. Sophia's 7 is a parody of the miracle in S. Helen's 
Chapel at Jerusalem. 8 The Greek Church has at all 

1 See above, p. 350. 

2 On the cult of S. Phocas see Radermacher, in Arcbiv f. Religionsw. 

vii, 445 ff - 

3 The frequency of capes dedicated to S. Isidore (e.g. the eastern 
point of Crete) shows he was a favourite saint with sailors, presumably 
Egyptians. Whether S. Isidore of Pelusium is meant or S. Isidore of 
Alexandria (and Chios), a soldier, is immaterial. 

4 Dawkins, in Emmanuel Coll. Mag. xviii, i8ff. ; cf. Michaelides, 
KapTr. "AiajJiaTa, p. 22. See also above, p. 344. 

5 Covel, Diaries, p. 277 : ' The chief thing he is famed for is the 
deliverance of poor mariners, and in the church was hang'd up to 
him infinities of dva^jLtara, dedicated by poor creatures which had 
escaped shipwreck ; most are little short pieces of halsers or cables or 
smal ropes, having one end tipt with silver.' 6 Hasluck, Letters, App. 

7 See Antony of Novgorod in Khitrovo's I tin. Russes, p. 90 ; Sandys's 
Travels, p. 25 ; Aaron Hill, Ottoman Empire, p. 138 ; Einsler in 
Z.D.P.F. xvii, 303. 

8 Fabri, Evagat. i, 293. Similarly, the legend of the chain of Khoja 

390 The Blessing of the Waters 

times been in more or less close touch with the Holy 
Land. The pilgrimage thither, though not held, ex- 
cept among the Russians, of such spiritual importance 
as the pilgrimage to Mecca among Mohammedans, has 
nevertheless exercised a great influence on the lay popu- 
lation. In religious ceremonies, cults, buildings, and 
superstitions alike the connexion between the Orthodox 
world and Palestine is much stronger and more un- 
broken than that between the Orthodox world and 
classical antiquity. It has not been affected by ethno- 
logical changes and it has been fostered, not discouraged, 
by the clergy. In all such questions of origines, there- 
fore, parallels should be sought first in the Holy Land 
and the way thither. 1 t 

Mustafa Jamisi, Constantinople (for which see Carnoy and Nicolaides, 
Folklore de Constantinople, p. 112 ; Polites, IIapa86ai$, no. 28 ; van 
Millingen, Churches in Constant., p. 107) comes, under Mohammedan, 
not Christian influence, from Jerusalem (cf. Besant and Palmer, Jeru- 
salem, 1908, p. 469 ; Le Strange, Palestine, pp. 151 ff.). 

1 Lucius (Anjange des Heiligenk., App. I, p. 507) remarks instruc- 
tively on the small number of new ideas in religion. 

' THE FORTY ' ' 

IN Turkish geographical nomenclature certain * round ' 
numbers are regularly employed in an arbitrary 
sense. Most important of these are 4 a thousand and 
one ' (bin bir\ used to express the idea of c countless ', 
and * forty * (kirk), which is similarly used for ' numer- 
ous \ 2 As examples of the first may be cited the well- 
known c thousand-and-oiie-column ? (Bin BIT Direk) 
cistern at Constantinople and the ' Thousand and one 
Churches 5 (BinBirKilise) in Lycaonia. For the second 
we may instance several rivers called Kirk Gechid 
(' Forty Fords ', in Greek Sarandaporos), the town 
Kirk Agach (' Forty Trees '), springs called Kirk Gueuz 
(' Forty Eyes '), districts called Kirk In, Kirk Er (' Forty 
Caves ? ) and numerous others. 

Side by side with names like the foregoing, which ex- 
plain themselves if we read ' numerous' for ' forty', we 
find certain localities denominated simply 'the Forty' 
(Tk. KirklarJ Gr. Sardnda).* They are especially 

1 This chapter is reprinted with additions from B.S.A. xix, 221 ff. 

* Numbers below forty, with the curious exception of five (cf. Wai- 
pole, Travels^ p. 205 ; Arundcll, Asia Minor > i, 75), generally keep their 
strict numerical value. c Five ' therefore seems to signify * several ', 
6 two or three ' ; ' forty ' estimates a number greater than the eye 
counts naturally, while * a thousand and one ' implies a number beyond 
counting altogether. Arabs call the centipede the * mother of forty- 
four legs ' (Jessup, Women of the Arabs, p. 267). 

3 Kirklar is shown by the plural termination to be a substantive, not 
an adjective. 

4 For numbers other than forty used as place-names cf. Dokuz. 
(' nine ') near Konia (Huart, Konia^ p. 126), where we happen to 
know that the full name is Dokuz Hani Dervend (' Post of the Nine 
Houses'). Trianda (ra TpiaKovra, Ducas, p. 193 B), between Ephesus 
and Smyrna, is usually interpreted as commemorating the thirtieth 

392 ' The Forty ' 

common in Pontus * but occur also elsewhere, as e.g. 
in Mysia, where there are at least two villages called 
Kirklar, 2 and in Caria, where the name is applied to 
a site with ruins of a church near the ancient Loryma 3 
and to an ancient tomb east of Knidos. 4 Similarly 
mysterious are names like Kirklar Dagh (' Mountain 
of the Forty ', not * Forty Mountains ') which, like the 
foregoing, imply an association with forty persons. 
These * forties ' call for explanation. 

We have particularly to take into account the mystical 
associations of * forty 5 in Turkey and the Near East. 
Both in profane and sacred connexions the number forty 
(days, &c.) and groups of forty (persons, &c.) meet us at 
every turn. As to the first, in Turkish folk-tales the 
hero's wedding-feast regularly lasts * forty days and 
forty nights '. The ' forty days ' after child-birth,* 
after marriage, 6 and after death, 7 are critical periods, 
and during the c forty days ' between November 27 and 
January 5 evil spirits are unusually active. 8 Robbers, 
ogres, jinns, and peris go about in bands of forty,? and the 
number appears again and again in magic prescriptions. 10 

milestone on the Roman road, but it should be remarked that there is a 
village of the same name in Rhodes, where this explanation is ob- 
viously impossible. 

1 Gregoire in B.C.H. 1909, p. 27 ; Jerphanion in Mel. Fac. Or. 
(Beyrut), 1911, p. xxxviii. 

2 (i) Near Pergamon and (2) west of Balia (Philippson, Karte des 
W. Kleinasiens) ; the latter is an old site (Philippson, Reisen und For- 
schungen, i, 36). 

3 Chaviaras in /Japvacrcros', xiv, 537 ff. 

4 Halliday in F oik-Lore, xxiii, 218. 

5 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad, de VAsie Mineure, pp. 308-310. 

6 Ibid., p. 315. 7 Ibid., p. 324. 8 Ibid., p. 305. 
9 Two references to Kunos' Tiirkische Volksmarchen aus Adakale 

(pp. 84, 90), which I owe to Mr. Halliday, go far to prove that ' the 
Forty ' without further definition are recognized in Turkish folk-lore 
as a band of spirits. 

10 Cf., e.g., Abbott, Macedonian Folklore, p. 229 (forty paces) ; [Blunt], 
People of Turkey, ii, 257 (candle made from the fat of forty children) ; 

Among Christians 393 

In the religious lore both of Christian and Moham- 
medan the same number constantly recurs. The great 
fasts of the Christians are of forty days, dervishes of the 
Khalveti order likewise practise fasting and mortifica- 
tion for periods of forty days, 1 the noviciate of the 
Mevlevi dervishes (a thousand and one days) is divided 
into periods of forty days. 2 There are forty Traditions 
of Mohammed 3 and so on. 4 As regards persons, again, 
we find in religion, corresponding to the secular groups 
of forty ogres, forty jinns, &c., numerous groups of forty 
saints. On the Christian side the most important are 
the Forty Martyrs of Sebaste 5 (Sivas), who met their 
death in a lake, still shown in the sixteenth century, 6 
near the town. Remains of the bath associated with 
their martyrdom are pointed out at the present day, 7 
as are their reputed graves in an Armenian cemetery. 8 

d'Ohsson, Tableau, i, 240 (carrying a corpse forty paces to burial ex- 
piates forty sins) ; and passim. 

1 D'Ohsson, Tableau, ii, 308. * Huart, Konia, p. 203. 

3 D'Herbelot, s. v. Arbain. The use of the number forty occurs also 
in the ritual of the ancient Greeks, but seems to have been derived by 
them from a Semitic source (Wide, Archiv f. Religionsw. 1909, p. 227), 
just as it has been by modern Greece and Turkey, and to some extent 
by Latin Christianity ; forty days' indulgences, e.g., are common in the 
Roman Church. Dr. Roscher's exhaustive essays on the number forty 
among the Semites (Abh. Sachs. Ges., Phil.-Hist. CL, 1909, Abh. 4) and 
among the Greeks (Verb. Sachs. Ges., Phil.-Hist. CL, Ixi (1909), Abh. ii) 
render further elaboration of this point unnecessary. 

4 Beduin, when ill, bathe for forty days in Pharaoh's bath at Sinai 
(Bussierre, Lettres, ii, 235). 

5 Synax. CP. 9 Mar. They are mentioned already by Greg. Turon. 
De Glor. Mart. I, xcvi. See further above, p. 50. 

6 Khitrovo, I tin. Russes, p. 245. 

7 Cumont, Stud. Pont, ii, 225. A bath on the shore of the lake was 
heated to induce the freezing martyrs to recant and is usually depicted 
in the art- type of the Forty of Sebaste. Its introduction into the 
legend of the Forty Martyrs seems strange : see Hasluck, Letters, 
p. 1 06. From the references given there the Forty seem to be bath 

8 From Mr. Ekisler of Smyrna. The Forty of Sebaste are reverenced 

3*95' * D 

394 ' Ih* Forty ' 

Other groups of Forty (Christian) saints are connected 
with Sinai, 1 Melitene, 2 Adrianople 3 and other parts of 
Thrace, 4 and Rome. 5 In Palestine d'Arvieux records 
a ruined church of the Forty at Hebron 6 and a monas- 
tery similarly dedicated close by. 7 On the Mohamme- 
dan side we have certain groups of unlocalized spirits, 
such as the Forty Saints on Earth, 8 the Forty Abdals,? the 
Forty Victims, I0 and a group of Forty Saints half localized 
by their appearance in S. Sophia. 11 Localized groups of 
Forty Saints are found all over the Moslem world. At 

by the Armenians, to whom they are known as Kasun Manug = ' Forty 
Children ' [of the Church]. The ' Monastery of the Forty ' at Sivas 
visited by Ainsworth (Travels, ii, 12) was probably Armenian. In the 
West they figure already among the early paintings of S. Maria Antiqua 
at Rome (Rushforth in Papers B.S.R. i, 109). 

1 Robinson, Palestine, i, 159, 181 ; Agnes Lewis, Horae Semiticae, p. 
ix; Ebers, Durch Gosen, pp. 341-54; Goldziher in Rev. Hist. Relig. ii, 
320, and reff. ; Goujon, ferre Sainte, p. 317 ; Thevenot, Voyages, ii, 
528. See especially Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, p. 119. 

3 Procopius (de Aed. i, 7) mentions the finding of their remains at 
Constantinople. Three martyrs of Melitene are mentioned in the 
Synaxaria under date 21 July ; but the tradition of the Forty and a 
church said to contain their relics survive at Melitene (Malatia) itself 
(Texier, Asie Mineure, ii, 35). 

3 Synax. CP. I Sept. But the Forty Saints (of Sebaste) are cele- 
brated at Adrianople on 9 Mar. as elsewhere (Lavriotes, in QpqKiKj] 
^Eirer^pLs, i, 32 flf.), and the monastery of Xeropotamou on Athos, 
which is specially connected with the Adrianople district, feasts on the 
same day. 

4 Delehaye, Culte des Martyrs, pp. 278, 281. 

5 Ibid. : other western groups are at Marseilles (Collin de Plancy, 
Diet, des Reliques, ii, 341-3) ; at Lyons (Lucius, Anf tinge des Heiligenk., 
p. 147), near Benevento (Baedeker, S. Italy, p. 221). 

6 Memoires, ii, 236 : cf. Hanauer, Folk-Lore of the Holy Land, p. 31, 
who is perhaps our most important authority. 

7 Ibid., ii, 244. For the forty Martyrs at Jerusalem see Theoderi- 
cus, De Locis Sanctis, ed. Tobler, p. 120. Cf. also Fabri, Evagat. ii, 
475. Hahn mentions a group in Albania (Alb an. Studien, i, 90). 

8 D'Ohsson, Tableau, i, 104. 

9 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 156. 

10 J. P. Brown, Dervishes, p. 163. XI Evliya, Travels, I, i, 60. 

Among Mohammedans 395 

Medina are the graves of Forty Martyrs who fell for the 
Prophet, 1 while Tunis boasts a corresponding sanctuary 
of the Forty Volunteers of Sidi Okba, the conqueror of 
North Africa. 2 Other Moslem Forties are venerated 
at Tekrit (on the Tigris), 3 in the mosque of El Aksa at 
Jerusalem, 4 at Ramleh, 5 at Damascus, 6 in northern Syria 
on several mountains in the country of the Nosairi, 7 
and in Egypt at Menzaleh and elsewhere. 8 Other 
Moslem c Forty ' cults are to be found in Cyprus,? at 
Yoros-Keui I0 and at Ak-Baba II near Constantinople, 

I Burton, Pilgrimage to Al-Medinah and Meccah, London, 1906, 
i, 274. 2 N. Davis, Ruined Cities, pp. 355 ff. 

3 G. L. Bell, Amurath to Amurath, p. 217. 

4 Baedeker, Palestine and Syria, p. 60. 

5 Ibid., p. 13 ; d'Arvieux, Memoir es, ii, 28 ; de Breves, Voyages, 
p. 103 ; Tobler, Topogr. von Jerusalem, ii, 82835 > Goujon, Terre 
Sainte, p. 106 ; V. Guerin, Descr. de la Pales. I, i, 42 ; Stern, Die 
Moderne Turkei, p. 171 ; Thevenot, Voyages, ii, 572. 

6 Baedeker, Palestine and Syria, p. 317 ; Lady Burton, Inner Life of 
Syria, p. 314. Here they are called the Forty Companions of the 
Prophet. I was told by a native of Damascus that the attraction of this 
sanctuary is a miraculously suspended stone which exudes a liquid good 
for sore eyes. This cult may or may not be derived from the one men- 
tioned by Thevenot (in Harris, Voyages, ii, 445) : ' In an hole the Forty 
Martyrs are buried, who were put to Death by the King or Basha of 
Damascus for defiling a mosque, tho' 't was done by a Jewish Child ; 
these Forty Christians taking it upon themselves to deliver the rest, 
who suffered much for it in Prison.' See also Pococke, Descr. of the 
East, II, i, 126, and Goujon, Terre Sainte, p. 31. 

7 Walpole, Ansayrii, iii, 340, mentions one of these ' Mountains of 
the Forty ' (Jebel el Arbain) near Latakia. Colonel T. E. Lawrence 
tells me there are several. The Anatolian ' Kizilbash ', who are sup- 
posed to profess a similar heresy to that of the Nosairi, have also a group 
of Forty Saints in their hagiology (Grenard, in Journ. Asiat., in, 1904, 
p. 516). Farther east Sir P. M. Sykes found a volcano of the * Forty ' 
in Persian Baluchistan (Ten Thousand Miles in Persia, p. 134). 

8 Goldziher, in Globus, Ixxi (1897), p. 239. At the mosque of the 
Forty at Suez 40 sheikhs, whom Napoleon shot, are buried (Le Bouli- 
caut, Au Pays des Mysteres, pp. 23-4). 

9 This cult is discussed below. I0 Evliya, Travels, I, ii, 73. 

II This is a group of forty female saints known as Kirk Sultan (F.W.H.). 

D 2 

396 ' The Forty ' 

and at Larissa I in Thessaly. The idea, then, of the 
Forty Saints has in it nothing new or strange for 
Mohammedans, so that it is natural to find them at-, 
tracted rather than otherwise towards Christian cults 
bearing the name. 2 

The Forty Saints of Sinai, though Christian, are said to 
have been held in special honour by the fanatical sultan 
Selim I, 3 and of the numerous monasteries and churches 
dedicated to and containing relics of the Forty Saints 
of Sebaste at least one seems certainly to have been 
adopted into Islam under the name of Kirklar Tekke 
(* Convent of the Forty 9 ). This sanctuary, at a village, 
probably the ancient Sarin, near Zela in Pontus, is still 
visited by Christian as well as Moslem pilgrims. 4 In 
Cyprus, conquered by the Turks only in 1571 and al- 
ways largely Christian by population, there is also a 
convent of the Forty (Kirklar Tekkesi). This sanctuary 
(near Nicosia) is likewise frequented both by Christians 
and Turks, though outwardly Mohammedan. 5 Some 
at least of the Moslem Forties cited above may have had 
a similar Christian past ; Tekrit in particular was a 
Christian centre with a great monastery as late as the 

1 The graves of the Larissa Forty were formerly shown at the 
mosque (now destroyed) which bore their name (Kirklar Jami). 

2 In Carmoly's Jewish Itineraires it is remarkable that the number 
Forty does not occur : instead, the saints are grouped in sevens, 
twelves, or multiples of these numbers. 

3 P. Meyer, Athoskloster, pp. 65 ff. Though Selim was a fanatical 
Sunni Moslem, he was rather conciliatory than otherwise to Christians, 
owing, it was said, to the influence of a Greek wife. Cf. especially Hist. 
Pol., ap. Crusius, Turco-Graecia, p. 40, tyeaji;^ /ecu vaoi)$ rinerepovs, 
ova7Tp aTre/cAetacv 6 Trarrjp avrov. For his connexion with the 
monastery of S. Catherine on Sinai see Burckhardt, Syria, p. 543. 

* See above, p. 50 and below, p. 574. 

5 Hackett, Church of Cyprus, p. 421 ; Lukach, City of Dancing 
Dervishes, p. 80 ; Luke and Jardine, Handbook of Cyprus (1913), p. 47. 
Mr. Luke informs me that there are at this tekke some twenty-three 
tombs below ground, and one large one, supposed to contain the 
remains of the other seventeen saints, above ground. 

Transferred to Islam 397 

tenth century, 1 and the Ramleh Forty are claimed by 
the Christians to this day as replacing, or identical with, 
the Forty of Sebaste. 2 

At Kirk Kilise in Thrace there are traces of such a 
development. The name of the town is in all probability 
derived not, as would seem at first sight, from ' forty 
churches ', but from a church of the Forty Saints, per- 
haps those associated with the neighbouring town of 
Adrianople. The name and possibly also the site of this 
hypothetical church may be still commemorated by the 
modern and outwardly Moslem 3 * Convent of the Forty ? 
(Kirklar Tekke). Significant is the Turkish tradition 
that ' the true orthography of the name [of the town] 
is Kirk-Kemsi, forty persons, because the town was 
once sanctified by being the residence of that number 
of holy men, to whom they have dedicated a small 
mosque, or oratory '. 4 

If Kirk Kilise stands really for Kirklar Kilise it is 

1 Le Strange, E. Caliphate, p. 57. Sachau (Am Euphrat und 
Tigris, p. 88) refers the Forty group of Tekrit to a Christian original. 

2 Tobler, Topogr. von Jerusalem, ii, 833 ; de Breves, Voyages (1605), 
p. 103 ; Goldziher, in Globus, Ixxi (1897), p. 239 ; Conder in Survey 
of Palestine, ii, 270 ff . This tradition may well be true, but there are 
some half-dozen Moslem pilgrimages of the Forty in Palestine (Conder, 
loc. cit. v, 269). A ' Mosque of the Forty ' at Seilun (Conder, loc. 
cit. ii, 368 ; Clermont-Ganneau, Archaeological Researches in Pal. 
ii, 299) is an ancient building of doubtful origin, by some supposed 
to be a synagogue. Goldziher (loc. cit.} remarks on the frequency of 
Moslem Forties both in Syria and Egypt, citing for the latter a ' Forty ? 
at Menzaleh, which he considers not of Moslem origin. Bernard the 
Wise (A.D. 867, ed. Wright, p. 24, mentions a monastery of the Forty 
outside the western gate of Alexandria, showing that the Christian 
cult came early to Egypt. 

3 F. W. H. The * Convent of the Forty ' is mentioned and this 
derivation of the name of the town suggested by M. Christodoulos, 
f // &paKr), pp. 196, 245. The modern town of Kirk Kilise seems to 
have begun its existence as a road-station between Constantinople > 
Shumla, and Rustchuk : we know nothing of it in Byzantine times. 

4 Walsh, Journey, p. 147 ; cf. Frankland, Travels, i, 70, where the 
holy men are qualified as santons. 

398 ' The Forty * 

obvious that other combinations may be interpreted in 
the same way. In particular Kirk Agach, the name of 
a town near Pergamon and of a village in the Troad, 1 
may be translated either simply ' Forty Trees ' or * Tree 
of the Forty \ Sacred trees are common to Islam and 
Christianity, and one such has certainly given its name 
to the Thracian port of Dedeagach (' Saint's Tree ? ). 2 

In the same category as the ' Convents of the Forty ' 
falls the name of a village near Adalia called Kirk Jamisi 
(' Mosque of the Forty ? ). 3 Here there are, so far as I 
know, no Christian traditions. 

The task of deciding between Christian and Moslem 
claims in such cases is, in view of the popularity of the 
4 Forty-Saint ' group in both religions, very difficult. 
We have also to consider the third possibility, that places 
named after the Forty were originally associated not 
with saints at all, but merely with secular figures, 
brigands, ogres, jinns, peris^ &c., as the Caves of the 
Forty near Inje Su in Cappadocia are connected with 
forty jinns.* It is in fact most often impossible, owing 
to lack of evidence, to attribute the places named after 
the various forties to their rightful owners. Certain 
legends of various ' forties' were in the air, and became 
attached, for accidental or arbitrary reasons, to certain 

1 Tchihatcheff, Bospbore, p. 381. 

* At Constantinople the great plane-tree with seven trunks near 
Buyuk Dere is called Kirk Agach (Byzantios, KajvaravTwovTroXis, ii, 157) 
as well as 'the Seven Brothers'. There seems to be a place called 
' Forty Cypresses ' near Eyyub (Hammer, Constantinopolis, ii, 37 ; 
von Prokesch-Osten, Denkwiirdigkeiten, i, 430), and inside the city is 
a c Forty Fountain ' (Kirk Cheshme) or * Fountain of the Forty ' 
(Murray's Constantinople, p. 52). Further investigation may (or 
may not) bring these sites into connexion with the cult of the Forty 
Martyrs, who were venerated at the capital as elsewhere (CP. Chris- 
tiana, iv, 134 f.). 

3 Ormerod and Robinson, in B.S.A. xvii, 221 : here the possessive 
case of J ami shows that the Kirk is used substantially. Kirk Jamisi 
is an ancient, but not, to judge from the inscriptions, a Christian site. 

* Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad, de VAsie Mineure^ p. 357. 

In 'Three Categories 399 

localities. Christian c Forties ' and their haunts are 
more likely than the others to attract the notice of 
western travellers. In some cases, as at Sarin in Pontus, 
the Christian pedigree may be regarded as proved ; in 
others, e.g. the Kirklar Dagh above Amasia, an old city 
in the district of Sebaste, it is probable ; in others 
again, like Haji Khalfa's Kirklar Dagh near Boli, 1 no- 
thing approaching certainty can be reached. On general 
grounds we may perhaps prefer to give the Forties in 
the radius of Sebaste (Sivas) to Christianity, and pos- 
sibly to make a tentative division assigning probable 
religious sites, such as ruined churches, and especially 
sites on lakes, since in the case of the Forty of Sebaste 
a lake was the scene of their martyrdom, 2 to Christian 
saints. Caves, on the other hand, are rather attributable, 
but not exclusively, to the secular figures ; mountains 
are equally suited for both categories of Forties. But 
the character of each individual site must be decided on 
its own evidence. 

As to the origins and development of Christian cults 
of the Forty Saints an instructive illustration, showing 
the extreme fluidity of folk-tradition in such matters, 
is to be found near Caesarea in Cappadocia. Here Paul 
Lucas 3 was shown a crypt containing numerous bones, 
some of which were undecayed. This crypt seems to 
have been discovered by Christians, by whom it was 
associated with a group of Forty Virgin Martyrs. We 
may surmise that sainthood was predicated from the 
preservation of the bones, the traditional number Forty 
from their quantity, and their sex from some accidental 
circumstance, such as a dream. 4 At the present day 

1 Tr. Armain, in Vivien de S. Martin's Asie Minenre, ii, 718. 
3 The lake of Beyshehr was, probably on this account, named after 
the Forty Martyrs in medieval times. 

3 Voyage dans la Grece, i, 139. 

4 It is probable that this was due to the Armenian Christians, 
always an important element in the population of Caesarea ; the 

400 ' The Forty ' 

this sanctuary has been brought into line with better- 
known traditions, and service is celebrated in it on the 
feast-day of the Forty (male) Martyrs of Sebaste. 1 

For Christians, every site marked by the discovery of 
a ' tomb of the Forty ? would form a new centre of the 
cult, sending offshoots into the district. This is best 
shown in the case of Sebaste, from which the actual 
relics of the Forty Martyrs were widely distributed. 2 
For the Mysian group, 3 if these c Forties ? are of Chris- 
tian origin, 4 we can as yet point to no centre. For the 
Carian ' Forties ? the following explanation may be 
offered. In Rhodes, as we learn from the Pilgrimage of 
Grimemberg (1486), there was a church of the Forty 
Martyrs with a vault containing not forty but twenty 
sarcophagi. This formed no obstacle to the pious 
credulity of the Rhodians, who assigned two saints to 
each sarcophagus. The relics were eventually thrown 
into the sea by the Turks. 5 It is possibly to this centre 

legend of Echmiadzin as given by Rycaut (Greek and Armenian Churches, 
pp. 398 ff.) speaks of a band of seventy virgin missionaries to Armenia, 
of whom forty died on their way thither : cf. Tavernier, Voyages, 
I, iii ; Tournefort, letter xix ; Tchamich, Hist, of Armenia, i, 161, 
where the number is given as thirty-seven. 

1 Cuinet, Turquie d? Asie, i, 312 ; Murray's Asia Minor, p. 51 ; 
Bernardakis's account in fichos d y Orient, xi (1908), p. 25, shows that 
the tradition of female saints is still current : [Qerqlar] on y voit un 
grand nombre de croix gravees sur le paroi d'un rocher vertical. La 
legende raconte que au temps des persecutions quarante jeunes filles 
chretiennes s'etaient cachees dans une anfractuosite de rocher qui se 
trouve vis-a-vis et y avaient trouve la mort. Les Chretiens y viennent 
en pelerinage le jour de la fete des Quarante Martyrs de Sebaste." 

2 Delehaye, Culte des Martyrs, p. 73. 

3 i.e. the two 4 Kirklar ' sites mentioned above (p. 392) and possibly 
the two 4 Kirk Agach ' sites cited on p. 398. 

4 There is some slight presumption for this in the fact that a coast- 
village SS. Quaranta is marked near Lectum on the Italian portulans 
(Tomaschek, Sitzb. Wien. Akad. cxxiv, viii, 17). 

5 Ed. Goldfriedrich, p. 52 : ' Danach ritten wir zu einer Kirche, 
liegt am Meer, geheissen : zu den Vierzig Martyrern. Daselbst standen 
in einem tiefen Gewolbe noch zwanzig steinerne Sarge : da haben 

Origin of their Cult 401 

that we may affiliate the c Forties ' of the opposite 
mainland. At the site called Saranda near Loryma 
there is a tradition and some equivocal ruins of a 
church. 1 Of the ancient tomb near Knidos * no Chris- 
tian traditions are recorded. Neither place is known to 
the medieval cartographers by the name of Saranda, 
which is consistent with our theory. Any one familiar 
with the motifs used in Greek hagiology can imagine 
with what readiness bones thrown up by the sea on this 
coast after the sacrilegious act of the Turks would be 
connected by Christian populations with the Forty 
Saints of Rhodes. 

At the same time c forty ' cults can arise indepen- 
dently of such distributing centres. Cesnola was shown, 
near Cape Pyla in Cyprus, a cave containing a quantity 
of bones, which his guide said were those of forty saints : 
c Up to within a few years ago it had been the custom of 
the peasants to make a pilgrimage to this cave accom- 
panied by their priests on the anniversary of the ninth 
of March [the feast of the Forty of Sebaste], but the 
Greek archbishop of Cyprus . . . had ordered these pil- 
grimages to be discontinued.' 3 However, an exactly 
similar Cyprian cave-cult of the Forty Saints still exists 
and maintains its relations with the church near S. 
Chrysostomos in the district of Cyreneia. Here the 
saints' bones have proved to be the fossilized remains of 
wild beasts. 4 

An abandoned Christian sanctuary of c the Forty ? in 

immer der genannten Heiligen je zwei nebeneinander in einem 
gelegen. Und wohl ein halb Jahr vordem waren die Tiirken in der 
Kirche gewesen und brachen die Sarge auf und warfen der lieben 
Heiligen Gebeine in das Meer und zerschlugen und zerstachen alle 
geschnittenen und gemalten Bilder/ 

1 Chaviaras, in IJapvaaaos, xiv, 537 ff. 

2 Halliday, in Folk-Lore, xxiii, 218. 3 Cyprus, p. 183. 

4 M. H. Ohnefalsch-Richter, Gr. Sitten und Gebrduche auf Cypern, p. 
257. For similar remains in the same district which are, or were, attributed 
to the * three hundred saints ' see Hackett, Church of Cyprus, p. 421. 

402 ' The Forty 9 

a Turkish district might become either secularized and 
considered a haunt of forty jinns, or, as at Sarin, 1 
mohammedanized ; its fate would largely depend on 
the supposed attitude (maleficent or beneficent) of its 
supernatural occupants towards the Turkish population. 2 
But this hypothetical development does not preclude 
the possibility of a Turkish sanctuary of the Forty 
Saints having been from its origin Mohammedan, or 
a haunt of the forty jinns having been from its origin 

1 The conversion by the Mevlevi of c forty Christian monks ' who 
worked miracles in a cave at Sis in Cilicia (Eflaki, Acts of the Adepts, 
in Redhouse's Mesnevi, p. 22) looks like another instance. 

2 See above, p. 89, n. 5. 



THE local account of the saint Haidar at Haidar-es- 
Sultan 2 is given by Crowfoot as follows : ' Haidar 
was the son of the king of Persia and came from Khoras- 
san from a town named Yassevi ; he was also called 
Khodja Ahmed and was the disciple of the famous 
Hadji Bektash. With the latter he travelled to Caesarea, 
and there took a Christian named Mene to wife, 3 and 
together they came to the place of his tomb, where they 
begat children and died the whole village now claiming 
descent from him. 5 4 

The last clause makes clear the identity of Haidar as 
far as the village is concerned : he is their sainted 
ancestor. Whether, as Crowfoot suggests, 5 he is con- 
fused with Haidar the father (not the son) of Ismail, 
the founder of the Safavi dynasty in Persia, is for present 
purposes immaterial. The Bektashi addition to the 
local legend consists, as we shall see, in the identification 
of Haidar with Khoja Ahmed Yasevi, who seems himself 
confounded with the Bektashi saint Karaja Ahmed : 
both Ahmeds have been adopted into the Bektashi cycle. 

Ahmed of Yasi (in Turkestan) died in A.D. 6 1166-7 and 
had no connexion with Asia Minor or personally with 
Haji Bektash, since the latter died according to generally 
accepted accounts the date of his death (1337) anc ^ 

1 Reprinted from B.S.A. xx, 120 ff. 2 Above p. 52. 

3 The survival of the name of the wife is extraordinary. In view 
of the oracular well which forms the chief attraction of the sanctuary 
(see above, p. 52), it seems worth suggesting that the Christian 
occupant (real or imaginary) of the site was S. Menas, who, on account 
of the popular derivation of his name from fjir)vva), is looked on by the 
Orthodox as the revealer of things hidden (cf. Carnoy and Nicolaides, 
Trad, de VAsie Mineure, p. 195). 4 J. R. Anthr. Inst. xxx, 309. 

5 lbid. 9 p. 311. 6 Gibb, Ottoman Poetry, i, 71, n. 2. 

404 Haidar, Khoja Ahmed, Karaja Ahmed 

even his existence have been questioned x nearly two 
hundred years later. Ahmed Yasevi is, however, irra- 
tionally represented as the spiritual * Master ' (not, as 
is said at Haidar-es-Sultan, the pupil) of Haji Bektash 
and of a number of other dervishes, 2 who can at most 
have been influenced by his writings. 3 The spiritual 
pedigree of Haji Bektash from Ahmed Yasevi is fostered 
by the Bektashi as a guarantee of their orthodoxy. 

Jt is Karaja Ahmed, not Khoja Ahmed, who generally 
figures as the pupil of Haji Bektash in Bektashi legend. 
He is mentioned by Saad-ed-din as a saint of Orkhan's 
reign : * The Magnificent Garage Ahmed descended of 
the offspring of several Kings in the Countrey of Persia. 
After he had made a journey to the City of Gezib^ from 
thence he came into Greece [z. e. Rum, Asia Minor], and 
dwelt in a place nigh to Ak Hisar ; 4 his noble Sepulchre 
is there well known, and is a place of visit, or pilgrimage. 
Among the common people of the Countrey of Greece 
it is famous for a place of hearing prayer, and the very 
earth is profitable for evil diseases.' 5 

The seventeenth-century traveller Evliya Efendi 
mentions already as a fact the relation between Haji 
Bektash and Karaja Ahmed as that of master and pupil. 6 
It would seem that the tomb of Karaja Ahmed was 
occupied, like so many others, by the Bektashi in their 

1 Jacob, Beitrdge, p. 2. 

2 Evliya, Travels, ii, 20 ; for the spiritual affiliation of Haji 
Bektash to Khoja Ahmed see also the ' chain ' of the dervish orders 
by Abdi Efendi (d. 1783) in Mouradja d'Ohsson's Tableau, ii, pi. 102. 

3 This chronological difficulty is admitted by learned Bektashi ; their 
version is that Khoja Ahmed foretold the coming of Haji Bektash and 
bequeathed him a book as a pledge. 

4 The smaller of the two towns of this name, on the Sakaria. 

5 Seaman's Orchan, pp. 115-16. 

6 He is spoken of as a Persian Prince (like the Haidar of Haidar-es- 
Sultan) who came to the court of Orkhan, was initiated by Haji 
Bektash, and at his death buried at Ak Hisar (Travels, ii, 21 : cf. 
p. 215 ; at p. 20 * Kari (sic) Ahmed Sultan ' is said to have been one 
of the dervishes sent by Ahmed Yasevi from Khorasan into Rum). 

In Evliya 405 

prosperous period on the pretext that the saint was 
spiritual * founder's kin '. Presumably under Bektashi 
auspices, the cult of Kara j a Ahmed has spread widely 
from its original home on the Sakaria near Akhisar, 
where two or even three tekkes bear his name. 1 Ramsay 
cites two more in the district of Ushak, 2 and other 
reputed tombs of Karaja Ahmed exist in the great 
burial-ground at Skutari near Constantinople, 3 and in 
Rumeli near Uskub at Tekke Keui. 4 

The confusion which seems to exist at Haidar-es- 
Sultan between Khoj a Ahmed Yasevi and Karaja Ahmed 
is found also in Evliya, who says that Ahmed Yasevi, an 
ancestor of his own, was a disciple of Haji Bektash, and 
on the same page that Haji Bektash was instructed by 
a pupil of Ahmed Yasevi and married his daughter. 5 
The error arises from the familiar confusion between 
two persons of the same name, in this case Ahmed, 
borne by two eminent saints, one the alleged master, 
the other the alleged pupil, of Haji Bektash. 

1 (i) On the banks of the Sakaria near its junction with the Pursak 
(von Diest and Anton, Neue Forschungen, p. 28) ; (2) at Pashalar 
above Levke (von Diest, Tilsit nach Angora, p. 18) ; (3) just east of 
Tarakli (Skene, Anadol, p. 275). 

(i) Six hours SSW. of Ushak, three hours NW. of Geubek ; 
(2) an hour from Liyen. The latter is a famous place of healing 
(Ramsay, Pauline Studies, p. 171). There is a village named Karaja 
Ahmedli south of Nefes Keui (Tavium). Quite possibly the original 
Kara (' black ') or Karaja (' blackish ') Ahmed was, like Haidar, an 
eponymous tribal ancestor, successive heads of the tribe bearing his 
name having been buried in various places. Kizil (' red ') Ahmedli was 
the name of a tribe settled in the Kastamuni district ; divisions of the 
same tribe are often differentiated by colour-epithets (see above, 
p. 128). 

3 Cuinet, Turquie d'Asie, iv, 604; cf. Evliya, Travels, I, ii, 81 (' Con- 
vent of Kara Ahmed Sultan '), 83 (' Convent of Karaja Ahmed Sultan '). 
There is now no convent attached to the tomb, which is, however, 
kept in repair and venerated. The Bektashi still lay claim to the saint, 
though this grave has passed into other hands. 

4 See above, pp. 274 ff. below, p. 582 (No. 19). 5 Travels, ii, 20. 



THE history and authenticity of the so-called ' tomb 
of S. Polycarp ' at Smyrna have lately formed the 
subject of a monograph by Pere S. Lorenzo of the Order 
of S. Francis, 2 who claims to have discovered the real 
church and tomb of S. Polycarp in a vineyard at some 
distance from the site tacitly accepted hitherto both by 
the Greek and Latin communities. The first section of 
this chapter attempts to trace as far as possible the 
history of the traditional tomb, the second to discuss 
the antiquity of its traditions and the value of tradition 
in general at Smyrna, the third to discuss the anti- 
dervish movement of 1656 to 1676 and the history of 
the tomb, the fourth to establish a point in the topo- 
graphy of ancient Smyrna on evidence arising from, or 
closely connected with, the former discussions. 

i. The Traditional Tomb and its History 

The so-called ' tomb of S. Polycarp ? stands prominent 
on a spur of the castle-hill immediately adjacent to the 
stadium where the saint is said to have suffered martyr- 
dom in A.D. i66. 3 The tomb is Mohammedan in form, 
a rectangular bier built in masonry, with gables at either 
end, plastered over, and painted green. Like many 
other Moslem saints' tombs, it is very large as compared 
with those of ordinary mortals (which adhere to the 
proportions of an average man), measuring 3'3oxi-8o 

1 Reprinted with additions from B.S.A. xx, 80 ff. 
3 S. Polycarpe et son Tombeau, Constantinople, 1911. 
3 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. iv, 15, 17. For the date see Reville in 
Rev. Hist. Relig. iii (1881), pp. 369-381. 

"The Mitre 407 

metres. It stands in the open air with cypresses at head 
and foot. Of the two trees the former is old and well- 
grown, forming a conspicuous landmark, and to it rags 
are affixed, in accordance with the well-known custom, 
by the humble clients of the saint. Both tomb and 
cypresses stand in a small enclosed cemetery with a 
roughly-built hut for the guardian. 

A tomb of S. Polycarp at Smyrna is first mentioned in 
1622, when the town was visited by the French mis- 
sionary Pere Pacifique. His description is as follows : 

' Au lieu ou la Ville estoit auant qu'estre ruinee, 1 y a vne pe- 
tite Cabane comme vn hermitage, ou loge vn Dernis [for De- 
ruis], c'est vn Religieux Turc, & dans cette petite chambrette, 
il y a le Cercueil de sainct Policarpe sans son Corps, il est couuert 
dVn drap de couleur brune, & sur vn bout d'iceluy est posee la 
Mittre Episcopale du sainct qui est faicte en la maniere que 
i'ay cy dessus descript : . . . elle est d'vne estoffe fort simple, 
mais ouuragee dessus auec des broderies de fil de cotton a guise 
de Canetille, le nom de Dieu est escript en Arabe sur le front, 
Alla^ elle est doublee dedans comme de taffetas Colombin pasle 
& passe, elle est vn peu entamce par vn coing, quelqu'vn y en 
ayant couppe en cachette, les Turcs la tienncnt auec reuerence, 
parce qu'ils disent que sainct Policarpe estoit vn Euangeliste de 
Dieu, & amy de leur Prophete Mahomet : il y a encore vne 
Calotte aupres, qu'on tient estre celle que le sainct mettoit sur 
sa teste, i'ay tenu dans mes mains 1'vne & 1'autre, ie diray pour- 
tant en passant afin de desabuser ceux, qui comme le commun 
croiroient que cette Calotte fust aussi veritablement de sainct 
Policarpe qu'est la Mittre qu'ils ne croyent plus, parce que ie 
sgay de bone part que la veritable a este prise, & que celle-cy 
est supposee, a ce que les Turcs ne s'en aperceussent, f? qui pie 
furatus est ipse mihi dixit : celuy qui a fait ce pieux larcin me 
le dit a moy-mesme. ? 2 

It is plain that Pere Pacifique regarded the mitre, and 
presumably the tomb also, as authentic. Stochove, ten 

1 i. e. among the ruins on the hill below the castle gate ; cf. Le 
Bruyn, Voyage^ i, 79, quoted below, p. 424, note 6. 
* Voyage de Perse, pp. 11 f. 

408 The ' Tomb of S. Poly carp ' 

years later, makes it abundantly clear that the * mitre ' 
was no more than a dervish sheikh's cap or taj ; * his 
account is as follows : 

* Avant que d'entrer dans le chasteau, nostre Janissaire nous 
mena dans un petit bastiment faict en forme de chappelle, ou 
il nous disoit que Sainct Jean Polycarpe estoit enterre, lequel 
aussi bien parmy les Turcs que parmy les Chrestiens, a la repu- 
tation d'avoir este un Sainct personnage. A Pentree nous 
vismes un Dervis ou Religieux Turc, lequel nous voyant nous 
saliia honnestement, & nous ayant diet qu'il falloit quitter les 
souliers, nous mena au lieu ou ils disent estre enterre ce Sainct. 
Nous y vismes une tombe couverte de deux robbes, Pune de 
camelot minime & Pautre de velour vert ; aux pieds il y avoit 
un baston ferre avec deux pointes, portant au milieu un croissant 
de Lune, semblable a ceux dont usent des pelerins Mahometans, 
qui vont visiter le sepulchre de leur prophete a la Mecque ; au 
chevet il y avoit la fagon d'une mithre, ayant un rebord avec 
trois pointes, ou estoit pique a Peguille en caracteres Arabesques, 
la Hilla heilla, halla M ah erne t resul holla . . . ; ce que nous fit 
cognoistre Perreur des Turcs, & que ces habits, baston, & mithre 
n'estoient point de ce Sainct : mais de quelque malhcureux 
Mahometan. Les Turcs portent un grand respect & une devo- 
tion particuliere a ce lieu, ils y tiennent tousjours quelques 
lampes allumees, et a chaque Vendredy plusieurs y viennent 
faire leurs prieres.' 2 

It is hardly necessary to remark that such a saint as 
S. John Polycarp has never existed. We have probably 
to reckon with a divergent Christian tradition as to the 
occupant of the tomb. La Boullaye (1653), who does 
not mention the tomb of S. Polycarp, indicates the 
existence of a grave of S. John at Smyrna, which is not 
mentioned by any other writer and is of course incom- 
patible with the venerable church traditions placing 
S. John's tomb at Ephesus. His words are : ' S. Jean 
estant mort en Tlsle de Patmos, ses Disciples le trans- 

1 The supposed mitre is last mentioned by Du Loir (1654) as " vne 
vieille Mytre faite selon la figure des nostres, mais d'vne estoffe qui 
m'est inconnue " (Voyages^ p. 14). a Voyage^ pp. 17 f. 

Ambiguous Cult of the Saint 409 

porterent a Smirne et Penterrerent, suiuant la tradi- 
tion des Grecs, j'ay veu le lieu/ 1 

In all probability the older and essentially popular 
tradition of the Greeks referred the tomb to S. John, 
the attribution to S. Polycarp being due to the more 
learned opinion of the Latin clergy, who cannot be 
traced at Smyrna before the end of the sixteenth cen- 
tury. It is significant that the oldest Greek church of 
Smyrna (in the c Upper Quarter ') is dedicated to S. 
John, 2 while the Latin parish claims S. Polycarp for its 
patron. To the Turks S. John would doubtless be the 
more acceptable, since S. John the Baptist, having a 
recognized standing among Mussulmans, 3 might be con- 
sidered by them an ' evangelist of God '. 

In these, the earliest and most detailed accounts of 
the tomb and relics of S. Polycarp at Smyrna, there is 
to an unprejudiced eye no outward trace of anything 
more than a Turkish saint-cult associated by Christians, 
to judge by Stochove, as much with S. John as with 
S. Polycarp. It was probably one of those ambiguous 
cults organized by the Bektashi dervishes which Chris- 
tians were encouraged to frequent. 4 

Three notices of the tomb about the middle of the 
seventeenth century are of special interest 5 as showing 
that at this date it passed from Moslem to Christian 

1 Voyages, p. 20. 

3 The present cathedral, dedicated to S. Photine (the woman of 
Samaria), is of more recent date and probably owes its origin to the 
still existing holy well associated not unnaturally with the saint. 

3 Menasik-el-Haj, tr. Bianchi, in Rec. de Voyages, ii, 115, on the 
former church of S. John at Damascus. 

4 Cf. below, p. 564 ff. on Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Pro- 
paganda, especially no. 12. Near the tomb now shown as that of S. 
Polycarp or ' Yusuf Dede ' is at least one grave marked as that of a Bek- 
tashi dervish by the twelve-sided c mitre ' (taj) of the order carved on its 
headstone. Bektashi mitres embroidered with the confession of faith, 
like that seen at Smyrna by Pacifique and Stochove, are mentioned by 
J. P. Brown, Dervishes, p. 151. 

5 The tomb of Polycarp is mentioned also by Le Bruyn, Spon, 

3295-2 E 

41 o The ' Tomb of S. Poly carp ' 

custody. Monconys, in 1648, does not mention the 
dervish guardian. The chapel was ' toute rompue et 
descouverte ' and the only thing to be seen in it was 
a tomb like that of a Turkish sheikh. 1 D'Arvieux 
(1654-6) expressly states that the tomb was in Greek 
hands : 

6 Assez pres de ^amphitheatre [i.e. the theatre] sont les restes 
de Pfiglise de S. Jean. C'etoit la Cathedrale de Smirne. Elle 
paroit avoir ete fort grande, & accompagnee d'un grand nombre 
de chapelles. . . . De toutes ces Chapelles, il en reste une seule 
assez entiere, dans laquelle est un tombeau bien garde par des 
Religieux Grecs, qu'ils disent etre celui de S. Polycarpe/ 2 

Thomas Smith (1665) implies that the tomb and the 
humble two-roomed c chapel 9 that contained it were 
in Christian hands and kept in some sort of repair : 

' Sepulchrum S. Polycarpi, quod in laterc montis versus Euro- 
austrum adhuc conservatur, Graeci die festo . . . solenniter in- 
visunt : situm est in quadam aedicula, ecclesiae forte sacello, alii, 
per quam illuc transeundum est, contigua. In hoc monumento 
instaurando, si ab impressionibus aeriis, si a Turds, si a Chris- 
tianis Occidentalibus, qui fragmenta marmoris quasi tot sacras 
reliquias exinde tollunt, laedatur temereturque, laudabilis 
illorum collocatur opera, olla fictili quoque illic apposita, in 
quam quisque fere . . . illic ductus, pauculos aspros conjicit, ut 
in omne aevum perennet/ 3 

The change of ownership may have been due to the 
movement against dervish orders and superstitious cults 
promoted especially by the vizir Mohammed Kuprulu 
and the preacher Vani Efendi in the latter half of the 
seventeenth century. 4 D'Arvieux* account is further 
important as helping to explain the ambiguity of Sto- 
chove's ' S. John Poly carp '. It is evident that a group 
of ruins, located by our authors rather vaguely in the 

Wheler, and Tournefort, none of whose descriptions adds anything 
material to our knowledge of it. x Voyages, i, 425. 

2 Memoires, i, 50. 3 Septem Ecclesiarum Notitia, p. 53. 

^ Especially under Mohammed IV (1648-87), see below, 3. 

Site of the Tomb Changed 411 

vicinity of the castle-gate and the theatre, had for long 
been regarded as the remains of a great cathedral church 
dedicated to S. John. 1 The tomb and chapel of ' S. 
Polycarp ? or * S. John Polycarp ' were included in this 
group of ruins, but their exact position is nowhere 
exactly indicated. 

Pococke (1739) is the first author to refer clearly to 
the present ' tomb of Polycarp \ which he locates ac- 
curately at the north-west corner of the stadium, that 
is, with at least the length of the latter between it and 
the considerable ruins known as the 'Church of S.John 9 . 
To Pere S. Lorenzo belongs the credit of having first 
recognized this change of site. It seems at least prob- 
able that the traditional tomb of Polycarp moved from 
one end of the stadium to the other about the beginning 
of the eighteenth century, 2 and passed once more into 
Moslem hands. How this happened, whether, for ex- 
ample, the Turks stole the sarcophagus, or set up a rival 
tomb independently, we shall probably never know. 
The former is rather suggested by Pococke's account, 
which runs as follows : 

6 It is said that great disorders had been committed here by 
the Greeks at the time of his [Polycarp's] festival ; and that a 
cadi laid hold on this pretence to get money, ordering that, in 
case any Christians came to it, the community of Christians 
should be obliged to pay such a sum ; but as he could not obtain 
his end, he put up a stone turbant on it, as if it were the tomb 
of some Mahometan saint, by which he thought to have his re- 
venge in preventing the Christians from ever resorting to it 
again, which hitherto has had its effect.' 3 

1 See below, 4. 

* Such a change of site is by no means unprecedented. The tomb 
of S. Antipas at Pergamon, which was supposed in the thirties to be in 
the mosque called S. Sophia (C. B. Elliott, Travels, ii, 127), is now 
shown outside the so-called c Church of S. John ' (Lambakis, 'JEWa 
*AcrTp$, p. 284). Here again the Turks probably made difficulties 
for Christians entering the mosque. 

3 Descr. of the East, II, ii, 36. The whole story may, of course, be 

E 2 

412 "The ' Tomb of S. Poly carp ? 

The Kadi's action may have kept the Greeks away 
from the tomb for a time and officially ; but a century 
of tradition, aided doubtless by the natural cupidity of 
the guardian, eventually overrode all artificial obstacles, 
and down to our own day both Greeks and Latins have 
connected the tomb with the name of Polycarp and 
frequented it. At the same time the site of the c chapel ' 
seems to have been the scene of the official Greek service 
down to quite a late date. Stephan Schulz in 1753 
speaks of the old two-roomed chapel as the church of 
S. Polycarp, 1 and von Prokesch-Osten in 1830 says that 
service was celebrated within living memory in an adja- 
cent building bearing the same name. 2 

Our deductions as to the history of the traditional 
tomb are therefore somewhat as follows. As early as 
1622 an empty sarcophagus 3 inside a humble building 
was associated with S. Polycarp and reverenced by 
Greeks and Turks alike : the tomb was Mohammedan 
in form, and in charge of a dervish. About the middle 
of the seventeenth century it passed into Christian 
hands. In the eighteenth the sarcophagus seems to 
have been removed, or at least the cult transferred by 
the Turks to the site of the present tomb, while the 
supposed chapel continued to be reverenced by Chris- 
tians. The prestige of the sarcophagus made the out- 
wardly Turkish tomb still an object of reverence for 
Greeks, who were encouraged from interested motives 
by the custodian. 

Christian popular tradition still associates the tomb 
with S. Polycarp, though the Greek service in his 

a fable to account for the Mohammedan form of the alleged Christian 
saint's tomb. 

1 Reise, in Paulus' Sammlung der Reisen (1801), vi, 105 ; Weber, 
commenting on this passage (in Steinwald, Evang. Gemeinde zu 
Smyrna, p. 30) identifies the * chapel of S. Polycarp ' with substructures 
of the stadium recently removed. 

z Denkwurdigkeiten^ i, 520, quoted below, 4. 

3 Sans son corps (Pacifique). 

Yusuf Dede 413 

honour is now celebrated in the stadium, and Latin 
tradition, in consequence of Pere S. Lorenzo's recent 
discoveries, is focussing on the vineyard site. 

It is interesting to note that the Mohammedan side 
of the cult has created for itself a new cycle of legend, 
investigated by Pere S. Lorenzo. The tomb is for 
Turks no longer the tomb of Polycarp, the ' friend of 
Mohammed ', but of Yusuf Dede, a Moslem warrior 
who fell before the castle-walls and carried his head to 
the ' tomb of Polycarp V Both traditions were till 
recently reconciled by the guardian, who showed a bare 
spot of ground near the tomb as the burial-place of the 
Christian saint. 2 The spot where Yusuf fell, before the 
gates of the castle, is marked by a recent but promising 
precinct containing a young cypress and a thorn-bush, 
but as yet no formal tomb, only a heap of stones. 3 This 

1 Saints who carried their own heads are common in Turkish as in 
Christian hagiology ; for examples see Mirkovic, in Wiss. Mittb. 
Bosnien, i, 462 ; Evliya, Travels, I, ii, 68, II, 228 ; Durham, Burden of the 
Balkans, p. 228 ; Patsch, Das Sandschak Berat, p. 9. The theme affords 
a convenient explanation for the existence of two tombs attributed to 
the same saint. 

2 The spot formerly shown is now covered by the guardian's cottage 
(S. Lorenzo, p. 205). 

3 The custom of throwing stones on graves, noticed in Asia Minor 
also by Schaffer (Cilicia, p. 29 ; cf. Bent, J. R. Antbr. Inst. xx, 275), 
is in Herzegovina restricted to the graves of persons who have met 
their death by violence (Lilek, in Wiss. Mittb. Bosnien, viii, 272). 
Passers by threw stones on Goliath's grave (Antoninus martyr, De 
Locis Sanctis, ed. Tobler, p. 33 (xxxi)) : the modern Yuruks (Garnett, 
Turkish Life, p. 202) and the Arabs of Syria (J. L. Porter, Damascus, 
p. 318) also throw stones on graves. Tristram (E. Customs, p. 101) says 
the cairns are to keep jackals away, but later (pp. 102-3) Sa 7 s passers 
by curse the murderer as they throw the stone : Georgeakis and 
Pineau (Folk-Lore de Lesbos, p. 323) add that they should also pray for 
the murdered man ; in Lesbos the cairns are called di/ade/iart'crr/cHat. 
The practice may have arisen from a desire to hold down the uneasy 
ghost. Solomon walled upjinns in the pillars of the vaults under the 
Haram, and if a passer by fails to throw a stone, the jinns catch him 
(de Vogue, Syrie, p. 204). 

414 Th* ' Tomb of S. Poly carp ' 

is said to mark the spot where the saint's head is buried. 
It is instructive to remark that the negro village on the 
castle-hill, of which Yusuf has become the tutelary 
saint, is of recent immigrants : it is hence apparently 
that the new religious impetus has come which has 
swept the old tomb of Polycarp into its orbit. A dream 
come true, a prayer fulfilled, or some such accidental 
happening, is probably accountable. It is also to be 
noticed, in view of ' survival ' theories based on the 
coincidence of festivals, - that the festival of Yusuf is 
celebrated in June I and that of his predecessor Polycarp 
in February. 

2. The V alue of Tradition at Smyrna 

A reputed tomb of S. Polycarp, probably, as we have 
seen, not always at the same site, has thus been shown 
at Smyrna for nearly three centuries, that is, through- 
out the modern history of the town. The validity or 
otherwise of its claims to earlier traditions can only be 
conjectured from general probabilities. It is not safe 
to attach overmuch weight to ' tradition ', especially 
at Smyrna. In such identifications as that of the tomb 
of S. Polycarp we have throughout to remember that 
irrational speculation, based on dreams and other acci- 
dental circumstances, normally plays a large part. In- 
deed, religious tradition in the East is quite as easily 
manufactured as perpetuated, and varies in the most 
arbitrary manner, even without an apparent cause, such 
as a break in the history of a community. 

In the case of the tomb of S. Polycarp, it is a priori 
extremely unlikely that a tradition has survived even 
from the Middle Ages. One of the many long blanks 
in the history of Smyrna extends from the sack of the 
city by Timur (1402) to the renaissance of the seven- 
teenth century. Our sole glimpse of the city in the 

1 S. Lorenzo, p, 203. 

Relics of S. Poly carp 415 

intervening period, which is afforded by Cepio's account 
of the Venetian sack in 1472, shows it as a purely Turkish 
place. 1 . 

As to the Middle Ages it is true that Sherif-ed-din, 
the historian of Timur, says that Smyrna was in his 
time a place of pilgrimage for Christians : * but this need 
not refer to the cult, still less the traditional grave, of 
S. Polycarp. 3 Of the cult during the Prankish occupa- 
tion (1344 to 1402), the only trace seems to be the fact 
that all known relics of S. Polycarp can be traced to 
Malta, 4 the later seat of the Knights of S. John, from 
whom Timur took Smyrna in 1402 : there is thus a 
possibility that these relics were from Smyrna. In the 
fairly voluminous literature of the Prankish occupation 
there is no mention of a tomb, relics, or cult of S. Poly- 
carp. If the relics then existed, they were probably 
preserved in some church within the walls of the Knights' 
castle beside the harbour, which was the only part of the 
city in the hands of the Christians. 

When Smyrna emerges from the obscurity of the 
Middle Ages, which is not before the early years of the 
seventeenth century, the names of S. John and S. Poly- 
carp are applied to existing monuments and sites abso- 
lutely at random. The following are associated with 
S. John : 

(i) A cave (near S. Veneranda, in the neighbourhood 
of the Jews' cemetery) to which he was said to have 
retired : this was early appropriated by the Kadi to 
serve as a cistern. 5 

1 Ap. Sathas, Mvr\\t,. f J5AA. C /OT. vii, 294. 
* Tr. Petis de la Croix, iv, 46. 

3 In the thirteenth century an eikon of Christ was greatly revered 
there (G. Acrop., p. 56). 

4 S. Lorenzo, op. cit., pp. 285-90. Two late fifteenth-century 
pilgrims, Joos van Ghistele ("T Voyage (1483), p. 335) and Griinem- 
berg(Pilgerfahrt(i4.S6),p.$i) mention the head of S. Polycarp amongst 
the relics at Rhodes. 

5 Stochove, Voyage^ p. 20 ; this is probably the modern Kpv</>ta 

41 6 The c Tomb of S. Poly carp ' 

(2) A font used by S. John for baptism was shown 
on the castle-hill in the middle of the eighteenth cen- 
tury. 1 

(3) The mosque in the castle was by some supposed 
to be a transformed church of S. John. 2 

(4.) The columns of Namazgiah in the Jewish quarter 
were traditionally said to be those of a church of S. 

(5) * A mile from the city ? (direction not specified, 
but not, so far as one can judge, on the castle-hill) were 
the walls of a church also, according to some, dedicated 
to S. John. 4 

(6) In spite of the long medieval tradition of S. John's 
burial at Ephesus, the 4 tradition of the Greeks ' in the 
seventeenth century pointed out his tomb at Smyrna. 5 

With S. Polycarp were similarly associated, besides 
the tomb which we are discussing : 

(i) A ' prison ? , apparently near S. Veneranda, but 
the locality is not exactly indicated. 6 

jfTavayca, a chapel in a subterranean watercourse (Oikonomos (1809), 
Ta 2a>6pcva, i, 338 ; Weber, in Jahrbuch, xiv, 186 f.). 

1 Schulz (1753), Reise, p. 105. 

* Le Bruyn, Voyage (Paris, 1725) i, 74 ; Spon, i, 232 ; Earl of Sand- 
wich, Voyage, p. 308 ; Schulz, p. 104. In ArundelPs time the same 
building was said to have been dedicated to the twelve Apostles (Asia 
Minor, ii, 394) : it has also been called the church of S. Polycarp (see 
below). The real dedication may have been to S. Demetrius (as 
Fontrier, Rev. fit. Anc. ix, 114, basing on A eta et Diplom. i, 52), if, 
indeed, the building was not, as it has every appearance of being, a 
mosque from its origin. 

3 Oikonomos, Ta 2a)^6fiva 9 i, 337 : these columns have also been 
said to belong to (a) a ' Palace of Alexander ' (De Burgo, Viaggio, i, 
461), and (b) the Homereion (Museum Worsleyanum, ii, 43). 

4 T. Smith, Notitia, p. 53 : c Franciscani templum nuncupant ; forte 
D. Jobanni olim dedicabatur.' 

5 La Boullaye, Voyages (1653), p. 20, quoted above, p. 409. The 
author does not mention the tomb of Polycarp, and is probably alluding 
to it under this name. 

6 De Burgo, Viaggio, i, 461 : is this Stochove's ' Cave of S. 
John ' ? 

Sites Associated with S. Poly carp 417 

(2) A tree on the castle-hill, which had grown from 
the saint's staff. 1 

(3) The mosque in the castle is said by Oikonomos 
to have been a church dedicated to S. Polycarp, 2 by 
others, as we have seen, to S. John or the Apostles. 

(4) In 1851 a mutilated statue lying on the ground 
near the castle was pointed out as that of S. Polycarp. 3 

The wholly speculative nature of the identifications 
made at Smyrna during the seventeenth and later cen- 
turies is shown best of all by the variety of 4 traditions * 
current as to the conspicuous group of ruins on the 
acropolis hill between the castle gate and the stadium. 
Three travellers (cPArvieux, Thevenot, and de Burgo) 
call this group of ruins a church of S. John, three others 
(Le Bruyn, Tournefort, and Lucas 4 ) a church of S. 
Polycarp. 5 The former identification seems certainly 
old, 6 though probably not authentic. D'Arvieux, as we 

1 Des Hayes (1621), Foiage, p. 343 : ' II y a vn arbre que Ton dit 
estre venu du baston de Sainct Polycarpe, Euesque de ce lieu, qu'il 
planta, quand il fut pris pour estre martyrise.' The tree of S. Polycarp 
is called by Stochove a terebinth, by Spon (i, 232) a cherry, and by the 
botanist Tournefort a micocoulier or lotus. 

a Td Jo>o//,eva, i, 337 * 9 E7rdva)0v Se rovrov [sc. rov a/x<^i- 
Bedrpov] crre/Ct /cat /^epos IKCLVOV rrjs e/c/cATjatas* rov dytov UoXv- 
Kaprrov, ^era/^o/^cujueV??? etV rj^rj eprj/jiov raapiov [mosque], OTTOV 
tfro Kai 6 TOTTO? rov /jiaprvpiov /cat o rd<f>os avrov. So also Sestini, 
Lettres (1789), iii, 10. The only mosque on the hill was that inside 
the castle walls which is marked ' Church of S. Polycarp ' in Admiralty 
charts of 1834. 

3 Walpole, Ansayrii, i, 25. 4 Voyage fait en 1714,1, 154. 

5 The distinction may be due to a discrepancy in * tradition ' between 
Greeks and Armenians : similarly at Ephesus certain ruins are associated 
by the Armenians with S. John the Divine, by the Greeks with S. 
Panteleemon, each community holding service there on the appropriate 
day (Lambakis, 'Enra More/jes', p. 107). A church at Angora is 
similarly associated both with S. Clement and S. John (Perrot and 
Guillaume, Explor. de la Gala tie, p. 271), probably for the same 
reason. At Smyrna the S. John dedication, as more popular, is probably 
more ancient. 

6 A cathedral church of S. John, nntm'rlp the precincts of the sea 

41 8 The ' Tomb of S. Poly carp ' 

have noted above, 1 seems to compromise by taking the 
chapel of S. Poly carp as part of the ' Church of S. 
John ', as Stochove did by fusing S. John and S. Poly- 
carp into one person. A seventh authority, Edward 
Melton (1672), who describes unmistakably a conspicu- 
ous portion of the group of ruins, 2 considers it either 
a church of S. Polycarp or a temple of Janus. 3 Others 
have called the same ruin a ' Judicatorium 5 , 4 a ' Homer- 
eion ',5 the ' Palagio del Consiglio ? , 6 and the ' Room 
of the Synod V Drummond (1744) doubts whether 
to call it a Homereion, a public library, or a temple 
of Janus. Prokesch (1830) accepts it as a church of 
Polycarp. Seventeenth-century classical archaeology at 
Smyrna, probably initiated by William Petty in i634, 8 

castle, is mentioned in the Prankish period at Smyrna (1344-1402) by 
the contemporary Anon. Romanus (in Muratori, Antiq. Ital. iii, 364) : 
' Era una Chiesa antiquissima, la quale hao nome Santo lanni. Dicesi 
che lo biato Santo lanni la edificab. Questa Chiesa fo lo Vescovato 
de quella Terra, nanti cha fossi destrutta la Cittate. . . . Po' la 
destruttione era rimasta campestre.' This church lay juxta viam as 
one went to the (upper) castle (Job. Vitodurani Chronicon, ed. Eckhart, 
Corpus Hist. Med. Aev. \, 1909). * P. 410. 

2 Zee- end Land-Reizen, p. 232 : * Van de twee zijden gelijk als in 
Kapellen door kleine muurtjens, die noch over eind staan, afgescheiden 
zijn ' ; cf. below, 3. 

3 Tavernier's church of S. Polycarp near the sea, otherwise called 
the temple of Janus (Voyages, p. 32), is probably a confusion with the 
above identification : his description is almost exactly Melton's. The 
building generally known as the temple of Janus (Duloir, p. 15 : La 
Boullaye, p. 20 ; Spon, i, 234 ; Le Bruyn, i, 79, &c.) and figured in 
Wheler's cut, stood on the low ground north of the city. Spon called 
it a Homereion and Stochove apparently a temple of Diana. Its 
identity seems to have been fixed (Le Bruyn, i, 79) by the discovery of 
a * statue of Janus,' probably a double herm. It may still be doubted 
whether the building was more than a Turkish turbe built of old blocks. 

4 T. Smith, p. 53. 

5 Rycaut, Greek and Armenian Churches, p. 41 ; Alex. Drummond, 
(1754), travels, p. 116. 

6 Gemelli Careri (1693), Giro del Mondo, i, 216. 

7 Pococke, Descr. of the East, II, ii, 36. 

8 Michaelis, Ancient Marbles, p. u. 

Sites Associated with S. Poly carp 419 

is in the same empiric stage. The celebrated bust at the 
castle-gate figures in various authors as (i) Helen of 
Troy, 1 (2) Semiramis,* (3) the Amazon Smyrna^ and 
(4) Apollo, 4 not to mention (5) the Turkish legendary 
heroine Coidasa,$ or Kadife. 6 

It is apparent that the identifications made during 
this period, religious and secular alike, are simple guess- 
work, varying with the guide's fancy, and resting on no 
tradition inherited from the Middle Ages. The identi- 
fication of the ruin or group of ruins called the church 
of S. John is the only one which is known to date from 
medieval times. 7 

3. The Anti-dervish Movement 0/1656-76 

At all times in Turkish history the dervish orders have 
exercised a considerable, if ill-defined, influence over 
certain sections of the population. At some periods, 
e.g., at the end of the sixteenth century, 8 political and 
other combinations have enhanced this influence to 
such an extent as to make them potentially important 
allies or dangerous enemies to the civil government. 
At the period we have mentioned one dervish-order, 
the Bektashi, set the seal on their ascendancy by chang- 
ing their already existing secret connexion with the 

1 F. Arnaud (1602), in de Vogue, Florilegium, p. 471 ; Stochove, 
Voyage, p. 19. 
z Le Bruyn, Voyage, i, 75 ; Spon, Voyage, i, 230. 

3 Tournefort, Lett, xxii ; Pococke, II, ii, 36. 

4 Monconys, Voyages, i, 424. 

5 Rycaut, Greek and Armenian Churches, p. 39. 

6 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folk-Lore de Constantinople, p. 1 6 ff. 

7 The modern identification of ruins recently discovered in the 
vineyard by Pere S. Lorenzo thus falls to the ground in so far as it is 
based on the travellers' reports I have attempted to summarize. The 
ruins themselves are indeterminate, and the supposed tombstone of 
S. Pionius (S. Lorenzo, p. 315) no more than a portion of a granite 
bench inscribed (not FTHNHV but)-AHNH : it is possibly from a tomb- 
exedra put under the protection of Sipylene (cf. C.I.G. 3385-7 incl.). 

8 See below, p. 611. 

420 The ' Tomb of S. Polycarp ' 

Janissaries into an official one. 1 This official connexion, 
backed by the sanction of the superstitious classes of the 
population, made the Janissary-Bektashi combination 
a very dangerous one during the succeeding period of 
weak monarchs and decadent national moral, and it 
continued to embarrass the Turkish government down 
to the abolition of the Janissaries and the fall of the 
Bektashi in 1826. 

Recrudescent troubles with the Janissaries are one 
of the chief internal causes of the decay of the Otto- 
man power in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. 
In the seventeenth Osman II (161721) and Ibrahim 
(1640-8) made vain efforts to curtail their power, only 
to become their victims. 2 If we can point to one inter- 
lude of national revival, it is in the third quarter of the 
seventeenth century, notable for the last important ex- 
tension of the Ottoman empire, the conquest of Crete. 
The cause of this revival lies, not in the ability of the 
sultan (Mohammed IV), but in that of his vizirs ; it 
dates from the appointment of the elder (Mohammed) 
Kuprulu in 1656 and ends with the death of his son 
Ahmed in 1676. With the turn of the century the 
Janissary-Bektashi combination is again all-powerful. 

The Kuprulus, father and son, attempted, not with- 
out temporary success, to make a stand against the 
power of the Janissaries in politics and the extraordinary 
prevalence of heterodoxy and superstition in religion, 
much of it due to dervish (sufi) influence, which 
threatened to undermine the Mohammedan faith in 
Turkey. A concrete instance of the expansion of the 
dervish sects about this time is afforded by the fact that 
one Kadri sheikh, Ismail Rumi (d. 1643), founded no 
less than forty-eight convents. 3 Rycaut gives a long 
account of the numerous heterodox sects existing about 

1 D'Ohsson, Tableau, iii, 325. 

3 Poullet, Nouvelles Relations, i, 307. 

3 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xviii, 77. 

Political Attacks on Dervishes 421 

this time, several of which, it is curious to note, were 
strongly impregnated with Christian ideas. Misri Efendi 
a celebrated Khalveti sheikh of Brusa, seems, like the 
founder of the Mevlevi, to have had leanings towards 
Christianity : he is said to have frequented the bishop 
of Brusa and openly to have commended the Gospel. 1 
A sheikh of Akhisar, whose name and order have not 
come down to us, is said to have been converted by an 
Arabic translation of the Gospel z and to have suffered 
martyrdom for Christianity in 1649 with twenty- two 
of his followers. 3 This particular tendency is no doubt 
due on the one hand to the permeation of Turkish 
society by Christian renegades and on the other to 
intermarriage with Christian women. The general fall- 
ing away from the principles of Islam is to be attributed 
to closer contact with Europe and decreasing conviction 
of the invincibility of Turkish arms, and, consequently, 
of the unique position of the Mohammedan faith. 

The Kuprulu vizirs, regarding with apprehension 
these ominous symptoms, made a determined effort to 
root out the disease. Mohammed, called to office late 
in life for the express purpose of quelling an unusually 
dangerous rebellion of the Janissaries (1656), at once 
asserted his authority. Four thousand persons impli- 
cated in the movement, including several influential 
dervishes, were at once executed by his orders 4 and his 

1 Cantimir, Hist. Emp. Oth. ii, 228 f. 

2 For this see further Hasluck, Letters, p. 141. 

3 Carayon, Rel. Ined. de la Compagnie de Jesus, pp. 228 ff. ; cf. 
Pacifique, Voyage de Perse, p. 54, for an account of two converted 
dervishes martyred in Rhodes. Cf. Rycaut, Ottoman Empire, p. 64. 
The beginnings of this movement towards Christianity may be traced 
very much further back (see Jacob, Bektaschijje, p. 29, and Hauser's 
note on p. 146 of his edition of Du Fresne Canaye's Voyage). 

4 Hammer-Heller t, op. cit. xi, 17 ; d'Arvieux, Memoir es, iv, 559 ; 
Rycaut, Ottoman Empire, p. 65 ; cf. the same writer's Hist, of the 
Turks, p. 8 1 (s. a. 1649). Evliya says 400,000 rebels were killed in 
Anatolia by Kuprulu (I, i, 156). 

422 The ' Tomb of S. Polycarp ' 

influence was felt throughout the empire till his death. 
During his vizirate we hear vaguely of action against 
the dervish orders as such, apparently discriminating 
against the Mevlevi. 1 La Guilletiere says that his son 
banished all dervishes in the European provinces to 
Asia Minor : in conformity with this order, the Par- 
thenon at Athens, exploited according to him by der- 
vishes as the centre of a superstitious cult, became once 
more an orthodox house of prayer. 2 A Bektashi (?) 
convent at Adrianople, long notorious for its scandals, 
was razed to the ground. 3 

In the vizirate of the younger Kuprulu, Ahmed, who 
followed his father's policy, appeared an important ally 
in Vani Efendi, a persuasive preacher of the strictest 
Sunni principles, who obtained a great influence over 
the orthodox Sultan. As a member of the Ulema party, 
Vani was the determined foe of the dervish orders, 
always suspected of heresy by the stricter Mussulmans. 4 

1 T. Smith in Ray's Voyages, ii, 58 ; d'Ohsson, Tableau, ii, 311 ; 
Ubicini, Turquie, i, no ; Tournefort (letter xiv) ascribes the move- 
ment to Murad IV, probably wrongly, since the Mevlevi were con- 
siderably favoured in this reign (Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Qtt. 
ix, 257, 316; d'Ohsson, Tableau, ii, 307) though they seem to have 
been implicated in the deposition (1648) of Sultan Ibrahim (Hammer- 
Hellert, ix, 285: cf. xi, 5). Stern (Die Moderne Turkei, p. 117) 
merely follows Hammer in his account of this persecution of the 
Mevlevi. 2 See above, pp. 14-16. 

3 Rycaut, Ottoman Empire, p. 69 ; cf. Jacob, Beitrdge, p. 15. 

4 On Vani Efendi see Hammer-Hellert, op. cit., xi, 162 f., xii, 191, 
and xviii, 103. He was a native of Van and rose to eminence about 
1664 ; after the siege of Vienna (1683), at which his prayers proved 
unsuccessful, he was banished to Kestel, near Brusa, where he died 
the following year. Contemporaries estimate him very differently. 
Hammer regards him as a great hypocrite and a sworn enemy of Jews 
and Christians (op. cit. xii, 191) ; his famous religious argument with 
Panayotes Nikusses (Sakkeliou in JeArcov '/crrop. 'Eraipclas, iii, 235 ; 
cf. Cantimir, ii, 61), being written from the Greek side, shows him in 
the worst light. But the less-known discussion with Sir Thomas Baines, 
reported by Covel (Diaries, pp. 269 f.), exhibits him as a very liberal- 
minded man, at least to Protestant (as ' non-idolatrous *) Christianity. 

Political Attacks on Dervishes 423 

His activity, which seems to date from 1664, was the 
religious counterpart of the political measures of the 
. Kuprulus ; he opposed lawlessness in religion as they in 
politics. A strict Puritan, he made a strong stand 
against the mystic sufi doctrines professed by many 
members of the upper classes and the cult of saints and 
other superstitions in vogue among the lower. In 1670 
he forbade the selling of wine/ laxity in regard to which 
has always been regarded as characteristic of the sufi 
sects. He banished the Khalvcti dervish Sheikh Misri 
of Brusa and the Kadri Karabash Ali of Skutari, and 
condemned the mystic poets of his time. 2 He made an 
effort to abolish the piping of the Mevlevi, 3 and the 
public exercises of the dervishes in general. 4 His attempt 
to stamp out the superstitious cult of Kanbur Dede 
near Khavsa 5 in Thrace is typical of his general policy 
and that of the Kuprulu vizirs : it is in all probability 
paralleled by unrecorded action of the same sort else- 
where. The 4 tomb of Polycarp ' is transferred from 
the keeping of Moslem dervishes to Greek monks by 
i657- 6 The change may well have been due to the 
politico-religious movement we have described. 

4. "The Ruins on the Castle-hill 

We turn now to examine the ruins near the castle- 
gate and the theatre. The general position of this 
group of ruins is made certain by a consensus of seven- 
teenth century authors of whom de Burgo and Tourne- 

1 Hammer-Heller t, op. at. xi, 335. 

2 Ibid, xii, 45. For Misri see further Cantimir, op. cit. ii, 218 ff., 
228 ff. ; Gibb, Ottoman Poetry, iii, 312. 

3 Rycaut, Ottoman Empire, p. 68. 

4 Covel, Diaries, p. 269 (* about 6 yeares since ' in 1676) ; but the 
Mevlevi were back into imperial favour by Covel's time (ibid., p. 168). 

5 Hammer-Hellert, op. cit. xi, 250 (1667) ; the cult is probably 
identical with that of Sari Saltik at Eski Baba, below, pp. 431-2). 

6 The date of d'Arvieux' departure from Smyrna. 

424 The c Tomb of S. Polycarp ' 

fort are the clearest. 1 The ruins included (i) the so- 
called chapel of S. Polycarp, a building of no preten- 
sions, containing two compartments, and (2) near this, 
and south-east of it 2 the conspicuous ruin shown in 
Le Bruyn's plate 3 as a large arch or apse flanked by 
tower-like projections. By some authors both these 
buildings are considered as parts of the cathedral of 
S. John, 4 while by others the second is regarded as a 
separate building and called by many names, of which, 
as distinctive, we shall adopt that of ' Judicatorium '. 5 
The whole group of ruins seems to have been a good 
deal excavated by amateurs 6 and finally used as a quarry 
by the Turks in the latter half of the seventeenth cen- 
tury for the building of Sanjak Kale (1656) and certain 
mosques. 7 But considerable remains, especially of the 
* Judicatorium ', existed into the early part of the nine- 
teenth century and are perhaps indicated in Storari's 
map 8 (c. 1855). 

As regards the * Judicatorium ? we are well docu- 
mented. Besides Le Bruyn's drawing we have a con- 

1 The former places them 200 paces from the castle (i, 460) and 100 
from the ' amphitheatre ' (i, 461). 

2 Pococke, II, ii, 36. 3 Reproduced in B.S.A. xx, PI. XI. 
4 Certainly d'Arvieux (i, 50) (followed by Thevenot) and von 

Prokesch-Osten (quoted below). 5 Above, 2, p. 418. 

6 Le Bruyn, i, 79 : c A une petite lieue de la Ville, en allant vers 
le Chateau, on trouve, a ce que 1'on croit, Pendroit ou etoit Pancienne 
Smyrne \cf. Pacifique, quoted above, i,ad initJ] ; on y voit aussi encore 
quelques restes d'Antiquitez. C'est autour de-la qu'on trouve sous 
terre la plupart des Statues, comme il arriva dans le terns que 
je demeurois a Constantinople * [here follows an account of four 
statues sent to the French king, probably those mentioned in Gronovius 
Mem. Cosson. p. 36]. For other digging in this neighbourhood about 
the same period, see Galland's Journal, ii, 214 (1673) and cf. Omont, 
Miss. Arcbeol. i, 209 (1680). 

7 Cf. G. de Burgo (1686), i, 460 : della gran chiesa di S. Gio. 
Apostolo non resta altro che le fondamenta, hauendo gli Turchi portate 
via le pietre per fabbricare gli Castelli alia marina, sicome anche alcune 
Moschee.' 8 Reproduced in B.S.A. xx, PI. X, 2. 

'Judicatonum 425 

temporary description by Smith, a plan by Drummond, 
and detailed notes by Pococke and von Prokesch-Osten. 
Smith's account is as follows : 

'[Prope sepulchrum Polycarpi exstat] saxeum aedificium, 
quod judicatorium fuisse videtur, tria conclavia habens eidem 
solo insistentia, quorum medium duodecim fere ab omni latere 
passuum est. Frontispicium ipsius ornarunt quatuor columnae, 
quarum solae bases manent.' r 

Pococke says of it : 

( [There is a tradition that the cathedral church was built on 
the north side of the circus, which seems probable, there being 
some ruins that look like the remains of such a building ;] and 
to the south east of it there is a fabric of three rooms, which had 
a portico before it, the pillars of which arc taken away . . . pro- 
bably the synod room of the archbishop, whose house might 
have been between this and the church.' 2 

By far the clearest account of the building is Drum- 
mond's, who, though in doubt what to call it, took the 
trouble to secure a plan and measurements. The build- 
ing is divided into three parallel compartments, com- 
municating with each other by doorways in the party- 
walls. The whole was prefaced by a portico of four 
columns in antis (all missing). The central of the three 
compartments opened on the porch by a doorway, the 
others by windows. The dimensions of the building 
' within the walls ' were 50 X 27 feet, of the ' temple ' 
1 6 x 27 feet, and of the ' cloister ' 13 x 27 feet. The 
main entrance was 10 feet wide, the side doors 3^, and 

1 Septem Ecclesianim Notitia, pp. 53 f. 

2 Descr. of the East, II, ii, 36. The Earl of Sandwich (Poyage, p. 308) 
makes the relative positions of the buildings rather clearer : * Descend- 
ing this hill [from the castle], on the south-west side, you discover an 
ancient building of large square stones very well cemented together, 
vulgarly called Homer's School [i.e. our " Judicatorium "] . . . A 
little lower is a small chapel consecrated to Saint Polycarp, whose 
sepulchre is to be seen at a small distance from it ... Near this 
chapel are the remains of a stadium.' 

3295-2 F 

426 The ' Tomb of S. Poly carp ? 

the windows 3 feet. The walls were 4 feet thick. 1 
There are some discrepancies in these measurements, 
but the general idea is given by the plan. 

Von Prokesch-Osten's account of the same building, 
under the name of * Chapel of S. Polycarp ', shows that 
it did not suffer materially in the next hundred years : 

* [Das Kirchlein des Heiligen Polykarpus] hoch auf dem 
westlichen Abfall des Schlossberges gelegen ist. Noch leben 
Viele, die sich des Gottesdienstes darin erinnern. Es bestand 
aus drei Raumen, langlich und klein, finster und enge, voll 
Nischen und Gewolben, und war aus Granitblocken des 
Schlosses gebaut worden. In der linken Capelle soil der Pre- 
digtstuhl, in der mittleren ein Gnadenbild gestanden haben. 
Der Eingang ging durch einen von Saulen getragenen, bedeck- 
ten Vorhof. Die Saulen sind verschwunden, aber die Bogen 
greifen noch aus den Mauern vor. 5 * 

From all these descriptions we gather a perfectly 
clear idea of the .plan of the building. As to the eleva- 
tion, for which Le Bruyn's drawing is our only source, 
we can only be certain that the central compartment 
was higher than the others. This arrangement, as 
suggesting a nave and aisles, has led to the supposition 
that the building was a church. Nothing in the plan, 
however, warrants that supposition : the absence of an 
apse is conclusive against it. The position, moreover, 
outside the medieval citadel and at the same time re 
mote from the port, is not a likely one for a cathedral. 
All the buildings in this direction seem to belong to 
ancient, not to medieval, Smyrna. 

1 Travels (London, 1754), pp. 116 f. (plan faces p. 118). 

2 Denkzuurdigkeiten, i, 520 ; see also this author in Jahrbilcher 
der Liter atur (Vienna), Ixvii (1834), dnzeigerbl., p. 62. The last 
vestiges of this building are marked on Storari's Plan of Smyrna (1855) 
as Ruine, between the castle gate and the south-east end of the stadium. 
Fontrier (Rev. &t. Anc. ix, 114) says that this site is now occupied by 
a vineyard in which stone water-pipes have been found. The vineyard 
mentioned is the site of Pere S. Lorenzo's supposed church and tomb 
of S. Poly carp. 

Judicatorium 427 

It is further evident that our seventeenth-century 
authorities saw their ' church of S. John ? in a great 
complex of ruined building, of which the * Judica- 
torium ', if included at all, is but a portion. De Burgo, 
for instance, gives the dimensions of the * church of S. 
John ' as 158 x 38 paces * or nearly as large as the court 
of the great mosque at Damascus. Smith's * chapel of 
S. Polycarp ' is joined to the * Judicatorium ? by a ' long 
series of vaults set in a row ', evidently interpreted by 
some as the remains of the great church. Another 
interpretation is possible. 

The late Dr. Weber, in his minute and learned study 
of the aqueducts of Smyrna, traces the ' high-pressure ' 
aqueduct of Kara-Bunar step by step up to the very 
saddle of the castle hill where the ' Judicatorium ' 
stood. 2 I have myself seen stone pipes from it here- 
abouts (in the vineyard of Pere S . Lorenzo's discoveries) , 3 
and in recent times there has come to light at some spot 
on the castle hill an inscription 4 duplicating C./.G. 
3147 and recording repairs early in the reign of Hadrian 
to an aqueduct known from C./.G. 3146 to have been 
built about A.D. 80. 5 The exact provenance of C./.G. 
3146, 3147, is unknown, but the finding of the second 
copy of the latter on the castle hill is strong evidence 
for connecting all three, not (as Dr. Weber) 6 with the 
lower (Ak-Bunar), but with the upper (Kara-Bunar) 

1 Viaggio^ i, 461. ^ 2 Jahrbiick, xiv, 4 fi. 

3 Cf. Fontrier, Rev. Et. Anc. ix, 114, cited above. 

* Movazlov, 1880, p. 139 (181), now in the Greek Museum at 
Smyrna : ' Tpaiavov \ v8aro$ drroKafraaTaOevTos \ VTTO Baiftiov 
Tov\\Xov avOwTTaTov .' The text is a duplicate of C.I.G. 3147=^ 
Dittenberger, Orient. Gr. Inscrr. no. 478, now at Trinity College, 
Cambridge. For the date see Weber, loc. cit., p. 174. 

5 For this date see Weber, loc. cit., and Dittenberger, Orient Gr. 
Inscrr. no. 477. Smith (p. 53) found a dedication to Hadrian built into 
the ' chapel of S. Polycarp '. 

6 Jahrbuck, xiv, 167, 174. Dr. Weber seems to have been biassed 
by his opinion that the temple of Zeus Akraios stood on * Windmill 
Hill '. 

428 The ' Tomb of S. Polycarp ' 

aqueduct. Dr. Weber found no trace of any aqueduct 
within the walls of the fortress, but odd blocks of stone 
piping, apparently from the Kara-Bunar aqueduct, have 
been discovered near the theatre, and in the Upper 
Quarter of the Greeks, 1 both on the slopes of the castle 

It is tempting to suggest that the ' Judicatorium ' 
formed the ornamental terminus of the Kara-Bunar 
aqueduct or Aqua Traiana. The high site on the 
saddle of the castle hill was particularly fitted for one 
of these buildings, generally called nymphaea, which 
served the double purpose of public fountains and 
dividicula or points for the distribution of water by 
smaller channels to different parts of a town. The 
three * narrow and dark ? chambers of the ' Judica- 
torium ' may have been cisterns or settling chambers 
for the water. 

Fine specimens of this class of monument are to be 
found elsewhere in Asia Minor, at Aspendus, and especi- 
ally Side. 2 The c exedra of Herodes 9 at Olympia is 
a monument of the same order. If, as is not impossible, 
such a building stood on the castle hill at Smyrna, and 
especially if it formed one end of a public open space 
such as an agora? the mistake of the earlier travellers is 
readily explained. The debris of such a group of build- 
ings, with its colonnades and lines of shops and the 
triple building at one end, might easily suggest an im- 
mense ruined church with a number of fallen side- 
chapels and the chancel still standing. But excavation 
alone can turn such conjectures into proof. 

1 Weber, loc. cit., pp. 19 f. 

2 Dunn, Baukunst der Romer, pp. 168 ff. : Lanckoronski, Stddte 
Pamphyliens und Pisidiens, i, PI. xxx (Side). 

3 For an agora in a similar position between lower town and citadel 
we may compare those of Assos and Pergamon. Ramsay (Seven 
Churches, p. 260, cf. Calder in Studies in History and Art^ &c., p. 104) 
conjectures that the Golden Street of Smyrna ended in the neighbour- 
hood of our hypothetical agora 


I. At Kaliakra 

THE legend of Sari Saltik, set down by Evliya Efendi 
in the middle of the seventeenth century from 
particulars retailed to him by the dervishes of Kaliakra 
(Kilgra) near Varna, 2 is an example of the growth of 
religious myth not without value for the appreciation 
of similar tales in Greek and other mythologies. It has 
also a more positive interest as shedding some light on 
that very obscure subject, the influence of the dervish 
orders on Turkish religion and politics. The main 
points of the story are as follows : 

A certain dervish, by name Mohammed Bokhara, 
called also Sari Saltik Sultan, who was a disciple of the 
celebrated Khoja Ahmed of Yasi [d. A.D. 1166-7] and 
a companion of Haji Bektash [d. A.D. 1337], came to the 
court of the Ottoman sultan Orkhan [1326-60], and 
after the conquest of Brusa was sent with seventy dis- 
ciples into Europe. In his missionary journey Sari 
Saltik visited the Crimea, Muscovy, and Poland : at 
Danzig he killed the patriarch ' Svity Nikola ', and, 
assuming his robes, in this guise made many converts to 
Islam. 3 

He also delivered the kingdom of Dobruja from a 
seven-headed dragon, to which the two daughters of 

1 A much poorer version of this chapter appeared in B.S.A. xix 
(1912-3), pp. 203-8. 2 Travels, ii, 70-72, cf. 20, 21. 

3 This curious incident is twice related : (I, ii, 245) 'Saltuk Mohammed 
went disguised into Poland, killed the monk Sari Saltuk, whose name he 
took, and dwelt in his cell ' ; (ii, 70) ' At Danzig he conversed with 
Svity Nicola the patriarch, whose name is the same as Sari Saltuk whom 
he killed, adopted his habit, and by this means converted many 
thousands to Islam.' 

430 Sari Saltik 

the king were exposed as victims, cutting off first three, 
and then the remaining four, of its heads with a wooden 
sword. During this adventure, a monk picked up the 
ears and tongues of the three heads first cut off and, 
armed with these trophies, claimed to have slain the 
dragon himself. 1 Sari Saltik then proposed an ordeal 
of fire 2 to decide the rival claims. Both he and the 
monk were bound and put into an immense cauldron 
(kazan, whence, according to the legend, the name of 
the Kazan Balkan in Bulgaria). This was placed on the 
fire, whereupon the monk was burnt to death but Sari 
Saltik suffered no hurt. The king of Dobruja was in 
consequence converted to Islam. 

Before his death the saint gave orders that his body 
should be placed in seven coffins, since seven kings 
should contend for its possession. This came to pass : 
each king took a coffin, and each coffin was found, when 
opened, to contain the body. The seven kingdoms 
blessed by the possession of the saint's remains are given 
as (i) Muscovy, where the saint is held in great honour 
as Svity Nikola (S. Nicolas) ; (2) Poland, where his 
tomb at Danzig is much frequented ; (3) Bohemia, 
where the coffin was shown at ' Pezzunijah ' ; (4) 
Sweden, which possessed a tomb at ' Bivanjah ? ; (5) 
Adrianople, near which (at Eski Baba) is another tomb ; 
(6) Moldavia, where the tomb was shown at Baba Dagh; 
and (7) Dobruja,. in which district was the convent of 
Kaliakra containing the seventh tomb. The veracious 
history concludes with the remark that ' in Christian 

1 The incident of the false claim is a well-known episode in folk 
stories of dragon slayings (Hartland, Perseus, iii, 47 ; Cosquin, Contes 
de Lorraine, i, 61 ; Monnier, Contes Populaires en Italic, p. 288 ; cf. 
below p. 434). In the Near East it figures in the Bulgarian legend 
of S. Elias (Shishmanova, Legendes Relig. Bulg., pp. 87 ff.) as well as in 
the Turkish of Sari Saltik. 

1 For the ordeal by fire of the ' monks 9 of Sidi Ghazi see Hottinger, 
Hist. Orient., p. 477 ; possibly also in George of Hungary, see below, 
p. 498. 

His Seven Tombs 431 

countries Sari Saltuk is generally called S. Nicolas, is 
much revered, and Christian monks ask alms under his 

2. At Eski Baba 

Of the seven towns said to have contained tombs of 
Sari Saltik, four, if we include * Muscovy ' as referring 
to the Crimea, are in lands actually conquered by the 
Turks, three in Christian Europe. The fable of the 
existence of the latter group can be dismissed at once 
as based on nothing more than the arbitrary identifica- 
tion of Sari Saltik with S. Nicolas. 1 In the case of three 
of the four Turkish tombs we can supplement, and to 
some extent check, Evliya's legend. 

The Kaliakra tomb, in a ruined fortress of the same 
name on a headland north of Varna, is still visited by 
local Christians as that of S. Nicolas. 2 It is probable 
that this was the original (pre-Mohammedan) dedica- 
tion of the sanctuary ; it is certainly appropriate to the 
coast-site, and the fortress of Kaliakra was in Byzantine 
hands till A.D. I37O 3 so that it is difficult to imagine 
a break in the cult. The * tomb ' at Eski Baba was, and 
is, a famous sanctuary, frequented for healing both by 
Greeks and Turks. The building is said to be an old 
Greek church of S. Nicolas. 4 The association with Sari 

1 This saint is evidently chosen, not only because one or two of the 
sanctuaries occupied by Sari Saltik had been churches of S. Nicolas 
(see below, p. 578), but also on account of the extraordinary popularity of 
the latter in the countries first touched by the propaganda, Russia and 
Bulgaria. Bulgarian peasants are said to believe that, when God dies, 
S. Nicolas will succeed him (Slade, Travels in Turkey, and ed., p. 344). 
3 For its frequentation by Turks see below, p. 578. 

3 Cf. Ada Pair, i, 95, 528, in Miklosich and Miiller, Acta et Diplom. 

4 J. Covel, Diaries (1675), p. 186 : * This Church [of. S Nicolas] is 
standing pretty intire. It is but little . . . but very handsome, in 
the same forme almost with Sta. Sophia, with a great Cupola over the 
body of it ; but the outward wall is scaloped.' Eski Baba is mentioned 
under that name, thus implying the cult, as early as 1553 (Verantius, 

432 Sari Saltik 

Saltik seems to be late and arbitrary ; I the saint was 
locally known as Kanbur Dede (' S. Humpback '). 2 
Baba Dagh, which appears to have been the starting 
point of the cult in Europe, will be discussed in the 
next section. 

3. At Baba Dagh 

If such a story as that of Sari Saltik were told by 
Pausanias of prehistoric Greeks, it would be interpreted 
as an echo either of a movement of peoples, a conquest, 
or, at the very least, commercial or missionary activity, 
extending far beyond the limits which we know in the 
present case to be credible. Even with the historical 
background we possess, any interpretation of the story 
which pretends to disentangle the medley of fact and 
fiction contained in it must be regarded as tentative. 
The following claims to be no more than a suggestion. 

The town of Baba Dagh in Moldavia was founded by 
Bayezid II in 1489 and colonized with Tatars. 3 In 
all probability a pre-existing Christian cult was then 
mohammedanized. The Mohammedan saint with whom 
the site was associated is most likely identical with Baba 
Saltuk, a saint who had given his name already half 
a century earlier to a town near Sudak in the Crimea. 4 

ap. Jirecek, Heerstrasse, p. 167). For other references see above, 
pp. 54-5 and for texts below, pp. 761-3. 

1 The existence of a village Saltiklu in the vicinity may have aided 
the identification. 

3 For further details see above, p. 55, and notes. 

3 Hadji Khalfa, Rumeli und Bosna, p. 28 ; Hammer-Hellert, Hist. 
Emp. Ott. xvi, 247 ; cf. Vassif Efendi, Guerre de Ij6g-~J4, p. 281. Sari 
Saltik is consistently associated with Tatars. His great missionary 
successes were among the Tatars of Heshdek in Muscovy and Lipka 
in Poland (Evliya, I, ii, 245 ; cf. ii, 70). Apart from his connexion 
with the Bektashi he was claimed as patron by the guild of buza- 
makers, who, says Evliya, c are for the greater part Tatar gipsies ' 
(I, ii, 245) : it should be remarked also that buza is yellow (sari) in 
colour (it is a fermented liquor made from barley). 

4 Ibn Batuta, tr. Sanguinetti, ii, 416, 445. There may be also a 
contamination between Saltik of Bokhara and Satok JBogra, Khan of 

At Baba Dagh 433 

We may well imagine that Baba Saltuk was a tribal 
saint l imported by the Tatar colonists to Baba Dagh. 
Bayezid's foundation at Baba Dagh included, as 
Evliya tells us, a mosque, an imaret, a college, a bath, 
a khan, and a monument of the saint. In all probability 
dervishes were attached to the cult from the first ; by 
these or their successors Sari Saltik was brought into 
the cycle of Haji Bektash, the reputed founder of the 
Bektashi order. The basis of the legend of the seven 
coffins and seven tombs is probably to be sought in 
some folk-story turning on the immense size of the hero/* 
This legend was used for the purposes of their own 
religious propaganda by the Bektashi dervishes, who 
probably occupied, or justified their occupation of, the 
two other sanctuaries of Rumeli on this pretext. 3 The 
further extension of the legend to non-Ottoman coun- 
tries may perhaps be considered as politico-religious pro- 
paganda, devised again by the Bektashi in their character 
of warrior-dervishes, 4 to stimulate good Mohammedans 
to the conquest of the lands in which the saint's 
reputed tombs lay.5 The identification of Sari Saltik 
with the Christian S. Nicolas is only one of the many 

Turkestan, a semilegendary personage of the tenth century who is 
credited with having been the first Turkish ruler to embrace Islam 
(see Grenard in Journ. Asiat. xv (1900), pp. 5 ff). The mention of a 
dervish Sari Salte in a Kurdish folk-story (Jaba, Recueil de Recits 
Kurdes, p. 94) may mark a stage in the westward journey of the Sari 
Saltik myth, or may be due merely to Bektashi propaganda in Kurdistan. 

1 See also below, p. 576, n. 3. 

2 Cf. the similar legend of Digenes Akritas (Polites, /7a/>aSocrets > , no. 
131) : it is hard to distinguish cause and effect since this type of legend 
may equally well arise from a desire to reconcile conflicting claims 
to a hero's remains. See above, pp. 234 ff. 

3 They were said to claim as their own any saints called Baba, see 
below, p. 567, and note 4. 

4 Their connexion with the Janissaries is well known, see above, 
pp. 419 flf. 

5 The fiction of the three tombs in Christendom may, however, have 
been devised merely to bring the total up to the mystic number seven. 

434 Sari Saltik 

manifestations of their philosophic creed that all reli- 
gions are one. The sanctuaries of Kaliakra and Eski Baba 
are, as we have seen, probably old churches of S. Nicolas. . 

The incident of the ordeal by fire to decide between 
the rival claims of Sari Saltik and the Christian monk 
suggests that a Christian saint was supplanted, and from 
the dragon legend (located at Kaliakra) we should natur- 
ally infer that this saint was S. George. But in a nearly 
identical Bulgarian folk-story, 1 which includes the epi- 
sodes of (i) the rescue of the princess, (2) the vindica- 
tion of the dragon-slayer against a false claim, and (3) 
the conversion of the king, the hero is the Prophet 
Elias. On the other hand, in a Bosnian variant both 
S. Elias and S. George are introduced, each in his proper 
character, the former as the sender of thunder, the 
latter as a dragon-slayer. 2 The Bulgarian legend may be 
a compression of this. 

Whatever saint was supplanted, we know from con- 
temporary history that such a transition from Christian- 
ity to Islam is quite possible in the Crimea and the 
Balkans. If we had no history to guide us, we might 
logically assume that the slaying of * Svity Nikola ? at 
Danzig, a legend very similar in form, implied the 
victory of Islam here also, after which we should proceed 
to accept the successful propagation of Islam in Mus- 
covy, Bohemia, and Sweden likewise as historical fact. 

4. At Kruya 

The Sari Saltik legend has spread further to Albania, 
where the ' S. George ' type of legend was evidently 

1 L. Shishmanova, Legendes Relig. Bulg.^ pp. 87 ff. The lake here 
mentioned as the abode of the dragon points to Baba Dagh rather than 
Kaliakra as the place where this story was localized. But both places 
were probably brought into the story like Kruya and Alessio (see below, 
pp. 435-6) in Albania. A localized (?) S. George legend from Varna is 
given by Polites in Aaoypa<f>ia y iv, 234. For another account of S. Elias 
and the dragon see Sbornik za narodni oumotvorenia, vol. v. 

2 Hartland, Perseus, iii. 41. 

At Kruya 435 

already current. 1 The episode of Sari Saltik and the 
dragon is located near Kruya, and the importation of 
the nameb of the hero is certainly to be attributed to 
the Bektashi sect, who are specially influential in this 
part of Albania. At Kruya the dragon lived by day in 
a cave and by night in a church. Sari Saltik arrived at 
the town incognito, assuming the part of a humble 
dervish, the day before the sacrifice of the King's 
daughter was to take place. In the morning, he accom- 
panied the princess on her way to the dragon's haunt, 
armed with a wooden sword and a cypress staff. With 
the latter he produced a miraculous spring, with the 
former he cut off the dragon's seven heads, putting the 
points of the seven tongues in his pocket. He then 
retired to obscurity. The princess's hand being offered 
to her unknown deliverer, the ' false claim ' episode is 
developed, but the ' Christian monk ' does not figure. 
The true hero, Sari Saltik, is at length discovered, re- 
signs the hand of the princess, and claims only the right 
to live as a hermit in the dragon's cave. This being 
granted, he lives there till he is told by the man who 
brings him his food that the people of the land are 
plotting against his life, and that he is in imminent 
danger. On hearing this, the saint throws the melon 
he was about to eat, with his knife in it, into the air, and 
they remain to this day, turned to stone in the roof of 
his cave. He himself retired to Corfu in three strides, 
which are marked by a footprint at each stage (Kruya, 2 
Bazaar Shiakh, Durazzo) ; eventually he died at Corfu. 3 
Here again, rationalizing on orthodox lines, we should 

1 For the secular form see von Hahn, Allan. Studien, ii, 167. The 
legend of S. Donatus in the Chimarra district (M. Hamilton, Greek 
Saints, pp. 32 f.) is of similar type. The fight of S. George and the 
dragon is localized also in Old Serbia (Mackenzie and Irby, Turks, 
Greeks, and Slavons, pp. 672 f.). 

2 This footprint (called Jurmi Scbeintit) is in a chapel half an hour 
from the town of Kruya (Ippen, Skutari, p. 77). 

3 Degrand, Haute Albanie, pp. 236 ff. 

436 Sari Saltik 

suppose that Islam, represented by Sari Saltik, had but 
a short-lived victory at Kruya,andwas eventually forced 
to retire ; but why to Corfu, which has never been 
Turkish ? In the light of history we might infer that 
the ejected dragon-slayer was in reality not Sari Saltik, 
but his Christian predecessor, possibly S. George, whom 
the Albanians of Alessio claimed as a compatriot. 1 But 
this is probably at best but a partial explanation. The 
figure of Sari Saltik is amongst other things a stalking- 
horse for Bektashi propaganda amongst Christians. Like 
the Mevlevi, the Bektashi order has always been concilia- 
tory to Christianity ; 3 the number of its adherents in 
Albania, especially in the district of Koritza, many 
villages of which are said to have been converted within 
the last hundred years to Islam, or rather to Bektashism, 
shows that their policy has had considerable success. 
It is for the purposes of this propaganda that the identi- 
fication of Sari Saltik with the universally popular Chris- 
tian saint Nicolas was devised. Other important local 
saints were identified in the same manner. Examples 
are S. Naum, the Christian healer of Lake Okhrida, to 
whom Bektashi of the Koritza district make pilgrimage 
as Sari Saltik, 3 and S. Spyridon the patron of Corfu. 4 The 
latter identification is the explanation of the Bektashi 
legend of the ' flight ' of Sari Saltik to the Christian island. 

1 W Wey, Itineraries (1462), p. 119. This is a confusion with 
George Kastriotes (Skanderbeg). It was to Alessio that Sari Saltik 
after his victory threw the carcase of the dragon ; Lesh, the Albanian 
name of the town, signifies corpse (Degrand, op. cit., pp. 174, 238 ; cf. 
von Hahn, op. at. i, 137). 

* See especially below, pp. 564 if. For the tolerant attitude of a 
Hurufi dervish in the fifteenth century see below, p. 568, n. 3. The 
traces of Christianity in Bektashi doctrine are discussed at length by 
Jacob, Bektaschijje, pp. 29 ff . 

3 F. W. H. from a Greek priest at S. Naum. 

4 Miss Durham heard this at Kruya (Burden of the Balkans, p. 304), 
I from a southern Albanian Bektashi at Uskub, from the sheikh of the 
tekke at Aivali in Thessaly, and from the (Greek) abbot of S. Naum. 

His Forty "Tombs 437 

Possibly similar propaganda purposes explain the vari- 
ations in a version of the Kilgra legend found by Degrand 
in a manuscript at Tirana in Albania. 1 This manuscript 
is said by Jacob 2 to be the Vilayet nameh of Hajim 
Sultan, a sixteenth century Bektashi saint whose tomb 
is venerated near Ushak in Asia Minor. 3 In this version 
Sari Saltik ordered forty coffins to be prepared after his 
death, and, as in the other legend of the seven coffins, 
each of them was found to contain his body. The king 
of the Dobruja examined the forty corpses, and, ob- 
serving that one of them moved its hand, decided that 
this was the genuine body of the dead saint. He there- 
fore buried it in the centre of a circle formed by the 
other thirty-nine. This looks like an attempt to attach 
the legend of Sari Saltik to some locality associated with 
the Forty Saints, possibly Kirk Kilise in Thrace, 4 or 
even SS. Quaranta in Albania. 5 

5. Bektashi Propaganda 

Side by side with such adoptions or attempted adop- 
tions by the Bektashi of Christian saints and sanctuaries 
we find the converse phenomenon, viz., the adoption by 
Christians of Bektashi saints and sanctuaries with the 
consent, or even encouragement, of the Bektashi. Ex- 
amples are the identification of the tekke of Aivali in 
Thessaly with the site of a monastery dedicated to S. 
George, 6 of the tekke of Sersem Ali at Kalkandelen with 
an earlier monastery of S. Elias, 7 and of the central 

1 Haute Albanie, pp. 240 ff. 

2 Beitrage, p. 2, n. 4. The work is also mentioned by Browne in 
J. R. Asiat. Soc. 1907, p. 561 (3). 

3 Jacob, Bektaschijje, p. 27. 4 See above, p. 397. 

5 For the ' ruined ' monastery containing forty underground cham- 
bers, at SS. Quaranta see Hasluck, Letters, p. 10, and pi. 6. Ali of 
Yannina whose connexion with the Bektashi and the Sari Saltik legend is 
discussed below, restored the adjoining fortress (Petrides in riapvaaaos, 
ii, 642 ; cf. Leake, N. Greece^ i, n.). But a Bektashi tekke has never 
existed there. 6 Below, p. 582. . 7 Ibid. 

438 Sari Saltik 

Bektashi tekke near Kirshehr in Anatolia with an ancient 
monastery of S. Charalambos. 1 

We find thus in our own times, as in those of Ala-ed-. 
din of Konia, z a distinct rapprochement between an 
order of dervishes and popular Christianity, probably 
forwarded by the dervishes with a view to establishing 
a common basis of religion for both creeds. In the 
area touched by the Bektashi, as in the Mevlevi radius, 
the chief outward manifestation of this rapprochement 
is the attempt to render certain sanctuaries accessible 
to both parties by pious fictions. 3 The Bektashi un- 
doubtedly aimed at an ultimate religious supremacy in 
the countries touched by their propaganda. At the 
time of the Turkish revolution they had still hopes of 
a Bektashi state in Albania. 4 Such a religious supremacy 
could hope to hold its own if supported by a sympathetic 
civil power. As regards the Mevlevi movement at 
Konia, we have hinted at such an alliance between the 
Mevlevi, represented by their founder, Jelal-ed-din, 
and the ruling house. 5 In the case of Albania the 
evidence for a similar combination is much stronger. 
There, particularly in southern Albania, 6 Bektashism, 
though Asiatic in origin, has now its chief stronghold. 
Even in such places as Crete and Lycia the majority of 
professed dervishes of the order seem to be Albanians. 
If the grave of Sersem Ali at Kalkandelen is genuine, 
Bektashism must have been introduced into this country 
before 1550.? 

Mohammedanism of any sort in Albania is of com- 

1 Below, p. 571. 2 Above, pp. 370 ff. 3 Below, pp. 564-96. 
4 This I have on good Bektashi authority. 5 Above, p. 377. 

6 Brailsford (Macedonia, p. 244) goes so far as to say that * nearly 
every Albanian at all events in the South who has any interest in 
religion at all, is a member of the Bektashi sect.' 

7 Jacob, Bektaschijje, p. 27. A false prophet, claiming to be an 
incarnation of Ali, appeared in Albania in 1607 (Ambassade de Gontaut 
Biron, p. 138). See, however, below, p. 524. 

Bektashi Propaganda in Albania 439 

paratively recent date, the Turkish conquest having 
been late and partial. Before it the population was 
Christian. There was little or no colonization of the 
country by genuine Turks, as was the case in some other 
parts of Rumeli : the Moslem Albanians to-day thus 
represent to a very large extent Christians converted 
at various dates. 1 The southern part of the country 
(Epirus) remains to this day a patchwork of Christians 
and Mohammedans, many of the latter being converts 
of the last hundred and fifty years and adherents of the 
Bektashi. This is the country which once bid fair to 
become an independent state under Ali Pasha of Yan- 
nina (d. 1822), who owed his power, firstly, to his own 
astounding energy and force of character and, secondly, 
to his alliance with the Bektashi, of which a full account 
is given elsewhere. * 

We shall there find evidence of Ali's interest in 
Bektashi propaganda in his own district of Yannina and 
at Kruya, both of which districts are to-day strongly 
Bektashi, in Thessaly, a province which came under his 
political influence, and at Skutari, where his designs 
were evidently discovered and thwarted in time. It 
is thus extremely probable that the Bektashi under All's 
auspices were responsible for much of the recent con- 
version to apparent Islam in Epirus and elsewhere, 3 and 
that the phenomena which we barely detect in Seljuk 
Konia during the thirteenth century were repeated 
only a hundred years ago in Albania. It is even possible 
that Ali's well-known designs on the Ionian islands 4 
are partially or wholly responsible for the identification 
of S. Spyridon of Corfu with the Bektashi saint Sari 

1 For the conversion of Albania see T. Arnold, Preaching of Islam, 
pp. 152 ff. 2 Below, pp. 586 ff. 

3 For the part possibly played by the rise of Russia in these forced 
conversions to Islam see below, p. 471. 

4 Beauchamp, Vie cFAli Pacha^ pp. 163, 194 ; Holland, Travels^ i, 
405, 450- 



. JOHN c the Russian \ whose body is preserved at 
I Urgub, is a little-known Greek neo-saint * of great 
local repute. According to the official tradition, 2 the 
saint was made prisoner in Russia 3 at the age of fifteen 
by the Turks during their wars with Peter the Great, 
and served a local bey at Urgub for many years as stable- 
boy, retaining his faith, whereas his fellow-captives 
became Turks, thereby, of course, bettering their condi- 
tion considerably. S. John died in 1738 and on 27 May, 
the anniversary of his death, his sainthood was duly 
established by the appearance on his grave of a super- 
natural light. 4 Miracles by him begin to be recorded as 
early as 1837, when his body was preserved intact in 
a fire. In the sixties S. John is said to have appeared to 
a woman who had lost her child and to have revealed to 
her that it had been murdered and by whom. Another 
miracle said to have been wrought by the saint during 
his lifetime is an obvious plagiarism from Turkish hagio- 
logy. It relates how the poor stable-boy miraculously 
conveyed to his master, then on pilgrimage at Mecca, 
a plate of pilaf, which duly arrived smoking hot. 5 The 
same fact is related of at least two Turkish saints. 6 
In the nineties 7 a large church was built to enshrine 

1 For neo-saints see below, pp. 452-9. 

2 This is given by Oberhummer and Zimmerer, Durcb Syrien, pp. 
211 f. A Life of the saint is said to be on sale at Urgub and at the 
Russian monastery on Athos, but I have not seen it. 

3 He is generally called JTpo/coTnos 1 , which suggests Perekop in Russia 
as his place of origin, but on the whole it is not likely that natives of 
Urgub would know his Russian birthplace. 

4 Kinnelr, Journey through Asia Minor, p. 88. For sainthood 
revealed by supernatural lights see above, p. 254. 

5 Oberhummer and Zimmerer, op. cit., p. 211, n. 

6 See above, p. 293. 7 Archelaos, 2lvacro$ 9 p. 117. 

Russian Renegades 441 

the remains : the building was completed by funds 
raised by the sale of the saint's right hand to certain 
Russian monks of Athos. 1 It appears to be preserved 
at the skete of the Thebaid. 2 At the same time, prob- 
ably, a conventional picture of the saint, framed in 
smaller ones representing his miracles, was painted, of 
which prints are sold in the church.^ 

As regards the real date of S. John, it is probably 
about a century later than the traditional. It is in the 
first place remarkable that he is not mentioned by the 
Archbishop Cyril, 4 who described Urgub in 1815. In 
the second, Kinneir, 5 who passed through Yuzgat in 
1813, found there a considerable number of Russian 
prisoners from the war of 1807-8, who had renounced 
their faith, like S. John's companions, married Turkish 
women and settled down in the country. It seems 
highly probable that the neo-saint of Urgub is to be 
referred to the same period. 6 That is, he may have 
refused to renegade with his companions and may have 
been popularly canonized accordingly. 

1 Oberhummer and Zimmerer, op. cit., p. 212 ; Pharasopoulos, To, 
27uAara, pp. 72, 95 ; Smyrnakes, " Ayiov "Opos, p. 674. 

3 Smyrnakes, loc. cit. 3 F. W. H. 

4 Uepiypa^rj. Rizos, KaiTTraSoKiKa (1856) also does not mention 
the cult : he mostly copies Cyril, however. 

5 Journey through Asia Minor, p. 88 (quoted above, p. 97, n. 2). 

6 French deserters from the army of Egypt established themselves 
in the service of local beys : they renegaded, took Turkish names, and had 
harems, slaves, &c., and, though (southern) French of no birth or edu- 
cation, enjoyed considerable privileges among their new co-religionists 
(Chateaubriand, Itiner. iii, 87). Hottinger, Hist. Orient., p. 462, cites 
from George of Hungary cases of voluntary conversions among natives 
of Bosnia, Albania, Serbia, who came, poor, to work in Turkish towns 
and found it to their material advantage to renegade. Establishing 
the probable date of S. John ' the Russian ' is not without importance 
for the theory of the presence of * Galatians ' remarked in Asia Minor 
by Ramsay and others. In general, in dealing with transported 
populations the latest date of the supposed immigration is the best : 
the alleged * Galatians ' may be no more than the descendants of the 
Russian prisoners of the war of 1807-8. 

3295-' G 


IN 1270 S. Louis, king of France, died of a fever on the 
site of Carthage, while crusading against the Moors 
of Tunis : his remains were embalmed and duly buried 
in his native land. In 1841, on the spot where the 
royal saint breathed his last, the government of Louis 
Philippe erected a commemorative cenotaph in the 
Arab style. 1 Twenty years later Beule, in his Fouilles 
a Carthage* notes the curious local tradition there 
current to the effect that S. Louis was identical with 
a marabut named Bu Said, patron saint of a village of 
the same name in the immediate neighbourhood. The 
pious Christian, the story ran, had before his death 
embraced Islam and assumed a Mohammedan name. 

To those familiar with the vagaries of popular canoni- 
zation in Mohammedan countries, 3 the existence of a 
Mohammedan cult of S. Louis will cause little surprise. 
There is every probability that the tradition is, as Beule 
suggests, late, 4 and that its immediate cause was the 
erection of the French cenotaph in the style of the 
country. For the Tunisian peasant such a monument 
implies a saint : the presumed occupant of S. Louis's 
cenotaph doubtless proved no less gracious to his peti- 
tioners than any other marabut, while the legend of 
S. Louis's conversion and his identity with Sidi Bu Said 

1 Poire, Tunisia Fran$aise, pp. 126 f., quoting Beule, Fouilles a 
Carthage, p. 17 : cf. L. Michel, Tunis, p. 238. Montet (Culte des 
Saints Musulmans, p. 24) found that the Moslems of Tunis venerate 
S. Louis. Sebillot (Folk-Lore de France, iv, 344) quotes Michel's 

2 P. 17. 3 See above, pp. 255-7. 

4 For instance, Chateaubriand gives a long account of the death of 
S. Louis at Carthage, but makes no mention of any local tradition 
(Itiner. iii, 196). 

A Sultan's Secret Conversion 443 

accounted for the apparent anomaly of a Christian 
saint's efficacy as intercessor for Moslems. 

The legend is particularly interesting as focussing 
several ideas widely current in Mohammedan circles 
and often closely paralleled, as we shall see, in Christian 
hagiology. These ideas predicate a special aptitude 
for sainthood in persons spontaneously converted from 
the rival religion animae naturaliter islamicae whose 
secret leaning towards the true faith is often manifested 
only by posthumous miracles. Inside this class, poten- 
tates and men of authority like S. Louis form a charac- 
teristic and interesting category. 

We may take first the Franciscan legend of the death- 
bed conversion of the sultan of Egypt. 1 The legend is 
history up to a certain point, S. Francis being really 
received by the sultan and well treated. 2 The tale goes 
on that the sultan was so much impressed by the preach- 
ing and personality of S. Francis that he gave him every 
facility for preaching. The saint, however, saw that his 
mission was more profitable elsewhere, and decided to 
leave the country. On his taking leave of the sultan the 
latter said he was prepared to embrace Christianity, but 
that, if he did so, both he himself and S. Francis would 
be assassinated. S. Francis therefore promised that 
after his death he would send two friars who would 
baptize and so save him. It happened that after S. 
Francis's death the sultan, being ill and on the point of 
death, remembered this promise and stationed guards 
on all his frontiers with orders to conduct to him at once 
two Franciscan friars, if they should appear. At the 
same time S. Francis appeared to two friars and ordered 
them to go to the sultan and save his soul. Thus, the 
sultan received absolution and died in a state of grace. 3 

1 Fioretti of S. Francis, ch. xxiv. 

2 Castries, V Islam, pp. 339 ff., citing William of Tyre^.D. Martene, 
Collect. Maxima, v ? 689. 

3 Cf. the similar stories of Shems-ed-din secretly converted to 

G 2 

444 Renegade Saints 

With the Franciscan story may be compared that of 
the supposed conversion to Islam of the emperor Hera- 
clius. It is, I believe, historical that Mohammed sent 
to him, as to other potentates of his time, an embassy 
which seems to have been less rudely received by Hera- 
clius than by the others. 1 ' Arab writers boast that he 
was really converted to Islamism ', 2 in conformity with 
which tradition the Turks treated as a saint's a remark- 
able sarcophagus discovered about 1837 * n or near ^ e 
arsenal at Galata and reputed that of Heraclius. 3 In 
this and the Franciscan stories polite treatment from 
a potentate of a rival religion is considered explicable 
only on the hypothesis that the potentate was secretly 
in favour of the religion represented by the persons 
politely treated. 4 

Christianity (see above, pp. 87, 376), of the converted slave whose 
tomb is venerated at Tatar Bazarjik (see above, p. 206), and the 
caliph El Hakim, said by the Copts to have ended his days in a convent 
(see below, p. 450, n. 2). I See above, p. 355, n. I. 

2 Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ed. Bury, v, 395 (quoted above, p. 355, 

n - *> . 

3 Miss Pardoe, City of the Sultans, i, 420 , quoted above, pp. 354-5. 

4 In the same way Christian tradition represents (see Collin de 
Plancy, Diet, des Reliques, i, 284-6) Gamaliel as a crypto-Christian 
because of his treatment of the Apostles (Acts, v, 34 ff.). Similarly, 
Publius of Malta (Acts, xxviii, 7 ff.) has a church in Citta Vecchia 
(Baedeker, S. Italy, p. 445). Rubriquis says that the Nestorians 
considered several heathen potentates Christians, simply because they 
had treated Christians well (Baring Gould, Curious Myths, 1st Series, 
ii, p. 50). Fabri says the Soldan of his time (Kotube, presumably Kait 
Bey) was kindly disposed to Christians and should be prayed for : his 
conversion even to Christianity was not impossible, if a Christian, 
* maturus, eloquens, et auctoritativus ', were to read to him what 
Magister Nicolaus de Cusa had said about the Koran (Evagat. i, 478). 
The younger Pliny is supposed to have been converted by Titus in 
Crete (Migne, Diet, des Apocryphes, ii, 1047) : the tale may have been 
concocted at Como, but probably arose from a combination of the 
mildness of Pliny's letters about the Christians, the conversion by 
Titus in Crete of a proconsul Secundus, and the existence at Como of 
a S. Secundus, one of the Theban Legion. 

Psychology of Conversion 445 

In contradistinction to such a fortuitously Moslem 
saint as S. Louis, authentic renegade saints, of which 
there are probably numerous examples, admit of a 
rational explanation. A convert to Islam is not un- 
naturally regarded as a person specially illuminated by 
God, being thus enabled to see the true faith in spite 
of the errors of his upbringing. There is ground for 
such a supposition in the fact that real converts see 
themselves in this light : for instance, S. Paul and S. 
Augustine, converted by instantaneous miracle in the 
one case and after a long spiritual struggle in the other, 
assumed that their conversion was proof of their election 
and framed their theory of predestination accordingly. 1 
In Islam the idea is assisted by a passage of the Koran 
which says, * They unto whom we have given the scrip- 
tures which were revealed before it [the Koran], believe 
in the same ; and when it is read unto them, say, We 
believe therein ; it is certainly the truth from our Lord : 
verily we were Moslems before this. These shall receive 
their reward twice. * 2 

The prototype of the spontaneous convert is of course 
Abraham, 3 who, according to Talmudic and Koranic 
tradition, was the son of an idolater divinely called to 
the worship of the True God. Similar conversions are 
related of saints in historical times. At Bagdad is the 
tomb of Maaruf Cerchi Abu Daher, who was born of 
Christian parents but steadfastly refused to recognize 
the Trinity by repeating the formula, ' In the name of 

1 That is, they consider that, since they were neither born nor 
coerced into Christianity, God had obviously sought them out for His 
purposes and taken trouble to secure them. Paul lays stress on his 
extreme Judaism and Augustine on his stormy past as incongruous 
things, just as cruder people almost boast of what sinners they have 
been before conversion. To such minds the only inference possible is 
that they have been in some way chosen arbitrarily. 

2 Sale's ed. (Chandos Classics), ch. xxviii, p. 294. 

3 For pre-Islamic Moslems and pre-Christian Christians see above, 
pp. 72-3. 

446 Renegade Saints 

the Father/ &c., for which he substituted the Moham- 
medan monotheistic invocation, ' In the name of God, 
all merciful'. His mother punished him by shutting 
him up in a dark cellar and feeding him on bread and 
water, evidently supposing him to be obsessed by a 
demon. Maaruf refused the bread and water and was 
found after forty days surrounded by a halo of miracu- 
lous light, a sure sign of sanctity. His mother, however, 
confirmed in her idea of his obsession, drove him from 
the house. He then openly confessed to the faith of 
Islam and eventually became a great Mohammedan 

The same theory of divine instruction may be pre- 
dicated of any spontaneous convert. A curious instance 
is reported from Syria by d'Arvieux of a young Venetian 
who in the seventeenth century ' turned Turk ' for the 
basest motives. He was so ill-instructed that he could 
only lift the finger, 2 thus attesting the unity of God, 
and say, ' La, la, Mehemed,' but this was accepted as 
proof that God had assuredly predestined him to be 
a Mussulman and had put the soul of a Turk into the 
body of a Christian for the express purpose of manifest- 
ing Himself by a miracle, inasmuch as without being 
instructed the convert had pronounced the name of the 

Even after death a Christian dead in the Christian 
faith may be received into the true faith. Thus 

6 ils tiennent que parmy nous autres, qu'ils nomment laours, ou 
Infidelles, il y en a tousiours quelques-vns, a qui Dieu fait ceste 
grace d'ouurir & illuminer Pentendement, & les guider au vray 

Niebuhr, Voyage en Arable, ii, 246. 

2 Moslems in extremis hold up the first finger to profess their faith, 
that being the simplest way of indicating the central dogma of the 
Unity of God (Castries, L? Islam, p. 196). Lifting the finger is part of 
the ordinary prayer (Lane, Mod. Egyptians, i, 98). 

3 D'Arvieux, Voyage dans la Palestine, ed. de la Roque, pp. 
48 ff. 

ueaa i ransjerrea jrom 7 omo 10 7 omo 447 

chemin de salut.' * Conversely, ' entre eux il y a des meschans 
& reprouuez, qu'il laisse viure en tenebres, & suivre pour leur 
perdition, la loy des Chrestiens, & que Dieu ne voulat permettre 
que les corps de ses esleus soiet apres la mort, contaminez & 
honnis, par la compagnie des Infidelles & meschans, a ordonne 
septante deux mille chameaux, qui continuellement transportent 
les corps des Chrestiens qui meurent Musulmans, dans les sepul- 
tures des Turcs, & les Turcs qui entre eux meurent Chrestiens 
ou Infidelles, dans la sepulture des Chrestiens.' 2 

This again, like the theory of secret believers above, 
is warranted by a text of the Koran 3 which runs, * O 
true believers, whoever of you apostatizeth from his 
religion, God will certainly bring other people to supply 
his place \ Illustrative of this is a story told to Gervais- 
Courtellemont at Mecca itself. An Indian king had 
come to Mecca, intending to assure his salvation by 
burial in the Maala cemetery there. To prove to him 
that such ideas were vain and superstitious, he was 
taken by night and shown the camels engaged in bring- 
ing there for burial the bodies of pious Moslems who 
had died elsewhere, in the place of reprobate Moslems 
who had been buried in the Maala. The same ghostly 
agency transferred their bodies to the former graves of 
the just. 4 

This tale is not only reminiscent of the Koran text 
but is also a rebuke to formalism, 5 implying that the 
holiest graveyard does not secure salvation and that 
judgement by externals may be wrong, since God alone 
knows the heart. In another story told to Gervais- 
Courtellemont at Mecca a romantic motif is introduced. 

1 De Breves, Voyages (1628), p. 24. 2 Ibid., pp. 24-5. 

3 Sale's ed., ch. v, p. 80. 4 Voyage a la Mecque, 1896, pp. 104-5. 

5 Dr. Zwemer suggests that Al Ghazali (c. noo) started the idea in 
a different form, viz. that at the Resurrection bad Moslems would be 
excused Hell and their places taken by Jews and Christians. This is 
probably in the same cycle of thought, but it sounds to me like a 
fanatic's counterblast to the idea that it is better in the sight of God to 
be a good Christian than a bad Moslem. 

448 Renegade Saints 

The son of a Moorish Andalusian king, he was told, was 
enslaved and in the service of a Christian monarch as 
gardener, when he fell in love with his master's daughter. 
She begged him to change his religion and marry her* 
He refused, however, and eventually persuaded her to 
pronounce the sacred formula, c There is no God but 
God and Mohammed is His Prophet. 5 The intrigue 
was discovered and the princess died. The captive 
prince, wishing in memory of his love to keep a bracelet 
he had given her and which had been buried with her, 
opened her tomb in order to take the bracelet. To his 
surprise he found in the tomb the body of an old Arab 
with a pearl chaplet, which, without knowing what he 
was doing, he took. On going later to Mecca, he was 
challenged by a Meccan to account for his possession 
of the chaplet, which the Meccan recognized as buried 
with his father at Mecca. The prince told his story and 
the old man's grave was opened to test it. In the grave 
was found the body of the princess, transferred, as a 
true believer, by the camels. 1 

This story, as may be any such told in Mecca, is evi- 
dently widely circulated. At Monastir I found an open 
turbe 2 which is said to mark a grave where a khoja was 
buried, but in which they afterwards discovered the body 
of a non-Mohammedan princess. 3 A similar tale of recent 
and historical transference and exchange was told to 

1 Gervais-Courtellemont, op. cit., pp. 106 if. There may be here 
omitted an incident of miraculous liberation, for which see below, 
pp. 663-7. The addition of the marvellous substitution of the body of a 
Female for a male may be due to some legend of the Roman monument 
outside Algiers, which is known as the ' Grave [of the Roman or] of 
:he Christian Woman ' (Berbrugger, Tombeau de la Chretienne), though 
[ have not been able, so far, to find evidence in support of such a 
:heory. The mention of Andalusia, however, points to a Maghrabi 
;ource : ' el Andalus ' is used in the Arabian Nights for Spain. 

2 In a graveyard where the rain-prayer is made. 

3 F. W. H. See above, p. 360, n. I. A rather dull variant is given 
3y Pierotti, Legendes Racontees, pp. 64 if. 

Open Turbes 449 

Lady Duff Gordon in Egypt : l she herself was told 
that c thou knowest that wherever thou art buried, thou 
wilt assuredly live in a Muslim grave \ a A vulgarized 
and attenuated version is given by Mills from Nablus. 
A Moslem dreamt that a certain prominent Christian, 
recently dead, had been transferred by four men to the 
Moslem cemetery. 3 The dream was considered sufficient 
proof of the miracle and the grave left undisturbed 
by any test of the dream : the original theme also is 
entirely lost sight of. The ambiguous sex of S. Spyridon 
at Corfu 4 may be a trace of the same story. 

The reason of the application of the story to an open 
turbe is possibly that these are commonly built by 
women for the shelter and retreat of themselves and 
other women mourning their dead.5 They are thus 
really not tombs at all, though sometimes dedicated 
formally to saints, especially Khidr. They may conse- 
quently be named from either the (male) saint to whom 
they are dedicated or the (female) dedicator. 6 This 
apparent ambiguity gives foothold to the popular 
miraculous story. 

To return once more to renegade saints, it is clear 
that a genuine convert to Islam would be likely in his 
enthusiasm for his new faith to exhibit all the outward 
marks of saintly life, while, on the other hand, an im- 
postor had everything to gain by punctiliousness in 
matters of religion. 7 Such punctiliousness would in its 

1 Letters from Egypt, p. 199. a Ibid., p. 198. 

3 J. Mills, Three Months, p. 156. 

4 Lafont, Trois Mois en Albanie, p. 50. Note, however, that the 
Bektashi claim that S. Spyridon is really Sari Saltik and Sari may, by 
its likeness to Sara, suggest a female : see below, pp. 583-4. 

5 See above, p. 325, n. 4. 

6 The * Khidrlik ' turbe at Angora, for instance, is now thought of 
as the tomb of Bula Khatun (F. W. H. : above, p. 325). 

7 C/*. Hanauer, Folk-Lore of the Holy Land, pp. 147 ff., for a story 
of a Moslem who made his fortune by pretending to be a renegade. 
Probably, too, the assumption of the role of ascete or fool-saint would 

45 Renegade Saints 

turn confirm the already existing idea of the special 
sanctity of renegades and would come easily enough 
among a credulous people, the more so that continence 
is not essential to Moslem sainthood. In addition, the 
numerous class of renegades who c turned Turk ' for 
convenience and rose by their ability to enviable posi- 
tions might affect fanatic zeal as a protection from their 
inevitable detractors. Such was the case of an Armenian 
renegade mentioned by cPArvieux. Instigated by fear 
of jealous rivals, who threw doubts on the genuineness 
of his conversion, he proclaimed it by a signal act of 
piety, which took the form of seizing a Christian church 
and consecrating it as a mosque. 1 Similarly, the caliph 
El Hakim destroyed, it was alleged, the church of the 
Holy Sepulchre to prove his anti-Christian tendencies 
to those of his enemies who accused him of favouring 
the Christians because of his Christian mother. 2 Not 
a few renegades to Islam were of western origin. 3 Their 
European upbringing would, certainly in the late cen- 
turies, give them an intellectual superiority over the 

in reasonably capable hands have proved an excellent speculation, and, 
having a popular basis, would be less open to calumny than a political 
career with its greater prizes and risks. The converse of the sanctity 
attaching to renegades from Christianity is the severity of the punish- 
ment meted out to renegades from Islam : examples are S. John, son 
of a dervish of Konitza and martyred at Vrachori, the sheikh of Akhisar, 
who turned with twelve of his followers, and the Shazeli dervishes 
of Syria who renegaded about 1870 : for all of these see below, 
pp. 452-9. 

1 D'Arvieux, Memoires, ii, 373. 

2 Williams, The Holy City, i, 346 ff. : cf. Corroyer, UArch. Rom., 
p. 20$. His mysterious death was attributed to this act of sacrilege, 
as also his reputed withdrawal to a Christian convent, for which see 
Artin Pasha, C 'antes du Nil, pp. 19-20. For him see Fabri also (Evagat. 
ii, 247), who says it was his son who allowed the Sepulchre church to 
be rebuilt. 

3 An excellent example is Manzur Efendi, a renegade Frenchman 
who became Ali Pasha of Yannina's chief gunner and wrote an interest- 
ing book of Memoires of the Pasha : see the bibliography, s. v. 

Renegade Frenchmen at Kairuan 451 

masses, which could be effectively exploited for pur- 
poses of charlatanry. 

A most remarkable example of this comes from North 
Africa. A celebrated mar abut, who had formerly been 
a blacksmith, died at Kairuan in 1856, leaving behind 
him a number of prophecies engraved on sword-blades, 
which in times of stress were consulted like oracles. In 
1 88 1 the French were about to march on Kairuan and 
so caused there the greatest consternation, 1 whereupon 
the imam in charge of the prophetic swords proposed to 
consult them. This was done : the oracle left no doubt 
that the city must be surrendered without resistance, 
and the white flag was at once hoisted. The curious 
part is that the imam in question was a French renegade, 
born at Elboeuf, who had ' sejourne a la Trappe, a la 
Chartreuse, et a Frigolet 5 before embracing Islam. He 
had himself forged the sword-blade consulted, but no 
one questioned his authority, for * tres instruit, orateur, 
parlant bien Parabe, habitue aux jeunes et a Pabstinence, 
Si Ahmed . . . acquit par ses predications enflammees 
dans les cafes de Tunis et les mosquees de Kairouan, 
une grande reputation de saintete/ He died a Moslem 
in 1885 at Kairuan. 2 

1 Kairuan is of course a very holy city. 

2 Poire, Tunisie Fran$aise, pp. 200 ff. : the quotations in the text 
are from Plauchut's account in the Rev. Deux Mondes, 15 Oct. 1890, 
p. 832. Si Ahmed was the son of M. Lefebvre Durufle, a senator under 
the Empire (Poire, op. cit., p. 205) : the sword is still shown at Kairuan 
(ibid.). The part played by Si Ahmed is perfectly in harmony with 
the traditions of defaitistes marabouts, for which see Montet, Culte des 
faints Musulmans, p. 33. 



THE passions of the Greek neo-martyrs are of con- 
siderable interest both for the study of hagiology 
in general and as affording curious sidelights on the 
history of the Greek Church under the Turkish yoke. 
A Lexicon of all the Saints, published at Athens in 1904,* 
enumerates over forty saints who suffered death for 
their faith chiefly in the seventeenth, eighteenth, and 
early nineteenth centuries : this list could probably be 
considerably lengthened by the inclusion of martyrs 
who perished during and after the Greek Revolution. 2 
Whether on account of the growing fanaticism of the 
Turks or merely the insufficiency of early documents, 
only a small minority of the recorded martyrdoms 
occurred before the latter half of the seventeenth 
century. 3 

KOV TOJV * Aylwv Trdvrojv rf)$ *0p9o$6ov *EKKXr)aia$ by B. A . 
ZCOTOS JWoAoTTos, Athens, 1904. The other main sources for the 
lives of Greek neo-saints are the Patriarchal list (ap. Sathas, Meor. JEtySA. 
iii, 605 if.) from 1492 to 1811, the Neov MaprvpoXoyiov giving a list 
from 1492 onwards (the Athens edition of 1856 adds S. George of 
Yannina dated 1830), and the NOV Aei[jLa)vdpi,ov. 

2 Martyrs unmentioned in these lists are the Anonymous of Tenos 
recorded by de la Magdeleine, Miroir Ottoman, p. 67, as martyred 
about 1670, and perhaps the Athanasius mentioned by Wilson, Narra- 
tive of the Greek Mission, p. 402, a martyr of 1819. A martyr may 
also be forgotten. Wheler saw the Xttyavov of S. Philothea ( f Oaca) 
at Athens, but she is not now known, according to Kambouroglous, 
*Ioropia, i, 173 ff., iii, 189 : see her life in N. AL/JLOJV. pp. 43 ff. 

3 The Patriarchal list (ap. Sathas) gives the martyrs' names, birth- 
places, and dates, occasionally their place of martyrdom. According to 
this list there was one martyr in the fifteenth century, with 15 in the 
sixteenth, 31 in the seventeenth, 39 in the eighteenth, and 7 in the 
nineteenth (up to 1811). 

Types 453 

As to the personalities of the martyrs included in the 
Lexicon, it is noteworthy that nearly all are men in 
a humble station of life, many of them not renowned 
for their virtues. On this point the Passions are ex- 
traordinarily candid. A good instance is the case of 
the three (anonymous) martyrs of Agrinion, who mas- 
queraded as Turkish tax-collectors and, wearing Turkish 
dress and using the exclusively Mohammedan saluta- 
tion Selam Aleikum for the purpose, were on this account 
haled before the Kadi and offered the choice of apostasy 
or death. 1 To choose the latter rather than the former 
is regarded, and rightly, as the supreme test ; by it the 
sins of a lifetime were regarded as honourably erased. 

The supernatural details added to the recitals are, in 
comparison with those in earlier saints 5 lives, Greek and 
Latin alike, insignificant. 

As a general rule the neo-martyrs seem to have been 
men who ' turned Turk ? for various motives, often in 
extreme youth, 2 or were alleged by the Turks to have 
done so. 3 After a shorter or longer period they repented 
and publicly avowed themselves Christians. 4 The Tur- 
kish law was explicit and their doom, if they persisted, 
was certain. In one or two cases the convert was a Turk 
by birth : 5 one certainly was not an orthodox Moslem, 

ov, p. 704 (three anonymous martyrs of Agrinion in 1786) : 
cf. N. AeifAwv., pp. 491 if. Cf. Neov Mapr., p. 55 (Loukas, tailor in 
Mytilene, martyred in 1564). 

2 Cf. Michaud and Poujoulat, Corresp. d'Orient, i, 221, for a Greek 
martyred about 1830 for blaspheming the Islam he had embraced in 

3 Cf. the extraordinary case of a Greek of Alashehr (Philadelphia) 
who, perverted in childhood, repented at twenty-five and was visited 
by a number of Turkish sorcerers who attempted to draw him back to 
the true faith (Ntov Mapr., p. 74) by their magic arts. 

4 A case is that of Damaskenos who renegaded in youth, repented, 
became a monk, and in 1681 a voluntary martyr (Neov Mapr. 9 p. 96). 

5 About 1540 a mufti turned Christian with his son and pupils : all 
were burned (Gerlach, Tage-Sucb, p. 58). A Turk preaching Chris- 

454 Neo-Martyrs of the Orthodox Church 

but deeply imbued with the mystic teaching of the 
dervishes. 1 A case is recorded in which a Turk was 
converted by his Christian wife.* A few martyrs only 
were actuated by the passion for martyrdom, 3 such as 
was evidenced by S. Ignatius and some early martyrs, 4 
and of their own free will blasphemed Islam and its 
Prophet 5 before the Kadi. This morbid state of mind 
was to some extent shared by renegades : it was doubt- 
less an effect of their remorse. It is greatly to the credit 
of the Turks that at least one case is recorded where 
a renegade monk, stimulated doubtless by a similar 
morbid craving, went before the Kadi and blasphemed, 
not Mohammed but Christ, and was at once beheaded. 6 
The ex-renegades, who form the bulk of the martyrs, 
were converted to Islam in various ways. 7 Many were 
tianity and therefore martyred is mentioned by Hauser in his notes on 
Canaye's Voyage (1573), p. 146. Two dervishes were baptized and 
martyred in Rhodes in 1622, miraculous lights being seen on their 
tombs (Pacifique, Voyage de Perse, p. 54). A dervish of Akhisar 
(Thyatira) was converted to Christianity with twenty-two of his 
followers and martyred in 1649 (Carayon, ReL Ined. de la Compagnie de 
"Jesus, pp. 228 ff.). Other cases are mentioned by the Ntov Mapr., 
p. 33 (Saint Jacob of Kastoria), and the JV '. Atipuv ., p. 217 (' dervish ' 

1 S. John of Konitza (N. ACC/JLOJV., p. 331), who was a Bektashi 
sheikh's son. 

2 A^IKOV, p. 288 (Ahmed, martyred 1682), also in ATe'ov Mapr., 
p. 99. 

3 AcgiKov, p. 181 (Anastasios of S. Vlasios, 1743), p. 552. Cf. Neov 
Mapr., p. 39 (S. John of Yannina, 1526), p. 86 (Gabriel of Aloni, 1676), 
p. 87 (Kyprianos, 1679), P- IO 4 (Romanes of Constantinople). 

4 Delehaye, Culte des Martyrs, p. 7 : cf. Allard, Dern. Per sec., p. 141 ; 
Le Blant, Per sec. et Martyrs, pp. 99 ff., especially 103 ff. and 134. 
For the merit of voluntary martyrdom see Eulogius, Lib. Memor. Sanct. 
i, 22, 24. See also Castries, IS Islam, pp. 90 ff. 

5 Ntov Mapr., pp. 47, 54, 55, 63, 68 (SS. M. Mavroudis, Dem. Tor- 
naras, Joannes KouUkas, Nicolas of Trikkala, Jordanis of Trebizond). 

6 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xii, 45 : for the psychology of 
the renegade see Allard, Hist, des Persec., p. 306. 

7 De Maillet (Descr. de fgypte, ii, 207) records a curious case of 
the apostasy and martyrdom of a Franciscan. 

Repentant Renegades 455 

circumcised by force while young, 1 many in their cups 
made the Profession of Faith * and were held to it when 
sober by their Turkish boon-companions. The motives 
of the Turks in pressing a conversion of this sort are 
not generally represented as malicious, and might, in- 
deed, have been the result of a genuine or fuddled 
attachment. 3 Occasionally their motives were political 4 
and sometimes a Greek was merely slandered by a rival. 5 
There are a few cases where the apostasy was more or 
less forced on the Christian, either by a love affair with 
a Moslem woman 6 or by malicious interpretation of 
phrases lightly said. 7 

A renegade convinced of his error generally made his 
way to Athos 8 or some other monastic centre away from 
the world, 9 confessed, and was put to penance by his 

1 N4ov Mapr., p. 65 (Theophilus), p. 67 (Markos of Smyrna), p. 71 
(Nicolas of Karaman). 

2 Anastasios was circumcised when mad because of the magic 
practised against him by his deserted fiancee's family (Nzov Mapr., 
p. 71) : cf. ibid., p. 80, for Joannes Navkleros of Kos, p. 81 for Nicolas 
the general merchant, p. 99 for Paul the Russian. 

3 So our own countryman, Thomas Dallam, the organist, who 
brought Queen Elizabeth's present to the sultan, was entreated to stay 
in the Seraglio and turn Turk for no more interested reason than the 
pleasure the Imperial pages took in his company and his skill : see his 
Travels, p. 73 (* towe jemaglanes, who is keepers of that house, touke 
me in theire armes and kissed me, and used many perswations to have 
me staye with the Grand Sinyor and sarve him '). 

4 Neov Mapr., pp. 63, 73, 79, 8l, IOI. 

5 Ibid., p. 77 : cf. pp. 54, 55, 65, 67, 70, 92, 93, 102. Cf. especially 
Cosmas of Berat slandered by Jews (Wheler, Journey into Greece, 
p. 124). 

6 AZ&KOV, pp. 392 (Demetrius of Chios, 1802 : cf. N. ACI/JLOJV., 
p. 18) and 543-4 (John the Bulgarian, 1802 : cf. N. Aeipajv., p. 88). 

7 Cf. Nicolas the general merchant, in Neov Mapr., p. 81. 

8 Cf. Leake, North. Greece, iii, 137; Hartley, Researches (1831), 
p. 57. There is a special service for repentant renegades (cf. Jowett, 
Christian Researches, pp. 20-22 : cf. Castries, U Islam, pp. 323 ff. and 
Rycaut, Greek and Armenian Churches, p. 287). 

9 Patmos in A^LKOV, p. 360 (George of New Ephesus, 1801) : cf. 
N. Aeinojv., pp. 113 if. 

456 Neo-Martyrs of the Orthodox Church 

confessor. 1 It was generally held that the guilt of 
apostasy could be purged only by martyrdom, so that 
a permanent refuge in a monastery was impossible. The 
penitent, fortified by prayer and fasting, then returned 
to the place where he had renounced Christianity, and, 
throwing down his turban before a Turkish court, de- 
clared that he returned to his original faith. The judge 
generally used every means in his power to persuade the 
new convert to return to Islam, and allowed him several 
days to reconsider his decision. 2 At the end of this 
grace the saint was beheaded or hanged in public. The 
fortitude of some such victims excited the admiration 
not only of their co-religionists but of their Catholic 
contemporaries : nor, as we shall see, were the Turks 
altogether unmoved. 

While the body was still exposed, or even while the 
prisoner was still in jail, signs of his sainthood were 
eagerly looked for. The most generally accepted token 
was a phosphorescent light (an idea doubtless derived 
from the tongues of fire at Pentecost) hovering over the 
prisoner, the corpse, or the grave. Another was the 
failure of the body to decompose by the time prescribed 
by Greek custom for the gathering up of the bones 
(ai>a*o/uS77).3 The validity of these signs depended on 
the presumption that the deceased had died a martyr. 
Both Turks and Greeks consider that if a body does not 
decompose before the prescribed time, it is either that 
of a great saint or a great sinner. Consequently, when 
the phosphorescent light was seen by the Turkish au thori- 

1 Rycaut (Greek and Armenian Churches, pp. 285 if.) says the treat- 
ment varied for repentant renegades according to age. Under 
fourteen they were given only bread and water for forty days and made 
to pray day and night. If over fourteen, they had numerous fasts 
and continual prayer to observe, and for six or seven years were not 
allowed to communicate. 

a Cf. Ncov Mapr., p. 74 (Demetrios of Alashehr). 

3 A^IKOV, p. 250 (S. Argyrios, 1725) : Wheler, Journey into Greece, 
p. 123 (Gerasimos of Crete) : Neov Mapr., pp. 33, 81, 93, 107. 

Miracles by Neo-Martyrs 457 

ties round the body of a martyr, they held that * God 
was burning him ' ; but were quite consistently pre- 
. pared to acknowledge his innocence, if it were found 
that this light had not consumed the body. 1 In this 
case the saint was recognized by Turks as divinely 
vindicated, and in some cases is reported to have per- 
formed posthumous miracles for Turks. 2 

The miracles performed by the neo-martyrs are of 
the usual sort attributed to the other saints in the Greek 
calendar. The missionary Hartley, c walking over the 
ruins of Tripolitza, in the year 1828, happened to in- 
quire . . . whether the plague was of frequent occur- 
rence in that place. The answer implied that the 
plague had never visited the town since the martyrdom 
of a certain individual of the class just described ' (i.e. 
a neo-martyr). 3 Particularly interesting is the case of 
one George, a neo-martyr of Scala Nova, who appeared 
to a sick Carpathiote who in classical fashion < incubated ' 
at the tomb of the saint. The saint appeared to the 
patient in his sleep under the form of S. Panteleemon 
(a popular Orthodox healing saint) and, with a staff he 
carried, touched the ailing part, the patient being of 
course healed. 4 A closer parallel to the ancient ' in- 
cubation * at Epidaurus could hardly be desired. 

The canonization of saints of this type seems to have 
depended mainly on the popular voice. If it was gene- 
rally admitted that the choice between apostasy and 
death had been offered to the person executed, espe- 
cially if his sanctity had been borne out by the tokens 

ov, p. 560 (John of Sphakia, 1811 : cf. N. Aeifiwv., p. 328). 
A similar proof was the refusal of the street dogs to touch the corpse 
of the saint in Neov. Mapr., p. 107 (Athanasius of Adalia, 1700). 

2 AC&KOV, p. 368 (George of Grevena, 1810). It was the policy of 
the Turks in 1830 to make Christians renegade. 

3 Researches, p. 58. 

4 Ae&Kov, p. 362 (George of Scala Nova = New Ephesus, 1801 : 
also in N. /lei/xcov., p. 113). 

3295-2 H 

458 Neo-Martyrs of the Orthodox Church 

we have described or by posthumous healing miracles, 
his popular canonization was secure. 

* A person, of whose veracity I have no doubt, informed me ', 
says Hartley, c that he saw a Greek at Tzesme, named Gabriel 
Sandalges, hanged by the Turks. His countrymen, from a 
cause which I cannot recal, believed that he died a martyr. In 
consequence, a painter was employed to sketch his features, 
while he was still hanging ; and the portrait was forthwith sus- 
pended in the church, and worship paid him under the name of 
Stratolates.' ' 

In other cases the canonization of the saint was 
ordered by the local bishop. An instance of this is re- 
corded by Hartley, as follows : 

c A Spezziot, who had commanded a brig of war during the 
Revolution, gave me the following fact. Two young Spezziotes, 
who had been the juvenile companions of my informant from 
the days of childhood, had the misfortune to be shipwrecked 
on the Island of Scio. Having fled for refuge to a Greek of the 
island, he had the baseness to betray them. 

' On being brought before the Turkish Pasha, he offered them 
the alternative of embracing the Mussulman religion, or of 
death. The young men manifested that fortitude in the cause 
of their faith which has been so often witnessed in the Turkish 
Empire. They professed their readiness to submit to the worst 
extremities, rather than abjure their religion. The menace of 
the Pasha was executed, and they died the death of martyrdom. 
. . . The Bishop of Scio addressed a Letter to the Spezziotes, in- 
forming them, not only of the martyrdom of their two country- 
men, but also of the observation of the luminous appearance, 
which is the indication of Saintship. On the strength of this 
occurrence, he exhorted them to place the pictures of the two 
young men in their church, and to address to them a course of 
worship (aKoXov9ia). The admonition of the Bishop was duly 
attended to : and, as my informant asserted, their pictures are 
now receiving this worship : though his own recollection of 
these young men led him to suppose that it was altogether mis- 
directed/ * 

1 Researches, p. 55. 2 Ibid., pp. 55-56. 

An Impostor Canonized 459 

In conclusion, as illustrating the essentially popular 
nature of such saint-cults, we may cite the case of an 
eighteenth-century ascetic of Katirli in Bithynia, Auxen- 
tios. He gained an immense following, and, it is said, 
also immense wealth, by his reputation for sanctity and 
miracle-working. He seems to have been a disrepu- 
table character and to have owed his success partly to 
the backing of a deposed patriarch of Constantinople 
and partly to his influence over women. The reigning 
prelate, having tried in vain by means of his emissaries 
to put an end to Auxentios' vogue, at last called for 
Turkish intervention. The impostor was inveigled into 
a boat, strangled, and thrown into the Sea of Marmara. 
The inhabitants interred his body in their church, and 
down to the sixties, in spite of all ecclesiastical protests, 
reverenced it as a miracle-working relic. 1 

1 Kleonymos and Papadopoulos, BiQvviKd, pp. 95 f. ; Sir James 
Porter, Turkey, i, 359 f. ; Gedeon, in NeoXoyos, Sept. 1887, no. 5481 ; 
Dapontes, '/ar. KaraAoyos 1 , p. 129 (in Sathas, Mea. BifiX. in), 175 1-2, 
and KaOpeTTrrjs PvvaiKwv ; Koumas, */CTT. *AvOp. Ilpd^zcw, x, 
398 ff. ; Vie de saint Auxence> ed. Leon Clugnet ; Le Mont Saint- 
Auxence, by R. P. Jules Pargoire ; Nzov Mapr., p. 108. 

H 2 


BOTH in Islam and in Christianity tales are told 
connecting stags with saints. On the Moslem side 
is the story that Kaigusuz Baba, while still in the world, 
went hunting and, having shot a stag, was amazed to 
see it turn into a venerable dervish. In remorse, he 
forthwith left the world for the cloister. 2 Another 
saint was converted by Haji Bektash, who showed him 
on his own person the wounds which the future saint 
had inflicted on a stag. 3 Haji Bektash was the spiritual 
disciple of Kara (otherwise Kara j a Ahmed) : 4 Karaja 
bears the meaning of stag. 

These stories are founded on the belief that deer are 
the familiars of forest-dwelling hermits, who, by their 
sympathy with the natural world, can milk and ride 
on them, 5 that is, use wild animals as domestic : more 
extravagant stories attribute to desert hermits the same 
power with regard to lions. 6 A possible contributory 
cause of the generation of such myths is the use of deer- 

1 This chapter has been written up by M. M. H. 

2 See above, pp. 290-1. A degradation of this story may 
perhaps be discerned in the succouring of the Chelebi's son at 
Konia by S. Chariton (see above pp. 373-4 f.)> where the saint may 
have been originally the stag which led to the mishap and subse- 
quent miracle. 

3 F. W. H. 4 Evliya, Travels, ii, 21 : cf. ii, 215. 

5 Geyikli Baba rode on a stag to the siege of Brusa (Evliya, Travels, 
ii, 24) ; the Khalveti great-grandfather of Halil Khalid rode every 
Friday to Mecca on a stag (Halil Halid, Diary of a Turk, p. 5). The 
same Geyikli Baba tamed deer and lived on their milk (Carnoy and 
Nicolaides, Trad, de Constantinople, p. 10 : cf. above, p. 290) ; his 
name means literally Stag Dervish. 

6 e.g. Ahmed Rifai (Degrand, Haute Albanie, p. 229). The same 
tale is told of Haji Bektash in Cholet, Voyage, p. 47, and also of 
Mohammed (by Cappadocian Greeks) : see above, p. 289, and 2, 

Stags holy to Moslems 461 

skins as prayer-mats, 1 which are looked upon as the 
vehicles of miraculous journeys, 2 in the ecstasy of con- 
templation, to Mecca and elsewhere. Such probably 
is the origin of the belief that the deer-skin preserved 
in the family of Halil Khalid belonged to the stag which 
carried HaliPs dervish ancestor regularly to Mecca 
for the Friday prayer. 3 

In general, stags are holy animals and it is unlucky to 
shoot them. 4 In Pont us they built the enclosure of a 
saint's grave. 5 They are said to offer themselves for the 
kurban sacrifice, when other animals fail ; 6 on this 
account their horns are often hung in tekkes? Dervishes 
can, and do, take the form of stags. 8 Finally, another 
source of legends of conversion by stags is the fact that 
stag-hunting is the typical employment of rich and 
worldly young men. 9 

On the Christian side, in the East, S. Mamas of Cap- 
padocia, who was martyred under Aurelian, milked 
deer I0 and is said in Cyprus to have ridden on a lion. 11 
Even in western Europe similar miracles occur. Ia Thus 

1 Van Lennep (Travels, ii, 46) says the most appreciated prayer-mats 
are the skins of the stag, the roebuck, and the wild goat. 

2 For miraculous journeys in general see above, pp. 285-7. 

3 Halil Halid, loc. at. 

4 Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad, de Constantinople, p. 10. 

5 Professor White in Most. World, ix, II. 

6 F. W. H. The miracle is a very old one (cf. Plutarch, Lucullus, 
p. 10) and is found also on the Christian side (a stag offered itself for 
slaughter to S. Simeon the hermit, celebrated on July 26). 

7 See above, p. 231, and n. 7. 

8 Cf, above, p. 460 (Kaigusuz Baba, Haji Bektash). 

9 See above, p. 460 (Kaigusuz Baba), and below, p. 465 (S. Eustace, 
S. Hubert of Liege). 

10 Synax. Cp., Sept. 2 ; Greg. Naz., Or. xliv, cap. xii ; Basilius, In 
Mamantem : Allard, Dern. Persec., p. 259, where, however, his date is 
given as July 17. 

11 M. Ohnefalsch-Richter, Gr. Sitten und Gebrauche auf Cypern, 
p. 162. A similarly extravagant story deals with Ephraim Angaua, 
for whom see above, p. 289, n. 2. 

12 See Maury, Croy. du Moyen Age, pp. 256 ff. 

462 Stag and Saint 

S. Telo of Brittany x rode on a stag, while S. Maximus of 
Turin, 2 being spied upon, sent a miraculous thirst on 
the spy and afterwards relieved it by introducing him 
to a deer which gave him milk. S. Grilles of Provence 3 
used to milk a/ieer and was accidentally wounded in mis- 
take for it by a royal hunting party. On the festival of 
S. Rieul deer came from the forest, entered the church, 
and remained on the tomb of the saint during mass. 4 The 
English S. Guthlac sheltered a stag from its pursuers. 5 

Conversion by a supernatural stag occurs in the legend 
of S. Eustace, supposed to have been martyred under 
Hadrian. 6 This tale is as follows : 

A Roman officer, named Placidus, was hunting near 
Rome. His hounds brought to bay a stag with a cruci- 
fix between its horns, 7 which cried out, * Why pursuest 

1 Maury, op. cit., p. 259. * Ada SS., June 25. 

3 Ibid., Sept. I. This sixth-century saint (otherwise Aegidius) is 
said to have come from Greece. 

* Collin de Plancy, Diet, des Reliques, i, 28. 

5 Hutton, English Saints, p. 225. In general, he had power over 
wild things. A gazelle, hunted by the sickly son of the Sultan Sanjar, 
took refuge in the mud house built over the tomb of the Imam Riza 
near the city of Tus. The prince's horse shied away from the tomb, 
whereupon the prince surmised he was on holy ground, dismounted, 
and, praying at the tomb, was at once miraculously healed (D. M. 
Donaldson in Mosl. World, ix, 1919, pp. 293-4). This story combines 
the themes of the hunted animal which takes sanctuary (e.g. S. Guthlac's 
stag : the stag in Sebillot, Folk-Lore de France, i, 169 : the wild sow in 
Greg. Turon., Vitae Patrum, xii, ch, ii) and of the plague-smitten 
prince guided by an animal to cure (e. g. Bladud at Bath, Philoktetes 
&c.), for which see further below, p. 686. 

6 Ada SS., Sept. 20. The legend is certainly prior to the schism 
between the Churches, as it occurs in Synax. Cp. also. S. Bracchion's 
conversion was very similar (Maury, op. cit., p. 257). 

7 In the Greek life, which is the source of all known lives and probably 
dates before Metaphrastes (tenth century), the text runs: *im jxi> 
r&v Kpdra)v rov \d<f>ov rov rvirov rov riplov aravpov virep TTJV 
Aa/LtTrporrjra rov r/Xiov Aa/ZTrovra, ji^croy Sc TOJV Kcpdrcov rrjv cticova 
rov 00<f>6pov crcujLtarosr. 5 

The antithesis indicated is to be noted. The earliest mention of S, 

Stags effect Conversions 463 

thou me ? I am Jesus Christ.' * Here, the main theme 
is sudden conversion effected by a miraculous beast. 

After his conversion Placidus took the name of Eusta- 
thius, endured a number of Job-like trials, 2 and was 
eventually martyred, showing great fortitude in his 
death (EvardSios). 

The two halves of the story are quite distinct and 

Eustace is by S. John Damascenus, who lived all his life in Syria and 
Palestine and died before 754. It is therefore possible that the legend 
is of Syrian origin, in which case it is interesting to find that an Arabic 
expression speaks of the sun's rays as the horns of a deer (H. B. Tristram, 
Eastern Customs, p. 172). Cf. ' horns ' for ' rays ' in Hebrew (e.g. in 
Exodus, xxxiv, 29, where the Authorized Version reads c Moses put 
forth horns', and Habakkuk, iii, 4). Is the introduction of the stag 
into the Eustace story caused or helped by a misunderstanding by the 
Greek translator of this metaphor or of a gloss which has crept into the 
text ? The eikons ignore the difficulty raised by the position of the 
crucifix and merely place it on the stag's head between its horns. 
Maury, however, ingeniously explains (Croy. du Moyen Age, p. 260) 
the introduction of the stag by a confusion between it and the unicorn 
and the ancient symbolical reference of the stag to Ps. xli, I. This 
may have been contributory, but in the East the stag is a holy man ; 
Eustathius' stag is Christ, and the stag wounded by Kaigusuz (above, 
p. 460) assumed the form of a venerable dervish. The A eta do not 
help much towards a solution, being late : they make the stag itself 
speak, not the crucifix. The second early mention of S. Eustace is 
by the patriarch Nicephorus, who lived in the early ninth century. 
Both he and S. John Damascenus were of the pro-image party, so that 
if the story originated in Syria, as suggested, we may owe it to the 
desire of the pro-image party to stimulate image worship. Miracles 
probably produced for some such reason are the statue of the Virgin 
at Damascus, half of which came alive and talked (Baronius, s. a. 870, 
quoted by Collin de Plancy, Diet, des Reliques, ii, 332) and the bleeding 
crucifix of Beyrut, which is mentioned by Theodericus (c. 1172 : ed. 
Tobler, p. 109) and by the German pilgrim of 1507 quoted by Rohricht, 
in Z.D.P.7. x, 202. See further Hasluck, Letters, p. 199, and for 
bleeding hosts and crucifixes in general see Maury, op. cit., p. 287. 

1 The wording is evidently influenced by the conversion of S. Paul 
(Aets, ix, 4, 5). Balaam's ass is the prototype for the beast with human 

2 De Voragine, Legenda Aurea, p. 525 : cf. P. Guerin, Vie des 
Saints 9 s.v. 

464 Stag and Saint 

may possibly even belong to two different persons. 1 
The confusion may perhaps be explained by supposing 
Placidus to be a translation of *Havx<>o$, and *Havx<<o$ to 
be a bad reading ofEvaroxios appropriate for the hunts- 
man motif as Evarddios is for trials and martyrdom. It is 
noteworthy that the West uses the bastard form Eusta- 
tbius. It is highly probable that the whole story belongs 
to the class of edifying, as opposed to historical, legends, 
of which the type is Barlaam and Joasaph : 2 to this 
class belong also S. Christopher 3 and the similarly un- 
localized S. Julian, 4 whose story, be it noted, combines 
the motifs of the supernatural stag and the ferrying of 
Christ in disguise, analogous to the Christopher story. 
The heroes of these edifying tales seem to have no very 
definite cult centre or place of burial : perhaps that 
is characteristic. The transformation of Christ into 
animal form is unknown to me in the Christian cycle, 5 
though the Devil favours such disguises. The pagan 
gods of antiquity and Hinduism, Buddha, and, as we 
have seen, Moslem saints, have no such scruples. In 
the case of S. Eustace the difficulty is partly evaded by 
the introduction of the crucifix. 6 

Deriving directly from the first Eustathius story, 
perhaps because the relics of S. Eustace are mainly in 
Belgium, we have the legend of the Belgian S. Hubert, 7 

1 The authenticity of the details of the life of S. Eustace is doubted 
by most authorities. There is an historical Placidus (Josephus, De Bell. 
Jud. iv, 6). 2 Hastings' EncycL of Religion, s.v. 3 May 9. 

4 Ada SS., Feb. 12. The Legenda Aurea seems the first source 
known. See further Hasluck, Letters, p. 167. 

5 Cf., however, two very popular French stories in which Christ 
and the Virgin respectively take the form of butterflies (S6billot, 
Folk-Lore de France, iii, 333). 

6 Barlaam and Joasaph is known to be of Buddhist origin. There is 
some reason to believe that the prototype of all stag stories is Buddhist : 
see Jatakas, tr. Cowell. 

7 Acta SS., Nov. 3 : martyred in 727. See further Maury, op. cit., 
p. 258. 

Typical Worldly Pursuits 465 

who is converted, not from paganism, but from indiffer- 
ence. The story x varies only in the fact that he was 
hunting on a feast-day of the Church. This variation 
has no doubt been introduced in order to make the 
story more moral, S. Hubert as a Christian needing no 
conversion from paganism. This idea of hunting as the 
typical worldly pursuit, found also on the Moslem side, 2 
is much used in popular mythology 3 and corresponds 
to dancing in women. Many great lords and even kings, 
including King Arthur, 4 have been punished for neglect- 
ing church for its sake, and have been condemned to 
hunt eternally in woods or in the sky. 

1 S. Jean de Matha, died 1213 (A eta SS., Feb. 8), and S. Felix of 
Valois, died 1212 (Ada SS., Nov. 20), founders of the Trinitarian 
order, were given an omen of their future foundation by the apparition 
of a stag bearing a red and blue cross between its horns. This is an 
aetiological tale composed to account miraculously for the badge of the 
order and explain the name of the first monastery, Cerfroid, near 
Meaux. For similarly aetiological reasons the Trinitarian convent 
at Murviedro in Spain, which was founded in 1266, is said to be on 
the site of an ancient temple of Diana (Bradshaw's Spain, p. 85). 
Hare (Walks in Rome, ii, 200) gives a compact account of the legends 
of SS. Hubert, Felix, Eustace, and Julian. 

2 Cf. Kaigusuz Baba, above, p. 460. 

3 For France see Sebillot, op. cit. i, 168, 169, 278 : cf. also iv, 13, 
292. The typical bourgeois faults corresponding are, for men, cutting 
wood or hedging (Greg. Turon., De Mirac. S. Mart. Ill, xxix) ; for 
women, washing linen (Sebillot, op. cit. ii, 425, 426, 427), or dancing 
(Sebillot, iv, 26, 42) or baking (Greg. Turon., loc. cit. Ill, xxxi) on 
Sundays or holy days. For dancing see also Lecoy de la Marche, La 
Chaire Franfaise, p. 447. 

4 Sebillot, of. cit. i, 168. 


THE hot springs of Armudlu, in the valley above the 
village of the same name on Bos Burun (Cape Posei- 
dium) opposite Mudania, are dedicated, according to 
the Greeks, to three saints, Nymphodora, Metrodora, 
and Menodora. 1 The conjunction of three female saints 
is rare in the Greek calendar, and the names suspicious, 2 
but the Christian cult is early. The saints were, accord- 
ing to tradition, put to death in the reign of Maximian 
at Nicomedia. As early as the tenth century their 
martyrdom is celebrated by Symeon Metaphrastes : 3 at 
this date their tomb was shown * near the hot springs ' 
and they were already considered notable miracle- 
workers. 4 They had a church at Constantinople already 
ancient in I34I, 5 and their relics are still preserved at 
the monastery of Lavra on Athos. 6 At the springs of 
Armudlu are shown the ayasma of the saints (in the 
bath-chamber built for the accommodation of visitors 

* Acta SS. and Synax. CP., Sept. 10 ; cf. Bill. Hag. Gr., p. 177. 

2 Cf. the equally unconvincing Cappadocian triad Speusippus, 
Elasippus, and Mesippus (Rendel Harris, Dioscuri, pp. 52 if.). Are 
they the ' three children ' who lie at Langres in a tomb of bronze with 
a Latin inscription saying they were sent by the king of Persia to rid 
the town of demons (Collin de Plancy, Diet, des Reliques, i, 20) ? 

3 Migne, Pair. Gr. cxv, 653 ff. 

4 Cf. Sym. Met., p. 664 : rd<f>ov avrols ev rw rrjs reXecojaews e^oj- 
aav roTTCo . . . TfJiv6$ re els Szvpo Trpo ra> Ta</>a) avrwv icpov ISpvrai 
oiovei riva Trora/Ltov, ZvSov Trpox^ovra Oavfjiara ; Synax. loc. cit. : 
OaTTTOvrcn, 7T\r)crlov T&V 0pjJLajv vBdrcov, TroAAa? idaeis eats rrjs 
orjfjiepov eVtreAoCaat. 

5 Acta Patr., xcviii, in Miklosich and Miiller, Acta et Diplom. Gr. 
i, 221. 

6 Smyrnakes, *Ayiov "Opo?, p. 394 : the art type of the three 
saints is given in the *Epp,r)Via Zajypdtfrajv (in Didron, Iconographie 
Cbretienne, p. 380). 

A Classical Survival 467 

to the springs) and the place of their burial a few paces 
further down the valley, where there are amorphous 
rubble ruins of Roman or Byzantine date. The earth 
of the grave is used medicinally. 1 

A female triad, though rare in the Byzantine calen- 
dar, 2 is common enough in ancient mythology, where the 
figures are called Eumenides, Graces, Nymphs, &c. The 
nymphs of springs commonly appear in art as a triad, 3 
and they are naturally connected with hot springs and 
their healing properties. 4 

At least one ancient inscription has been found at the 
Armudlu baths, which is (slight) evidence of their fre- 
quentation in ancient times : but this is on the face of 
it probable. Further, a local writer of the sixties pro- 
fesses to have seen in the bath itself a ' picture in relief 
(avayeyXvfjifjLevr) elKcbv) of the three saints ? . 5 In 1913 I 
could find no trace of such a relief, but the bath was 
too full at the time of my visit for a satisfactory examina- 
tion : local people spoke vaguely of * figures ' (which 
they did not connect with the saints) visible before the 
bath was repaired with cement. The use of a pagan 
relief as a Christian eikon is not unprecedented ; numer- 
ous instances of reliefs of the ' Thracian horseman ' are 
cited by Dumont as serving in Thrace for eikons of 
S. George. 6 There is therefore a strong presumption 
that the cult of the three saints of Armudlu is based on 
an earlier worship of the nymphs. 

1 P. G. Makris, Ta KanpXl, p, 38 : ot mcrroi Aa/z/Javouat yr\v 
TTpos OepaTTciav Tracroiv TOJV aaQevzi&v. 

2 Above, p. 466. 

3 See especially Imhoof-Blumer in Journ. Int. Num. 1908, pp. 181 ff. 

4 Of., e.g., Cumont, Stud. Pont, ii, 124, iii, 37 if., on the nymphs at 
Kafsa near Amasia. 

5 Kleonymos, BiOvviKa (1867), p. 96 ; cf. P. G. Makris, ToKanpXl 
(1888), p. 38, who speaks simply of an ct/o6v. 

6 Melanges cTArcheologie et d?pigrapbie, p. 219. A horseman 
relief is worshipped as an eikon of S. Demetrius at the village church 
of Luzani in Lower Macedonia, see above, p. 190. 

468 The Saints of Armudlu 

The village of Armudlu contains a fairly equal mix- 
ture of Turks and Greeks, and the bath is naturally 
frequented by both. Beside it are two Moslem graves, 
one of which is known to be that of a patient who died 
at the baths. Only lapse of time and suitable exploita- 
tion are needed to bring these into relation with the hot 
springs : and the unknown dedes will under favourable 
circumstances succeed to the heritage of the nymphs 
and the saints. 


THOUGH the number of crypto-Christians among 
the heterodox tribes of Asia Minor has probably 
been considerably exaggerated, it cannot be denied that 
crypto-Christians exist or that cases of forced conversion 
affecting large sections of the population can be cited. 2 
But under the Ottoman Turks at least there is very 
little historical evidence for conversion on a large scale 
in Asia Minor. So long as the rayahs were not danger- 
ous, they could be ' milked ' better than True Believers, 
and conversion en masse was to no one's interest. 

Exceptionally in the district of Trebizond we have 
both a credible legend of conversion and an existent 
population, outwardly Mohammedan, which seems in 
some cases to retain something from the more ancient 
faith and in others to practise it in secret. Of the first 
category may be cited certain villages in the district 
of Rizeh, which, though Mohammedan by profession, 
preserve some memories of the rite of baptism and speak, 
not Turkish, but Armenian. 3 Crypto-Christians proper, 
belonging to the Greek rite and Greek by speech, also 

1 Reprinted fromJ.H.S. xli, 199 ff. 

2 Individual conversions are in a different category and have probably 
at all times taken place to a greater or less extent. Cf. Burckhardt, 
Syria, p. 197, who cites the case of a Meccan sherif family, which, 
being entrusted with the rule of the mountain, became crypto-Chris- 
tians in order to have more hold over the Christians of Lebanon. Lady 
Burton (Inner Life of Syria, p. 146) records wholesale local conver- 
sions which took place in Syria on account of government or private 

3 Cuinet, Turquie d'Asie, i, 121. These people seem to be identical 
with the Armenians of the Batum district, who were converted ' two 
hundred years ago ' (Smith and Dwight, Missionary Researches in 
Armenia, 1834, p. 457). 

470 The Crypto-Ckristians of Trebizond 

existed till recent years in the neighbourhood of Tre- 
bizond : they were known generally as c Stavriotae \ 
from a village Stavra in the ecclesiastical district of 
Gumush-hane. They are said at one time to have 
numbered 20,000 in the vilayets of Sivas, Angora, and 
Trebizond : now all have returned to the open profes- 
sion of their faith. 1 The local authorities refer these 
populations to a persecution which arose at the end of 
the seventeenth century and resulted in the conversion 
of 8,000 families and the flight of many others to the 
Crimea and elsewhere. Of the converted Greeks some 
were till lately to be found in the mining district of 
Kromna and were only outwardly Mussulman ; but 
most reverted to open Christianity about i86o. a Others 
are settled in the regions of Rizeh and Ophis ; 3 all 
retain their language and some, in spite of their changed 
religion, jealously preserve their Christian sacred books. 
All the traditions of the persecution at Trebizond 
seem to go back to one source. 4 The date (c. 1665) is 
fixed rather arbitrarily after the building date of a 
certain famous house which is supposed to mark a ' high- 
water mark ' of Christian 5 prosperity and more particu- 

1 R. Janin, in tc'hos d'Orient, xiv (1912), pp. 495-505. Cuinet 
(Turquie Asie, i, 12) says there are 12,000 to 15,000 Kromlis, living 
in nine villages not far from Trebizond. 

2 S. loannides, 'laropia TpaTre^ovvros, pp. 134-5* 

3 For the Ophites cf. M. Deffner, /7ei>re '-EjSSo/zaSes" napa rot? 
apvyaiOpijaKois ev "Oc^et, in 'Ecrria, 1877, no. 87, pp. 547-50. 

4 Apparently S. loannides, '/oro/na TpaTrc^owro?, pp. 132 ff., which 
is followed by Triandaphyllides, /Tovrt/ca, p. 56, and preface to the 
same author's Ol ^uyaSe?. E. L Kyriakides, '/crro/Ho, rfjs Movrjs 
UovfjLeXa, pp. 91 ff., adds a reference to Papadopoulos-Kerameus, 
Fontes Hist. Trapez. i, 150-65, for a contemporary poem. David's 
history of Trebizond may be the source of all. For the Christian 
practices of the Stavriotae of Lazistan (the Ophite crypto-Christians f ) 
see Pears, Turkey, p. 266 f. ; Ramsay, Impressions of Turkey, p. 241. 

5 The Trapezuntine crypto-Christians are also mentioned casually 
by Hamilton, Asia Minor, i, 340 ; Smith and Dwight, op. cit., p. 453 ; 
Flandin and Coste, Voyage en Perse (1840-1), i, 38, who call the sect 

Anti-Christian Fanaticism of the Turks 471 

larly by the transformation of two churches (S. Sophia 
and S. Philip) into mosques a few years later. But the 
real dates of these transformations are given by Evliya I 
as 1573 and 1577 respectively, while the date of the 
house is irrelevant. It thus seems probable that we 
have to reckon with two outbursts of anti-Christian 
fanaticism in the sixteenth and seventeenth a centuries 
respectively. We may surmise, but cannot prove, that 
these were due to political circumstances, the earlier 
perhaps to the battle of Lepanto 3 and the later to the 
Russian aggressions. 4 

Kroumi (from Kromna, one of their villages) or Messo-Messo (' half- 
and-half ') The best and most recent account of them is given by 
Janin in chos d'Orient, xiv (1912), pp. 495-55 He draws for their 
early history on the Greek authors mentioned above, and for recent 
events on local sources, describing the gradual return of the crypto- 
Christians to open profession of their faith. They are now said to be 
undergoing a forced re-conversion to Islam (JlarpLs, April 16, 1915). 

1 ii, 45-6. He wrote about the middle of the seventeenth century. 

2 Two Cappadocian villages near Nevshehr are said by Oberhummer 
and Zimmerer to have been converted to Islam ' a hundred and eighty 
years ago ' (Durch Syrien, p. 143). There was an unsuccessful Turkish 
campaign in 1677 against the Russians. It is to be noted that Trebi- 
zond is particularly accessible to Russian agents. 

3 See below, p. 723. Cf. also Hobhouse, Albania, ii, 976. 

4 About the same time, Thomas Smith at Constantinople mentions 
that ' a certain Prophecy, of no small Authority, runs in the minds of 
all the People, and has gained great credit and belief among them, that 
their Empire shall be ruined by a Northern Nation, which has white 
and yellowish Hair. The Interpretation is as various as their Fancy. 
Some fix this character on the Moscovites ; and the poor Greeks flatter 
themselves that they are to be their Deliverers . . . Others look upon 
the Sweeds as the persons described in the Prophecy ' (Ray's Voyages, 
ii, 80 f.). This is the ' Yellow Race ' of the Prophecy of Cons tan tine 
(Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folk-Lore de Constantinople, pp. 48 , &c.) 
current already in the sixteenth century (cf. Gerlach, T age-Buck, 
p. 102). The text was said to have been found in the tomb of Con- 
stantine and to have been interpreted by the patriarch Gennadius, 
according to the regular machinery of apocryphal ' discoveries 9 (see 
below, p. 716). As the Russians are Orthodox and the Swedes Lutheran 
the prophecy more probably refers to the former and may have been 

472 *The Crypto-Christians of Trebizond 

The Greek authors give some curious details of the 
secret Christianity of their compatriots in the Trebizond 

concocted about the time we first hear of it, as Ivan the Terrible was 
then showing that the Russians would one day be dangerous. It 
probably revived regularly when Russia threatened : for instance, 
Volney (Voyage, i, 42) found the prophecy common among the Turks 
about 1784, during the Turko-Russian war to which the treaty of 
Kainarjik put an end. Similarly, Hobhouse heard it during his 
wanderings in Turkey. The eighteenth century K. Dapontes speaks of 
rr}$ 9 E\cad^T TO>V Eavdtbv jU-cyaA^sr BacriXicrcrrjs (Karros Xapiratv, 
p. 195), presumably with the prophecy in mind. In his time Burckhardt 
found that the Syrians made no mystery of it : the ' Yellow King * 
was merely another way of saying * Emperor of Russia ' (Syria, p. 40). 
According to Polites (/TapaSocreis', ii, 669, drawing on Du Cange, 
Glossar., s.v.flavus), the prophecy appears first in Roger de Hoveden, 
who says that a prophecy written up over the Golden Gate of 
Constantinople stated that a Yellow King, who was a Latin, should 
enter by it. As the Flavian Theodosius built the Golden Gate, there 
may have been a long Latin inscription, full of abbreviations and 
containing the word Flavins over the gate. This, misread, may have 
originated the idea. It is interesting that the prophecy should have 
been applied first to a conqueror rather than a deliverer. Something 
of the same confusion as to the Yellow Race appears in the tenth- 
century 'Opdcrzis of Daniel (Polites, TJa/oaSocrcts', ii, 665 ff. ; Migne, 
Diet, des Apocrypbes, ii, 188), alleged to have been found by Leo the 
Wise in the tomb of Daniel, the Daniel in question having been a monk, 
later confounded with the Biblical prophet. The *0pdai$ may thus 
be merely another name for Leo's oracles. Such discoveries of magic 
books in graves are rather interesting : they add prestige to the books 
in question : the * discovery ' sounds genuine owing to the practice of 
burying books with the dead : cf. L. Cahun, Excursions sur les Bords 
de VEupbrate, p. 263, who found a copy of the Koran in a sheikh's 
tomb he had opened. I myself heard the same tale at Manisa. In 
such cases the Koran is possibly intended to help the dead in the 
examination he undergoes from the two angels after death, for which 
see especially d'Ohsson, Tableau, i, 239, and Lane, Mod. Egyptians, 
ii, 265 (above, p. 250). The practice among Moslems may derive ulti- 
mately from Jewish custom. Jewish rabbis are frequently buried with 
a pentateuch (a perfect copy is never used) : hence discoveries of holy 
books in Jewish prophets' graves are numerous (cf. Loftus, Travels in 
Cbaldaea, p. 36, and Migne, Diet, des Apocrypbes, ii, 1309). Emile 
Deschamps, Au Pays d'Apbrodite, p. 230, and Tischendorf, Terre- 
Sainte, p. 201, both mention a gospel found in the tomb of Barnabas 

Crypto-Jews 473 

district. They kept the Orthodox fasts strictly. Their 
children were baptized, and habitually bore a Christian 
and a Turkish name for secret and public use respectively : 
siich Turkish names as * Mehmet ' and 'AH ' were how- 
ever, avoided. As to marriage, they never gave their 
daughters to Turks, but the men were not averse to 
taking wives from among their Turkish neighbours. In 
this case the parties were married secretly according to 
the Christian rite in one of the monasteries before the 
consummation of the marriage. If pressure were neces- 
sary, the bridegroom threatened to leave his bride. 
When a crypto-Christian died, the burial service was 
read for him in a Christian church while he was being 
interred. Mollahs were sent to the crypto-Christian 
villages in Ramazan, but were got out of the way when 
services were held. 1 

I mention here for the curiosity of the subject a com- 
munity of crypto- Jews alleged to exist in the neighbour- 
hood of Pergamon at a village named Trachalla. This 
village was visited by MacFarlane in 1828-9 : * accord- 
ing to his account, the inhabitants betray their Jewish 
origin by their physical type and, though in externals 
Mohammedans by religion, keep Saturday as a holiday. 
We can only suppose them to be an offshoot of the 

in Cyprus. In the Jewish instances, the book, not the holy man, is 
the essential : as they prohibit images and are eager for knowledge to 
which the sacred book is the key, this book becomes almost an object 
of adoration with them. At Tedif near Aleppo a certain synagogue 
was greatly venerated by Jews on account of an ancient manuscript 
kept there (Pococke, Voyages, iii, 495). A pentateuch written by 
Esdras was preserved in a synagogue of Old Cairo : it was so holy that 
people could not look on it and live (Carmoly, Itineraires, pp. 527, 
542-3 : cf. Pierotti, Legendes Racontees, p. 39). A glance at the half 
stone, half flesh image of the Virgin in the Syrian convent of Sidnaya 
had the same fatal effect (J. L. Porter, Damascus, p. 130 ; cf. Ludolf, 
De Itinere, pp. 99 ff., Maundrell, Voyage, Utrecht, 1705, pp. 220-1, 
and Baronius, s. a. 870). 

1 Triandaphyllides, TIovriKa, pp. 55-92. 

2 Constantinople, ii, 335 ff. 
3295.2 ! 

474 fbe Crypto-Christians of Trebizond 

Turco-Jewish (Dunmeh} community of Smyrna, 1 prob- 
ably attracted to the Pergamon district by its prosperity 
under the rule of the Karaosmanoglu family during the 
eighteenth century.* 

1 The heresy of Sabatai Tsevi, the seventeenth-century Messiah 
whose followers turned with him to Islam, had much hold in Smyrna, 
though its chief connexions are now with Salonica. A follower of 
his, Daniel Israel, was expelled by the Kadi from Smyrna in 1703, but 
seems to have been still living there in 1717 (G. Cuper, Lettres, pp. 396, 


2 Crypto-Christians are recorded elsewhere also. Walpole mentions 
a group of five such Albanian villages in the Morea (Travels, p. 292). 
Professor R. M. Dawkins heard in Crete that during the Greek revolu- 
tion of 1821 many Cretan crypto-Christians declared themselves 
openly for Christianity and were massacred accordingly. A long 
article by R. Michell in the Nineteenth Century for May 1908 describes 
the Lino-Vamvaki (lit. ' linen-cotton ') of Cyprus. Hahn cites the 
Karamuratadhes of the middle Voyussa in Albania as recent and partial 
converts to Islam (Alban. Studien, p. 36). The alleged date (1760) of 
their conversion squares well with the accounts of the Vallahadhes in 
south-west Macedonia, for whom see Wace and Thompson, Nomads of 
the Balkans, p. 29 ; Berard, Macedoine, pp. no f. ; and Margaret M. 
Hasluck, in Contemp. Rev., 1924, pp. 225 if. Their turning seems to 
have been part of a considerable movement in the Balkans during the 
eighteenth century, when the Russian danger caused the Turks to 
put pressure on their rayab populations to convert. It may be noted 
that the Vallahadhes preserve their churches as they were, especially 
at Vrosdan, Vrondiza, and Vinyani, and frequent them at certain 
seasons or so my informants assert. A community of some 400 souls 
exists at the present day in the heart of Constantinople itself, in the 
Top Kapu Serai quarter, which lies between the east end of S. Sophia 
and the Serai walls : outwardly they are Moslem and attend the mosque, 
but in secret they have eikons : they are very poor and live by making 
beads. Crypto-Christians are mentioned in Bosnia by Boue (Itine- 
raires, iii, 407), and in south Albania (ibid, iii, 407-8). On the 
phenomenon in general in Islam see G. Jacob, Bektaschijje, p. 29. 


i. Turuk Tribes 

(i) According to Tsakyroglous, Uepl FiovpovKtDVy pp. 
13 ff. 

(a) In the north-west portion of the Aidin vilayet : 
Ahmedli : part at Kula, part at Simav in the adjoin- 
ing vilayet of Brusa. 

Altji ('AXraC) : about Attala as far as At-alan. 
Anamasli : in the kaza of Demirji. It has 50 tents 

and 70 houses (dam), 16,000 beasts, and pays 15,000 

piastres in verghi. 
Arapli : about Salikli, and extends into the vilayet 

of Brusa. 

Chakal : in the sanjak of Sarukhan. 
Charik : in the kaza of Kula. 
Farsak : all over the vilayet of Aidin. It is a very 

rich and populous tribe, counting 1,200 families. 
Gueuk Musali : in kaza of Demirji, above the village 

of Injikler. It has 50 houses and 50 tents. 
Ivatli : about Karneit : it possesses 22 tents. 
Kacbar : at Selge and Alashehr, extending south as 

far as Nazli. A large and important tribe divided 

into maballas, Kula-Kachar, Keles-Kachar, Ova- 

Kachar, &c. x 

Kara Tekkeli : winters about Smyrna. 
Khurzum :* in the vilayets of Aidin and Brusa. 
Kizil Ke chili : at Prinar-Keui, in the mudirlik of 

Selenti (Kula). It has 800 tents, 60,000 beasts, 

and pays 60,000 piastres taxes. 
Kombach : about Soma. 

1 Vambery adds Selge Kachar. * Vambery's Khorgun. 

I 2 

476 Lists of Heterodox Tribes 

Manavli : between Alashehr and Salikli and in the 
vilayet of Brusa. 

Narinjali : kaza of Kula, in the neighbourhood of 
Omur Baba Dagh up to Denizli. 

Sarach : between Ushak and Esme. 

Sari Tekkeli : between Nazli and Denizli, and in the 
vilayet of Brusa. 

Shehidli : kaza of Kula. It has 60 houses. 

Sheikhli : winters at Uluborlu, summers at Afiun 
Kara Hisar. It is divided into ten kabilehs (includ- 
ing Arpat-sheikhli, Kisat-sheikhli, Haji-sheikhli), 
possesses 70-80 tents and 200 houses, and pays 
15,000 piastres taxes. 

Taghji Bendirli (or Tangji Bendir) : Soma and the 
vilayet of Brusa. 

(b) South-western and other 

Abdal : Uluborlu and 


Akdaghli : about Nazli. 
Alaja Koyunlu : up to 

Allah-Abeli : sanjak of 

Bolni Injeli. 
Burkhan : also in vilayet 

of Brusa. 
Chambar : vilayets of 

Aidin and Brusa. 
Chepni : an important 

tribe,scattered all over 

the Aidin vilayet. 
Dede Karkinli : sanjak 

of Sarukhan. 

districts of Aidin vilayet . 

Deriji: vilayets of Aidin 

and Brusa. 
Eski Turuk. 

Eshpek ('EoxrrcK)' 


Gerinisli : Nazli to 

Giushji : Nazli. 
Guzel-beyli : about 


Igneji ( y IyvT) : sanjak 

of Sarukhan. 
Imir-hariji : sanjak of 


Jerid : about Nazli. 
Karafakoglu : vilayets 

of Aidin and Brusa. 

Turuks 477 

Karamanli : Nazli to Muzan : also in vilayet 

Isbartar. of Brusa. 

Karayaghjili. Omurlu. 

Keusfceler : Nazli Rakbman. 

Kilaz. Saatji-Karali (SaarQ 
Kirtish. KapoAc) 1 about Nazli. 

Kislilerli : sanjak of Sari-Keckili. 

Sarukhan. Task Evli. 

Kizil-Ishikli : also in Tekkeli : Nazli. 

the vilayet of Brusa. Teraji. 

Koja-Beyli: vilayets of Tataganli: about Kara- 

Aidin and Brusa. gach. 

Musarlarli : sanjak of Tel-aldi. 


(c) Mainly in vilayet of Konia : 

Durgut : important tribe, Rumli or Urumli. 

perhaps Mongolian. Tapanli. 

Piroglu. lerkiani. 

Risfan. Turkmen. 

(d) Exclusively in vilayet of Adana : 

Berber. Menemenji* 

Karsant. 2 Sirkentili* 

(e) Additional (habitat not specified) : 

Barakli. Kechili. 

Chaban. Mersinli. 

Chebrekli (Kurds). Nihar. 

Imrazli. ' Tarazli. 

Kalabak. Ze'ibekli. 



1 Satchi Karali in Vambery. 

3 These are, according to Grothe (7 orderasienexf edition^ ii, 145), 
subdivisions of the Afshar tribe. 

478 Lists of Heterodox Tribes 

(ii) In Cilicia, according to Langlois, Cilicie, pp. 21 ff. 

(a) Tarsus : 

Baxis and H. Hasanoglu with 300 H[ouses]. 

Kalaunlu with 30 H. 

Karakaialu with 700 T[entsj. 

Kara-tekkeli with 150 H. 

Melemenji with 3,000 H. 

Puran and Mustafa-bey with 200 T. 

Sor tan and Kujuoglou with 500 H. 

Tekkeli with 600 H. 

Thoroglu with 300 H. 

(b) Adana : 

Busdagan [Bosdaghan] with 1,400 T. 
Daundarlu with 200 T. 
Farsak z with 800 T. 
Jerid with 1,200 T. 
Kara-hajelu with 500 H. 
Karitinlu with 100 T. 
Kerim-oglu with 2,500 T. 
Khozanoglu with 500 H. 
Sarkanteli-oglu with 800 T. 
Tajerlu with 1,200 T. 

(r) Marash : 

Haji Koyunlu with 120 T. 
Jejale with 200 T. 
Kilisle with 400 T. 

2. Turkoman Tribes 

(i) P. RusselPs list as published in Niebuhr's Voyage 
en Arable (Amsterdam), ii, 336 ff. 2 

1 Mentioned also by Bertrandon de la Brocquiere, p. 8. 

* [Niebuhr complains of the difficulty he had experienced in making 
out the list because Russell had sent him no transcription of the Turkish 
names and he himself knew no Turkish. To facilitate use of the list 
by readers with no knowledge of Turkish I have sometimes inserted in 
square brackets a transcription more in harmony than Niebuhr's with 

Turkomans 479 

(a) In country of Sivas and Angora : 

Agbsje Kiuneli [Akje Kudsjikli [Kuchuklu] : 

Koyunlu] : 500 T. 10,000 T. 

j4uscbir[j4vshar]:$ooT. Lek : 1,000 T. 
B eberli : 1,000 T. Pehlivanli : !5,oooT. 

Dsjerid [Jerid] : 500 T. Scham Biadli : 500 T. 

(b) In Sivas district : 
Dsjefrghanli [Jaferagbanl{\ : 200 T. 

Eilebkeli [Ilbekli : Ilbegli] : 2,000 T. (half in Aleppo 


Irak : 1,000 T. (summer at Sivas, winter at Zor). 
Kulindsjefli : 500 T. 

Rihanli: 2,000 T. (summer at Sivas, winter at Aleppo). 
Sufulir [Sofular] : 500 T. 

(<:) In Angora district : 
Burenik : 1 2,000 T. 

(d) In Aintab district : 
Dade Kirkan : 100 T. 
Dindischli : 500 T. 
Ditumli : 3,000 T. 
Dsjadsjeli [Jajeli] : 1,000 T. 
Kirsak : 2,000 T. 

Musa Beikli \Musa Beyikli (? Musabegli)} : 500 T. 

(e) In Caesarea district : 

Dadli : 200 T. (summer at Caesarea, winter in Urfa 


Karadsjekerd \Karaj a Kurd] : 500 T. 
Kuluk [Kulak] : zoo T. (summer at Caesarea, winter 

at Adana). 

(/) In Aleppo district : 

Auliscbli [Aulasbli] : 200 T. 

the spelling usually adopted by my husband. In some cases, however, 
the Turkish names are too corrupt even for a rough rendering. Pro- 
fessor Margoliouth has kindly helped me with the transcriptions. 
M. M. H.J 

480 Lists of Heterodox Tribes 

(g) In Damascus district : 

Kabeli : 1 ,000 T. 

Kara Kojunli [K. Koyunlu] : 500 T. 

(h) Syria, mostly Damascus pasbalik : 

Aiali : 1,000 T. Fidsjeli : 200 T. 

Asehdiuli [Azedinli] : Kikli \Geikli\ : 2,000 T. 

500 T. Saradsjdller [Sarajalar] : 
Ausferli [Auzarli] : 500 T. 

1,000 T. Scherefli : 500 T. 

Eilner \Imir\ : 500 T. Tucbtamarli : 500 T. 

(i) In Urfa pasbalik : 

Baujindir \Baindir\ : Bekdeli : 12,000 T. 

300 T. Mahmalenli: 500 T. 

(ii) List according to Burckhardt, "Travels in Syria, 
PP- 633 ff. 

(a) Rihanli : 3,000 tents : north-west of Aleppo : winter 
in Antioch plain, summer in mountains of Gorun 
and Albistan. 
Sab- tribes of Rihanli : 

Aoutsbar : 20 horsemen. 

Babaderlu : 100 horsemen : mountains of S. 

Cheuslu : 200 horsemen : from Badjazze (Baias ?). 

Coudanlut : 600 horsemen. 

Delikanli : 600 horsemen. 

Hallalu : 60 horsemen. 

Kara Abmetli : 150 horsemen. 

Kara Soleimanlu : 50 horsemen. 

Karken : 20 horsemen. 

Leuklu : 100 horsemen. 

Okugu : 50 horsemen. 

Serigialar : J 500 horsemen : Maden. 

Toroun : 60 horsemen. 

1 [Niebuhr's Saradjalar. M. M. H.] 

Turkomans 48 1 

(Z>) Jerid : between Badjazze (Baias ?) and Adana : 
winter in plains, summer in the Armenian moun- 

Sub- tribes of Jerid : Karegialar \Karaja- 

Aoutshar. lar\. 

Bosdagan. Leek. 1 

Jerid. Tegir. 2 

(c) Peblivanli : live in district of Bosurk ( ? Bozuk, near 

Angora) and near Constantinople ; summer one 
day's distance from the Rihanli. 

(d) Rishwans : winter in Haimaneh district near Angora 

formerly near Aleppo. 

Sub-tribes of the Risbwans : 

Deleyanli. Mandolli. 

Gelikanli. Omar Anli. 

(e) Karashukli : near Bir on Euphrates. 3 

(iii) For comparison I add the list 4 of sub-tribes of 

1 These speak a language of their own (Burckhardt, op. cit, 9 p. 642). 

2 Cf. Grothe's Tedjerli, below, p. 482. 

3 A comparison with the list of the Turkomans of Luristan as given 
by Rawlinson (in J.R.G.S., ix, 1839, 103) is also of interest. He 
enumerates them as follows : Ulaki and Mai Ahmedi, with 400 
families, wintering at Sar Dasht and Dizful, summering at Japalak and 
Silakhir : Bukhtiyariwand with 600 families and the same habitat as 
the above : Duraki with 400 families, summering at Chahar Mahal 
and wintering as above : Sallaki with 2,000 families, summering at 
Burburud : Kunursi with 1,000 families, summering at Feridun and 
about Zardah Kuh, wintering at Ram Hormuz, Janniki-Garmasir, 
and about Shuster : Suhuni with 1,500 families, habitat as Kunursi : 
Mahmud Saleh with 1,000 families and same habitat : Mogul with 500 
families, Memiwand with 4,000, and Zallaki with 4,000, all with habitat 
as Kunursi : Bawai with 3,000 families, Urak and Shaluh combined 
with 2,500 families, summering at Bazuft and wintering at Susan and 
Mai Amir. 

4 [The corrections are Sir Harry Lamb's. M. M. H.] 

482 Lists of Heterodox Tribes 

the AFSHARS given by H. Grothe, V order asienex- 
pedition, ii, 145, n. 2. 

Awschar. Hiir- Uschak. 

Beisgitli. Jaidji- Uscb\ak\. 

Bosdan [Bosdaghan]. Karsanty. 

Djedjeli Salmanly. Kekili Uschak. 

Djerid. Kirli. 

Farsak. Kosan. 

Hadji Mustafa Ali-Us- Melemendji. 

cbak. Scbabbacb. 

Hadji Mustafa Redje\b\ Tedjerli. 

Uscbak. Torun. 
Hodjan All [Hojanli], 

(iv) KuRDS 1 of Cilicia according to Langlois, Cilicie, 
p. 23. 

Afsbar with 3,000 T. Karsanteliwiih i,3ooT. 

Karalar with 600 T. Lek with 150 T. 

1 Some Kurds are pagan, some are Sunni, and some are said to be 
Yezidi (Langlois, op. cit., p. 23). They winter at Adana and summer 
at Caesarea. 


institution of the first Turkish standing army, 

the famous corps of Janissaries, enrolled by the sul- 
tans from a tithe taken on Christian children, is the sub- 
ject of a picturesque legend till recently accepted as fact 
by the gravest historians. This legend associates the 
Ottoman sultan Orkhan with the saint Haji Bektash as 
co-founders of the Janissary system. Orkhan, the story 
runs, having raised his first levy of Christian youths for 
the corps, sent them to Haji Bektash, whom they found 
in the neighbourhood of Amasia, to crave his benedic- 
tion. Haji Bektash, laying his hand on the heads of the 
recruits, invoked the blessing of heaven on the ' new 
troops ' or yeni cheri ; this was the origin of the name 
of the corps, by westerns corrupted into Janissary. In 
commemoration, as was said, of this benediction, the 
Janissaries wore attached to their head-dress a flap or 
pendant of cloth, supposed to represent the sleeve of 
the saint's habit, which had so fallen as he raised his 
hand to the recruits' heads in the act of blessing them. 1 
In this legend, which cannot be traced farther back 
than the second half of the sixteenth century, two 
centuries later than the events related, Orkhan and 
Haji Bektash are represented as the civil and religious 
founders respectively of the Janissaries. Orkhan and the 
Janissaries are of course historical ; the date of the foun- 
dation of the Janissaries has been disputed, and the 

1 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott., i, 123 f. A slightly different 
version is given by Evliya, Travels, I, ii, 106. See also below, p. 613, 
n. 3- 

484 Haji Bektasb and the Janissaries 

existence of an historical Haji Bektash called in ques- 
tion. Our investigation will thus concentrate on three 
points : 

1. The date of the foundation of the Janissaries. 

2. The personality of Haji Bektash. 

3. The connexion of Haji Bektash with the Janis- 

I. The Date of the Institution of the Janissaries 

Though von Hammer's authority has won general 
acceptance for the story given above, if we go behind 
von Hammer we find in the various authorities very 
conflicting accounts of the origin of the Janissaries, and 
especially in the matter of date ; their institution is 
attributed to the reigns of at least four sultans, viz. : 

1. Osman I (1299 to 1326) : this is the version of 
Chalcondyles, who is supposed to have died shortly 
after the fall of Constantinople. 1 

2. Orkhan (1326 to 1360) : this is the canonized 
version accepted by von Hammer on the authority of 
the Turkish historians Neshri (early sixteenth century) 
and Ali (d. 1599). The name of the vizir immediately 
responsible for the Janissary system is given as Kara 

3 . Mur ad I ( 1 360 to 1 3 89) is credited with the institu- 
tion of the Janissaries by two Venetian Relations of the 
late sixteenth century, 3 by Marsigli, 4 and by Cantimir. 5 

4. Murad II (1421 to 1451), by Giovio 6 and George- 

1 P. 8 P. : TOVTOV la^v . . , rdiv dptar'Yjv diro^i^aaOai d/jL<f>* 
avrov, rrjv Ovpas BamXcws [see below, p. 486] xaXovat,. 

2 Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 123 f., and note, p. 384. 

3 Alberi, Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti, ser. Ill, vol. iii, p. 343 
(Moro in 1590), and ser. Ill, vol. ii, p. 331 (Lorenzo in 1592). 

4 ttat Mil. de VEmp. Ott., p, 67. 

5 i, 34,/.tf. 1362. 

6 Cited by Leunclavius, Pandectes, 35. Giovio's treatise on the 
Turks (Cose de Turchi) is dated 1531 by the introductory letter 

Levy of Christian Children 485 

wicz, 1 as by other authorities of less independent 

The usual explanation of these puzzling discrepancies 
has been hitherto to assume that the Janissary system 
was instituted by an early sultan and reformed or 
systematized by Murad I or II. For this there is con- 
siderable authority, 3 though the nature of the changes 
introduced by the reformer remains vague. 

The distinctive feature of the Janissary system is the 
recruitment of the corps from a levy of the Christian 
children of the Empire, who were forcibly converted and 
specially trained for their profession. Of the levy of 
children as practised in the seventeenth century Evliya 
gives the following account. 

' Every seven years a Colonel of the Janissaries . . . sets out 
with five or six hundred men for Rumeli, to draft from all the 
villages, Albanese, Greek, Albanian, Servian, and Bulgarian 
boys. The seven or eight thousand boys collected in that way, 
according to the institute of Sultan Orkhan, sanctified by the 
benediction of Haji Begtash, are dressed in the town of Uskub, 
in jackets (Muwahadi) of red Aba, with a cleft on the shoulders, 
and with caps of red felt. . . . Arrived at Constantinople, their 
names are put down in register, and they are called Ajemogh- 
lans, receiving twenty aspers, and half a piece of cloth a year. 
The best are given to the artillery, the armourers, and the 
Bostanji, because this is the heaviest service. 3 4 

1 Georgewicz returned from his Turkish captivity not later than 
1544, when he wrote his widely read De Turcorum Moribus Epitome. 

2 Geuffroy, Court du Grant Turc, Paris, 1546, cited by Leunclavius, 
Pandectes, 35 : see also Nicolay, Raisz und Schijfart> p. 144 of the 
Antwerp (1577) edition. The voyage was made in 155 1, but the author 
takes most of his information on the Turks from earlier authors. 

3 Cf. Phrantzes, 92 B : [' ' A^ovparrfs} np&ros rots iavviTt>dpoi$ ra 
Trpovofiia a UXOVGW e^a/Houro TraXaioOev JJLGV TO avro ray/xa 
ere/Hz? avvrjOeias Kal raeis /cat eVSu/iara fj0i>. 

4 Evliya, Travels, I, ii, 210. De Breves states that in villages of 
mixed population Moslem parents sometimes passed their children 
off as Christian in order to assure them a career as Janissaries (Moyens 
de Ruiner un Turc 9 p. 24). One source of profit was the payments 

486 Haji Bektash and the Janissaries 

Of this systematic collection of Christian children 
for service there is no hint in the early accounts of 
the Janissaries. Especially notable is the silence of Ibn 
Batuta, a Moorish traveller who visited the court of 
Orkhan ; of Schiltberger, a prisoner of Nikopolis ( 1 396) 
who passed many years as a slave in western Asia; and of 
Bertrandon de la Brocquiere, a Burgundian soldier who 
travelled overland from Syria into Europe in 1432-3, 
taking a special and professional interest in Turkish mili- 
tary affairs. 

The truth seems to be that the earlier sultans main- 
tained a kind of bodyguard or corps d? elite formed of 
bought or captured slaves. 1 As in other Mohammedan 
countries, the sultan had the right to one-fifth of all 
prisoners as of all booty captured in war. 2 In the case 
of the early Turkish sultans the prisoners would be 
mainly Christians. This force was reorganized by one 
of the Murads : the prisoners were induced to abjure 
their faith by the privileges the service offered, and 
specially trained in the arts of war. 3 The members of 
this corps are called by Chalcondyles 4 and by Ducas 
(who mentions its presence at the battle of Nikopolis) 
rropra or dvpa, which the latter explains as indicating 
that these troops stood at the sultan's gate. 5 In later 

made to the Janissaries by local Christians in order to avoid oppression 
by the former : cf. Niebuhr, Voyage en Arable, \\, 296 ; Burckhardt, 
Syria, p. 654. Professor Dawkins heard a similar tale told in Crete of 
the grandfather of Professor Hatzidakis. For the steps in a Janissary's 
career from ajemoghlan to bostanji and Janissary see Quiclet, Voyages, 
p. 211. 

1 Cf. Bertrandon de la Brocquiere, cd. Wright, pp. 347, 349. 

* This right was exercised as late as the seventeenth century by the 
Ottoman sultans (Evliya, Travels, I,ii, 170). Hottinger (Hist. Orient., 
p. 463) quotes George of Hungary as saying that the sultans claimed 
one tenth only of the booty. 

3 Chalcondyles, pp. 121-2 P. 4 P. 8 P. (quoted above). 

5 P. 52 : [ot TovpKoi] olrwesTTopTOL Ka\irai olov Ovpa ToviraXa- 
riov rfj$ av\fj$. At this time Ducas says they were all bought slaves and 
over 10,000 in number : Sanuto (Diarii, i, 398) records 8,000 in 1496; 

Levy of Christian Children 487 

times certain Janissaries to whom these duties were 
entrusted were denominated Kapu Kulu (' Slaves of the 
Gate ? ) x which we may perhaps assume was the original 
title of the early sultans' guards. 

The earliest occurrence of the word Janissary (yevir&pi 
translated veoauAAe/o-os arparos =yeni sheri), at least in 
a Christian author, seems to be that of Ducas in the 
middle of the fifteenth century : the Janissaries of his 
time were still largely Christian prisoners of war. 2 It 
is hard to believe that the levy of Christian children, 
always a bitter grievance to the Greeks, is thus passed 
over by a Greek author if the system already existed : 
yet in some form it certainly did, since in the Capitula- 
tions of Pera (1453) the children of the Perote Genoese 
are expressly exempted from impressment. 3 

The truth is, probably, that the levy of children was 
not yet systematized. So late as 1472 Cippico describes 
the Janissaries as recruited largely from the sultan's 
fifth of the prisoners of war ; only when prisoners were 
not available in sufficient quantity were the numbers 
made up by the forcible impressment of Christian 
children. 4 So that the organization of the system, so 
far from dating back to Orkhan or even Murad I, must 
be referred to a date subsequent to 1472. 

Georgewicz (op. cit.) states that there were 12,000 in his time. This 
association with the gate has evidently (through janud) aided in the 
formation of the western word Janissary y which is used by English 
and French writers long after the dispersal of the corps for what is 
now called a kavass (cf. J. Farley, Two Tears in Syria, p. 198 ; Lady 
Duff Gordon, Letters from Egypt, p. 87; Lubomirski, Jerusalem, p. 
285). The fantastic derivations given by de Vigenere, Illustr. sur 
Chalcondile, p. 69 (in de Mezeray, Hist, des Turcs, vol. ii), may be 

1 Marsigli, ttat Mil. de VEmp. Ott. 9 p. 66. * Pp. 137 f. 

3 Miklosich and Miiller, Ada et Diplom. Gr. iii, 287-8 : cf. Belgrano, 
in Atti Soc. Lig. xiii, 228. 

4 In Sathas, Mvr)p. 'EXX. 'Icrr. vii, 281 : ' Se non possono avere 
prigioni, togliono per forza a' Cristiani loro sudditi per ogni parte 
del loro imperio i lor figliuoli.' 

488 Haji Bektasb and the Janissaries 

2. The Personality of Haji Bektash 
The traditional Haji Bektash is represented as having 
founded the dervish order which bears his name (Bek- 
tashi) as well as having blessed the Janissaries. He was 
both missionary and warrior. In the former character 
he is said to have established through his disciples seven 
hundred convents (tekkes) of dervishes, one in each of 
the towns conquered by Orkhan, 1 in the latter to have 
taken part with Orkhan in the siege of Brusa. 2 The 
connexion with Orkhan is firmly established by tradi- 
tion in the seventeenth century. 

According to the latest authorities, however, the 
heretical Hurufi, about 1400, usurped the tomb of Haji 
Bektash near Kirshehr and foisted their own doctrines 
as those of Haji Bektash on the latter's disciples. 3 From 
this time onwards has existed the (merely nominal) 
connexion of the Bektashi sect with Haji Bektash ; the 
long cycle of legend attaching to the saint's name seems 
to be the invention of the usurpers. 

The earliest European writer who mentions Haji 
Bektash, George of Hungary, passed part of a long 
captivity in Turkey, apparently near Eskishehr, in the 
early years of the fifteenth century, yet knows the saint 
only as a patron of pilgrims. 4 Ashik Pasha Zade, the 
earliest Turkish historian, 5 whose family was from the 
district of Kirshehr, where Haji Bektash lies buried, 

1 Evliya Efendi, Travels, ii, 21. 

2 Ibid, ii, 4. The Brusa cycle is evidently devised to bridge the 
gap between Orkhan's capital and the habitat of Haji Bektash, as also 
to give the prestige of antiquity to Bektashi foundations in Brusa. 
Further details of the life and apocryphal works of Haji Bektash are 
given by Evliya, ii, 19 f. and ii, 70. 3 See above, p. 135. 

4 De Moribus Turcorum, cap. xv : ' Est alius vocatus Hatschi Pettesch, 
quod interpretatur quasi adiutorius peregrinationis, qui etiam multum 
invocatur et veneratur maxime a peregrinis, qui eius auxilium experiri 

5 He lived in the reign of Bayezid II (1482-1512) : cf. von Hammer, 
Jardin des Mosquees, p. 31 (318), in Hist. Emf. Ott. xviii. 

Personality of Haji Bektash 489 

denies his connexion with Orkhan, giving the following 
account of him : 

'.[Hajee Begtash] had never any connection with the Ottoman 
Sultans. He came from Khorassan with his brother Mentish 
and they established themselves at Siwas near to Baba Ilias. At 
a later period they went to Caisarieh, from which place his 
brother returned to their own country by Siwas, and was killed 
on the way. Begtash, whilst on his way from Caisarieh to the 
Kaza Ujuk * died, and was interred there where his holy tomb 
still exists/ 3 

Here we have an early author from Haji Bektash's 
own country stoutly denying his traditional connexion 
with the early Ottoman sultans, which is on the face of 
it improbable, since neither the Amasia district, in which 
the Blessing of the Janissaries is generally located, 3 nor 
the site of the saint's tomb became part of the Ottoman 
dominions till comparatively late. The words of Ashik 
Pasha Zade may have also a positive value, and the clue 
to the elusive personality of Haji Bektash may lie in his 
statement that the saint was the ' brother of Mentish '. 
Following this clue, we have already concluded 4 that the 
original Haji Bektash was no more than the eponymous 
ancestor of the Bektashli tribe, kinsmen of the tribe 
which had his ' brother ' Mentish for ancestor. 

3. The Connexion of Haji Bektash with the 


From a tribal eponym worshipped in a village Haji 
Bektash easily became, under the influence of the 

1 Perhaps Kazi Vyuk Boghaz near Koch Hisar. 

3 Ashik Pasha Zade, quoted by J. P. Brown, Dervishes, p. 141. 

3 The spot is generally given as Su Kenar, near Amasia. In the district 
of Amasia, Haji Khalfa (tr. Armain, p. 683) notes (between Turkhal 
and Merzifun) the tomb of a certain Haji Baba who ' made a wall 
walk'. This miracle is especially characteristic of Haji Bektash (see 
above, p. 289 (for it at Beybazar cf. Evliya, Travels^ ii, 240) and may 
account for his association with the district of Amasia. 

Above, p. 341. 

3295.2 K 

490 Haji Bektash and the Janissaries 

powerful sect which adopted him, a saint respected by a 
larger community. The so-called Bektashi sect, growing 
in power, eventually captured the Janissary organiza- 
tion. The Janissaries adopted Haji Bektash as their patron 
and were all affiliated to the sect. From 1591 onwards 
this connexion was officially recognized ; I the General 
of the Bektashi was given the honorary title of Colonel 
of Janissaries, and dervishes of the order were regularly 
quartered in the Janissaries' barracks and marched with 
them in public processions and on campaign. It is just 
before this official recognition that we first hear of the 
legend connecting Haji Bektash with the corps. There 
are two distinct cycles of legend concerning the con- 
nexion of Haji Bektash with the Janissaries : 

(1) The canonized version, as we have seen, lays 
stress on the formal consecration of the new troops by 
Haji Bektash, which takes place in Asia Minor during 
the reign and at the instance of Sultan Orkhan. This 
version, including the incident of the sleeve, occurs at 
least as early as the second half of the sixteenth century. 2 
The story was not, however, universally accepted, and its 
authenticity is denied by the contemporary historians 
Tash-Kupru-Zade (d. 1560) and Ali (d. I599). 3 

(2) In the second version of the legend Haji Bektash 
plays a less conspicuous part. The institution of the 
Janissaries is associated with Murad I and his martyr's 
death on the field of Kossovo. Haji Bektash is introduced 
somewhat awkwardly and loses his life with the sultan. 
The Janissaries are instituted in accordance with his 
dying instructions or as a tribute to his memory. Our 
versions of this legend date from the seventeenth and 

1 D'Ohsson, Tableau, ii, 312 ; iii, 325. 

a Leunclavius, Pandectes, 35. 

3 Jacob, Beitrdge, p. 3 ; the same author says that the incident is 
mentioned neither by Neshri nor by Saad-ed-din. The latter, indeed, 
connects the head-dress of the Janissaries with the Mevlevi order, see 
below, p. 613, and n. 3. 

Janissaries instituted by Murad I 491 

eighteenth centuries, but it appears to have been current 
earlier, since a Venetian Relazione of I59O 1 speaks of the 
institution of the Janissaries by Murad I c in memory of 
one of his Santons Aribietas (sic) \ Rycaut gives the 
story as follows : 

6 In the time that the Warlike and Victorious Sultan Amurath 
passed with his army into Servia, and overcame Lazarus, the 
Despot of that Countrey, and slew him in Battel, Bedash was 
then a preacher to Amurath, who amongst other his Admoni- 
tions forewarned him of trusting the Servians ; but Amurath, 
out of his couragious spirit relying on his own Wisedom and 
Force, admitted a certain Nobleman called Vilvo, upon pretence 
of doing him homage, to approach near him and kiss his hand, 
who having his Dagger ready and concealed, stabbed Amurath 
to the heart, and with that blow made him a Martyr. Bectash 
knowing that this treacherous death of his Prince, must needs 
also be the cause of his, for being so near his person, and pro- 
phesying of this fatal stroke, sought not to prevent it, but made 
preparations for his own death. And in order thereunto pro- 
vided himself with a white Robe with long Sleeves, which he 
proffered to all those which were his Admirers, and Proselytes, 
to be kissed as a mark of their obedience to him and his Insti- 

* This Bectash at his death cut off one of his sleeves and put 
it on the head of one of his religious men, part of which huny 
down on his shoulders saying, " after this you shall be *Janiz>a- 
ries" , which signified a new militia ; and from that time begun 
their original institution ; so this is the reason why the Jani- 
zaries wear Caps falling behind after the manner of sleeves, 
called Ketche: * 

Aaron Hill gives a similar story with slight variations 
in detail : 

* The death of Bectajh immediately fucceeded that of Amu- 
rath, for having often prophefy'd the Blow and not preventing 
it, tho' near the Sultan's Perfon, he was cut in pieces by the 
furious Guards, as a party in the Treafon ; but forefeeing eafily, 

1 Alberi, Relaztoni degli Ambasciatori Veneti, ser. Ill, vol. iii, p. 343. 
3 Rycaut, Ottoman Empire, p. 72. 

K 2 

492 Haji Bektash and the Janissaries 

what Fate would foon befall him, he rent off a long Sleeve, 
which he wore continually on his Right Arm, and putting it 
upon the Head of one of the Soldiers, cried out prophetically in 
the Turkish Language, 

Life from my Death Jball like a Phoenix faring, 
To Guard from Dangers your Succeeding King. 

THIS faid, he Fell, a bloody Victim to the Soldiers Anger, 
but had his Prophecy compleatly verified in the Firft Year of the 
next Sultan's Reign, who reflecting ferioufly on the Fate of 
Bectajh, refolved to take fome Method of perpetuating his 
Memory, and Inftituted a New Order of the Militia, by the 
Name ofjanifaries, who to this Day in Imitation of the Sleeve 
which Bectajh put upon the Soldiers Head, are all obliged to 
wear a Headpiece fac'd with pollifli'd Steel, to which is faftned 
a large piece of Buff, that falling in a moderate Breadth from 
the Crown of their Head fpreads gradually wider to the midle of 
their Backs.' ' 

There is no corresponding cycle of legend to connect 
Haji Bektash with the less prominent figure of Murad 
II, who, however, as a matter of history, seems to have 
been much under the influence of dervishes. 2 

To sum up, the legendary connexion between Haji 
Bektash and the Janissaries cannot be traced farther 
back than the second half of the sixteenth century, and 
at least two respectable authors 3 of this date deny its 
authenticity. It therefore antedates by only a few 
years the official recognition of the connexion between 
the Bektashi dervishes and the Janissaries. I have at- 
tempted elsewhere to show that every point in the 
legend, which is devised to increase the power and 
prestige of the Bektashi, can be paralleled by similar, 

1 Ottoman Empire (1710), p. 19. 

* Phrantzes (p. 92) says that Murad II, after his abdication and 
retirement, himself assumed the dervish habit at Brusa (varepov <f>dvrj 
avr) SepjStOTjs yzveaQai r^yovv /xova^oj, Kal eV rfj Upovcrr) Trepaaas 
cyeWro) : cf. Hottinger, Hist. Orient., pp. 482 ff., quoting George of 

3 Tash-Kupru-Zade and All. 

Conclusions 493 

and equally apocryphal, legends connecting the origins 
of the Janissaries with the MevlevL 1 

. Our conclusions are thus (i) that the recruiting of the 
Janissaries from specially trained Christian children, 2 as 
opposed to the much older employment of slaves and 
prisoners of war for the sultan's bodyguard, was a 
gradual change put on a regular footing in the fifteenth 
century at earliest ; (2) that Haji Bektash was originally 
a tribal saint afterwards exploited by the Hurufi-Bek- 
tashi sect and arbitrarily adopted by the Janissaries : 
and (3) that the canonized legend of Haji Bektash, 
Orkhan, and the first Janissaries is entirely fictitious 
and probably devised to forward the Bektashi intrigue, 
which resulted in the * capture ' of the Janissary organi- 
zation and in the official recognition of Haji Bektash as 
its spiritual patron and of the Bektashi order as its 
spiritual allies. 

1 B.S.A., xix, 214, note I : reprinted below, p. 613, n. 3. 

2 In South Albania, Fadil Bey Klissura informed me, it is said that 
Haji Bektash was seized in childhood and brought up as a Moham- 
medan ; later on he studied Christianity and, recognizing its superiority, 
invented Bektashism as a link between the two religions. This is a 
combination of the Janissary-Christian children tradition and of the 
fact that Bektashis and Christians are more friendly with each other 
than either is with Sunnis. 



HE following is a chapter (xv) translated from a 

tract published anonymously towards the end of 
the fifteenth century and entitled Tractatus de Moribus 
condictionibus et nequicia Turcorum. The author, vari- 
ously known as George of Hungary and as George 
von Muhlenbach, was a slave in Turkey during the 
middle years of the century (about 1436-58) and on 
internal evidence seems to have been employed by a 
Turkoman bey as herdsman in the interior of Asia 
Minor. It appears that the district with which he was 
familiar included the pilgrimages of Sidi Ghazi, buried 
near Eskishehr, of Haji Bektash, buried in the village 
of the same name, and of Ashik Pasha, buried at Kir- 
shehr ; the clerical studies he had already begun at 
Schebesch (in German Miihlenbach) when Murad II 
took the town in 1436 explain the interest he took in 
Turkish religious practice. 1 Beyond the special value 

1 According to his own account (quoted by Cuspinian, De Turcorum 
Origin?, f. 8 verso, who seems the only source of Schloezer's vague 
note on George in his Krit. Hist. Neben Stunden, p. 91), George was 
born about 1420 in the province of Siebenbiirgen (Lat. Septem Castra, 
whence his name of Septemcastrensis monachus in Hottinger, Hist. 
Orient, pp. 457-8). On his release from captivity he became a 
Dominican monk (cf. Quetif, Script. Ord. Praedic. i, 901 a) and finally 
died at Rome, where he was buried in the church of S. Maria sopra 
Minerva, according to Quetif, loc. cit., and a manuscript gloss on the 
British Museum copy I A. 19161 of the undated edition of his Tractatus, 
which was published at Rome c. 1481 ; the gloss adds that his tomb 
was famous for its miracles. The church in question is a Dominican 
foundation (cf. Baedeker, Central It., p. 211). Hottinger (op. cit., 
pp. 457-8, 459) rightly distinguishes Septemcastrensis monachus, 
author of Tractatus de Moribus Turcoman, from Bartholomaeus 

Sidi Gbazi 495 

of the passage for Turkish popular religion, the lively 
picture of social conditions among country Turks at 
this date more than justifies its publication. 


Among others of this sect, who after their death have 
become and still are famous for false signs and prodigies, 
there is one principal, who hath great repute and vene- 
ration in all Turkey. His name is Sedichasi* which is, 
being interpreted, S. Victor or Victorious among saints. 
His sepulchre and shrine are on the marches of the Otto- 
mans and the Karamans, and, though these two be 
oftentimes at loggerheads, one invading the lands of the 
other, yet none dare ever draw near to his sepulchre or 
do scathe to the lands that are near it. For, as hath 
oftentimes been proven, if any venture this, upon them 
falleth the mighty vengeance of the saint. And the 
common voice of all hath it that none of them that 
implore his help in any necessity whatsoever, but especi- 
ally in the works of war and in the conduct of battles, 
hath ever been cheated of his desire. And this is proved 
by the great number of vows that are paid each year by 
the king, the princes, and the common folk at his 
sepulchre in money, in all sorts of beasts, and in kind. 
For he hath very great fame and reputation, not only 
among the Turks, but also among all nations of that 
persuasion. And I would say that for these signs and 
prodigies he hath greater repute among Mohamme- 

Georgewicz, author of De Turcorum M or ibus Epitome, whereas Hammer- 
Hellert (Hist. Emp. Ott. ii, 290) incorrectly identifies one with the 
other. Our author, who is Prater George of Hungary, is also to be 
distinguished from Magister George of Hungary, who lived about the 
same time and wrote various mathematical tracts. [In expanding into 
the above note the somewhat scanty indications left by my husband 
I have had much assistance from Dr. H. Thomas and Mr. Wharton 
of the British Museum. M. M. H.] 

1 Sidi Ghazi [Said-el-Ghazi] buried near Eskishehr (see below, 
pp. 705-10). 

496 George of Hungary 

dans in general than hath Saint Anthony among Chris- 

And there is another called Hatschi Pettesch* which 
is, being interpreted, as who should say Pilgrims' Help ; 
he also is much invoked and revered, most of all by 
pilgrims, who are said to receive his help. 

Another is called Ascik passa, who hath his name 
from love and is called, as it were, Patron of Love ; he is 
said to aid persons newly wed, or in the travail of child- 
birth, or in the quarrels of husband and wife, or other 
such-like necessities. 

Alwan passa 2 grants concord to them that are at 
strife, and of him men say that to them that seek him 
he appears now as a youth and now as an old man. 

Sheycb passa 3 solaces them that are troubled and 

But in those parts where I dwelt there were many 
aforetime held for saints whose names are forgotten. 
None the less their sepulchres are held in great venera- 
tion, for, if they are distressed for rain, or for fair 
weather, or for any such-like need, they do meet to- 
gether at the sepulchres of these, and, having made 
their vows and orisons, go home with great hope they 
shall be heard. And at these meetings I oftentimes 
consorted with them, hoping that I might eat of the 
good things they carried with them to feast withal. 

But among these are two whose names they know, 
and of these one is called Goivelmir tchin and the other 
Bartbschum passa.* In those same parts men were used 
to tell their marvellous doings, and chiefly in the guard- 

1 Haji Bektash: for the derivation of the name see below, p. 575, n. 5. 

2 Probably Elwan Chelebi, buried near Chorum (Anderson, Stud. 
Pont, i, 9 if . : cf. above, p. 48. 

3 Cf. Lucas's ' Chek Baba ' (Foy age fait en 1714, i, 180), probably 
the patron of the still existing Sheikhli tribe (see above, p. 337). 

4 For these two difficult and perhaps corrupt names I can make no 

Goivelmir Tcbin 497 

ing and keeping of sheep and other beasts ; this most 
of all of him who is called Goivelmir tchin, of whom my 
Lady herself was used often to tell that she had received 
great blessings from him in the keeping of her calves. 
For this cause she was fain each year to vow and pay a 
certain measure of butter, and would add also thereto, 
saying, ' If I forget or neglect to pay my vow, anon 
I suffer therefor.' And she bade me also invoke him if 
a wolf vexed me as I fed my sheep. 

Nor can I forbear to speak of a story my Lord was 
often wont to tell. One day, as he said, a bull of his 
herd was missing when the rest returned from pasture. 
And anon he called together the neighbours, as is the 
custom in those parts, each equipping himself as for the 
chase, with bow, arrows, and dogs, and, setting forth 
that same evening, searched the nearer woods, but 
found no trace and returned. On the morrow in like 
manner they ranged over all the pasture-grounds and 
came at nothing. On the third day, as it drew on to 
even and they were returning, weary and forlorn of all 
hope, on a sudden my Lord as he pondered bethought 
him and took a vow to this effect, that for the love of the 
saint Goivelmir tchin, if the beast should be found, he 
would eat with the pilgrims a hot loaf with butter laid 
thereon, the which they call ' paslama V And while 
he still thought thereon, on a sudden there was a run- 
ning together and a shouting, and lo ! the bull was 
found, caught by the horns in a certain forked tree. 
And the marvel was the greater insomuch that for three 
days they had ranged that same place, nor (save for 
a miracle) could the bull have been spared by wild 
beasts. Then my Lord spake to them all of the vow 
he had made, and they marvelled greatly and gave 
thanks unto God and praised the name of Goivelmir tchin 
and so returned home with joy and gladness, not alone 

1 Paslama, a word still in use, is a sort of c pasty ' containing meat 
or vegetables. 

498 George of Hungary 

for the finding of the bull, but also for the miracle 
which had been vouchsafed unto them. 

And there is another named Chiderelles* who is be- 
fore all a helper of travellers in need. Such is his repute 
in all Turkey that there is scarce any man to be found 
that hath not himself experienced his help or heard of 
others that have so done. He manifesteth himself in 
the shape of a traveller riding on a grey horse, and anon 
relieveth the distressed wayfarer, whether he hath 
called on him, or whether, knowing not his name, he 
hath but commended himself to God, as I have heard 
on several hands. 

But another marvel also must I tell for its manifest 
truth, and this is told by men who were themselves at 
that time living. 

Now there were on a time certain religious men of 
that place which was near to us, 2 and these were slandered 
that they had made a complot against the king. Who, 
being exceeding wroth thereat, gave order that they 
should all be burnt alive. But he that was chief among 
them, after that he had essayed vainly to excuse or 
justify himself and his fellows, did publicly protest his 
innocence and theirs, and himself before the king 
entered first into the furnace to be burned. And for 
that the fire fled back before him, he went unscathed 
and abated the rage of the king and saved himself and 
his fellows from imminent peril of death, leaving unto 
his descendants and to all people of that persuasion this 
solemn ensample. And the shoes that with him went 
unscathed in the furnace are conserved to this day in 
those parts. 

And there was another which still lived in the flesh 
not far from those parts where I abode. And of his 

1 Khidr-Elles, the c Turkish S. George \ with whom he shares the 
spring festival (April 23) : see above, pp. 320 ff. 

2 Possibly the convent of Sidi Ghazi : cf. Menavino, Cose Turcbesche 
(1548), p. 60. 

Divination by a Living Saint 499 

mighty deeds there are very many that I have heard 
told whereof I hold my peace. But his fame was so 
bruited abroad that in every place where men frequented 
and gathered together there was talk of his true divina- 
tions of hidden matters and mostly of things lost or 
stolen ; insomuch that through him thieves and robbers 
ceased from the land in his time, for none dared show 
his head, and, though they laid many snares to catch 
him, yet could they do him no hurt. And what is a far 
greater marvel, to many of them that came to him he 
revealed their secret thoughts ere yet they had made 
them known to him. 




IN the following pages an attempt has been made to 
bring together scattered notices from printed sources 
regarding the geographical distribution of the Bektashi 
sect, as indicated by the position of existing, or formerly 
existing, convents of the order. 2 I have further in- 
cluded such information on this subject as I have been 
able to obtain from my own journeys and inquiries 
(1913-15) among the Bektashi : nearly all this informa- 
tion is gathered from Bektashi sources, and much from 
more than one such source. I hope to have made a 
fairly complete record of Bektashi establishments in 
Albania, now the most important sphere of their activi- 
ties, and a substantial basis for further inquiry in the 
other countries where the sect is to be found, with the 
exception of Asia Minor, for which my sources are in- 

From the evidence at our disposal the Bektashi estab- 
lishments in Asia Minor would seem to be grouped 
most thickly in the Kizilbash or Shia Mohammedan 
districts, especially (i) in the vilayets of 'Angora and 
Sivas, and (2) in the south-west corner (Lycia) of that 
of Konia, where the Shia tribes are known from their 
occupation as Takhtaji ( c wood-cutters '). 3 For the third 
great stronghold of Anatolian Shias, the Kurdish vilayets 
of Kharput and Erzerum, no information as to Bektashi 
tekkes is available. 

In Europe, southern Albania, with its population of 
Christians converted in relatively recent times to Islam, 

1 An earlier edition of this chapter appeared in the B.S.A. xxi, 84 ff. 

2 On the Bektashi and their organisation see above, pp. 159 ff. 

3 See above, pp. I58f. 

Types of Bektashi Saints 501 

is the only country in which the Bektashi are strongly 
represented at the present day. Crete, where their 
numbers were till recently considerable, and the Kas- 
toria district of Macedonia present the same pheno- 
menon of Bektashism grafted on a Christian population. 
Elsewhere one sees traces of successful propaganda 
amongst the immigrant Asiatic village communities, 
which were probably half pagan and wholly nomadic at 
their first appearance in Europe. Such are the ' Ko- 
niari' of southern Macedonia and Thessaly, 1 the Yuruks 
of the Rhodope, and the Tatars of the Dobruja. From 
the number of tekkes traceable, in the Adrianople dis- 
trict especially, it seems legitimate to suppose that 
such military centres, owing to the close connexion 
which existed for more than two centuries between the 
Bektashi and the Janissaries, formed at one time im- 
portant foci of missionary endeavour. 

It seems possible to detect a characteristic variation 
in the types of Bektashi saint venerated in Anatolia, 
European Turkey, and Albania respectively. In Anato- 
lia the typical saint is regarded as a missionary more or less 
closely connected withHaji Bektash himself, 2 and conse- 
quently so remote as to be mythical. In European 
Turkey the saints are again remote and ancient, being 
referred to the period of the Turkish conquest, but they 
are regarded primarily as warriors rather than as mis- 
sionaries. This points to the development of Bektashism 
in these countries under the auspices of the Janissary - 
Bektashi combination in the sixteenth and following 
centuries. In Albania the typical saint is again a mis- 
sionary, but differs both from the ' Anatolian ' and the 
' Rumelian ' types in laying no claim to great antiquity : 

1 [Now transferred to Asia Minor according to the Treaty of Lausanne 
(1923). M. M. H.]. 

a Cf. Evliya, Travels^ ii, 20 f. : 4 The seven hundred convents of 
Dervishes, Begtashi, which actually exist in Turkey, are derived from 
the seven hundred dervishes of Haji Begtash.' 

502 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi 

the Bektashi propaganda in Albania dates confessedly 
from the eighteenth century and the saints are historical 

We may further remark as regards the position of 
Bektashi tekkes that, whereas those of other orders are 
generally found in, or in the immediate neighbourhood 
of, the larger centres of population, those of the Bek- 
tashi are situated, as a rule, either in quite isolated 
positions or on the outskirts of villages. This is due, no 
doubt, partly to the fact that their propaganda and in- 
fluence largely touch rustic populations, and partly to 
the hostility with which they are regarded by the Sunni 
clergy. 1 We may reasonably assume that, between the 
capture of the Janissaries by the Bektashi (about 1590) 
and the destruction of the former (1826), the provincial 
garrisons of Janissaries, like that of Constantinople, had 
a resident Bektashi sheikh in their barracks, and pre- 
sumably a tekke within easy reach. These have, since 
1826, ceased to exist as such, but the saints' mausolea 
still often to be found in, or at the entrance to, Turkish 
citadels may very probably be a surviving remnant of 
original Bektashi establishments connected with the 

We turn now to the enumeration of the tekkes. 

i. Asia Minor 
A. Vilayet of Angora. 

HAJI BEKTASH (PiR-Evi). The reputed founder of 
the sect, Haji Bektash, lies buried at the village bearing 
his name near Kirshehr in central Asia Minor. 2 Adjoin- 

1 [Its main purpose, according to my information, is to keep the 
dervishes out of the way of worldly temptations. M. M. H.] 

2 Evliya says of the tomb (Travels, ii, 21) : ' Haji Bektash died in 
Sultan Orkhan's reign, and was buried in his presence in the capital 
of Crimea, where a Titar princess raised a monument over his tomb. 
This monument having fallen into decay Sheitdn Murad, a Beg of 
Caesarea of Sultan Suleiman's time, restored and covered it with lead.' 

Haji Bektash 503 

ing the tomb is a convent (tekke\ called Pir-evi (' House 
of the patron Saint 5 ) which forms the head-quarters of 
the Bektashi order and its adherents. It contains, be- 
sides the tomb of the founder, that of Balum Sultan, 
a very important Bektashi saint, reputed the founder of 
one of the four branches into which the sect is divided : 
his tomb is in the part of the convent devoted to the 
celibate (mujerred) dervishes. The tekke is further re- 
markable as containing a mosque with minaret, served 
by a kboja of the orthodox Nakshbandi order ; this is 
an innovation of Mahmud IPs time (1826), emphasizing 
the Sunni version of Haji Bektash, which represents him 
as a Nakshbandi sheikh. 1 

The tekke was formerly supported by the revenues of 
362 villages, the inhabitants of which were affiliated 
to the Bektashi order. The number of these villages 
has been gradually reduced on various pretexts by 
the government to twenty-four. 2 The revenues of the 
tekke , estimated at .60,000, are divided between the 
rival heads 3 of the order, the Akhi Dede, or Dede Baba, 
and the Chelebi. 

Of these the former resides in the convent of Haji 
Bektash and under him are eight other Babas, each 
having a separate * residency ? (konak), who preside over 
the various departments of work carried on in the tekke , 

The * capital of Crimea ' is obviously a mistake for Kirshehr, possibly 
owing to the proximity of the * Tatdr princess '. At the present day 
the cauldrons in the kitchen of the convent, which are among the sights 
of the place, are said to have been given by ' the Tatar Khan/ who is 
curiously identified with Orkhan (Prof. White in Contemp. Rev. y Nov. 

*9*3> P- 6 9S)- 

1 The tekke of Haji Bektash has been described by P. Lucas, Voyage 

dans la Grece, i, 124 ; Levides, Moval rfjs Ka7rira8oKta$ 9 p. 98 ; 
Cuinet, Turquie d'Asie, i, 341 ; Naumann, Font Goldnen Horn, pp. 193 
ff. ; Prof. White, in Contemp. Rev. y Nov. 1913, pp. 690 ff. See also 
below, pp. 571-2. 

2 From Cuinet, loc. cit. 9 except the last figure, which he gives, no 
doubt correctly for his time, as 42. 

3 See above, pp. l6i ff. 

504 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi 

directing the labours of the probationers under them. 
Their respective spheres are the buttery (Kilerji Baba), 
the bakery (Ekmekji Baba), the kitchen (Ashji Baba), 
the stables (Ataji Baba), the guest-house (Mehmandar 
Baba), the mausoleum of Balum Sultan (Balum Evi), 
and the vineyards (Dede Bagh, Hanbagh). The Chelebi 
lives outside the convent. 

Other tekkes recorded in the same vilayet are the 
following : 

BEYBAZAR (near). West of this town, on the Sakaria, 
is the turbe (mausoleum, of Emrem Yunuz Sultan, who 
is described by Lejean, evidently from an ignorant local 
informant, as * un sultan koniarite qui y a ete enseveli 
avec sa fille et ses deux filsV Emrem Yunuz is in 
reality claimed by the Bektashi as a saint belonging to 
their order. There seems to be no establishment here, 
though the tomb is held in reverence locally. 2 

CHORUM (near). Ten kilometres west of Chorum, 
R. Kiepert's map marks (from a native source) Sidim 
Sultan. Evliya mentions the place as, in his time, the 
site of ' a convent of bareheaded and barefooted 
Begtashi '. 3 

ANGORA (near). On the Husain Dagh, a mountain 
east of Angora, is the tomb of Husain Ghazi, 4 an Arab 
warrior-saint adopted by the Bektashi. In Evliya's 
time there was a convent of a hundred Bektashi der- 
vishes here and a much-frequented yearly festival. 5 
There is now only a mausoleum (turbe} kept up by the 
Bairami dervishes of Angora. 6 

YUZGAT (near). Here there is said to be a tekke at 

1 G. Lejean, in Bull. Soc. Geog. xvii (1869), p. 64. 

2 Anderson in J.H.S. xix, p. 70. For Emrem Yunuz (' Yunuz Imre ') 
see Gibb (Ottoman Poetry, i, 164), who places him in the early fourteenth 
century : also above, p. 291. 

3 Travels, ii, 223. 4 See below, pp. 711-2. 

5 Evliya, Travels, ii, 228 ; cj. Haji Khalfa, Djihannuma, tr. Armain, 

P- 703. 

6 Perrot and Guillaume, Explor. de la Galatie, i, 283. 

Vilayet of Angora 505 

a place called Mujur, which does not figure on our maps, 
but is distinct from the village of the same name near 

ALAJA (near). The Shamaspur tekke ^ containing a 
second grave of the Arab warrior Husain Ghazi, belongs 
to the order, but is now abandoned. 1 

KIRSHEHR. A tekke called Akhi-evren in this district 
was cited to me by a Bektashi dervish. 2 A saint of the 
same name, described as a companion in arms of Sultan 
Osman, is mentioned by Haji Khalfa as buried at Ak- 
shehr. 3 A third (?) saint, Ahiwiran or Ahi Baba of 
Caesarea, buried at Denizli, is said by Evliya to be the 
patron of Turkish tanners. A somewhat confused anec- 
dote apparently derives his name from Awren, wild 
beast. 4 A tekke of Ak Elven (sic) exists at Angora. The 
name is evidently one of those which have suffered from 
popular etymology. The original form may be Akhi + 
eren. Eren means ' saint ', while Akbi is the Arabic for 

1 For references see below, p. 711, n. 2. Perrot found two or three 
Bektashi dervishes there in 1861 (Souvenirs d?un Voyage^ p. 418). 

* A Khalveti saint Akbi Mirim, who died at Akshehr in 1409-10, 
is mentioned by Jacob (Beitrdge, p. 80, n. 3) : his tomb may well have 
changed hands, like many others, affiliation to the newcomers' order 
being axiomatic. 

3 Hadji Ouren in Armain's translation ; Plakhi Quran in Menasik- 
el-Haj, p. 12 ; Akbi Oren in Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 
248 (cf. Huart, Konia, p. 112, where the tomb of Said Mahmud 
Kbe'irani at Akshehr is described). 

4 Travels^ I, ii, 206 : c [Ahweran of Caesarea] was a great saint in the 
time of the Seljuk family. It is a famous story that, it having been 
hinted to the king that Ahibaba paid no duties, and the collectors 
having come to him in execution, they were all frightened away by a 
wild beast (Awren) starting from the middle of his shop, and which 
accompanied him to the king, who being equally frightened out of 
his wits, was very happy to allow him the permission asked, to bury the 
collectors killed. His tomb is a great establishment in the gardens of 
the town of Denizli . . . and all the Turkish tanners acknowledge 
this Ahuawren to be their patron.' In the last variation of the name 
there seems to be a play on Abua^ a fabulous beast like a syren (C. 
White, Constantinople^ i, 174). 

3295-2 L 

506 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi 

my brother, and has a special signification in connexion 
with the important society or ' Brotherhood ', known 
already in the early fourteenth century to Ibn Batuta 
as a widespread social league among the Turkomans of 
Seljuk Asia Minor, 1 and later as a political combination 
of some importance.* Among the Bektashi the word 
Akhi is preserved in the title of the sheikh of the convent 
of Haji Bektash, and they had formerly at least a sub- 
division called the * Brothers of Rum (i.e. Anatolia) '.3 
It may be that at some time in their history they amal- 
gamated with, and eventually absorbed, the Turkoman 
' Brotherhood 9 . 

MUJUR (near Kirshehr). There is here a sacred 
stone guarded by a Bektashi dervish. 4 

PATUK SULTAN. This saint is buried in a village con- 
vent of the same (Kirshehr) district. 

B. Vilayet of Konia. 

NEVSHEHR (near). Here there is said to be a Bektashi 
tekke containing the grave of a saint named Nusr-ed-din. 

ADALIA. The order possesses a tekke here which 
seems to be of minor importance. 

ELMALI had formerly a tekke containing the tomb of 
Haidar Baba ; this is one of the convents destroyed in 
1826. The town (or district?) is also known as the 
burial-place of Abdal Musa, a very celebrated saint. 5 

1 Ibn Batuta, tr. Lee, pp. 68 ff. ; tr. Sanguinetti, ii, 260 ff. 

3 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 214. On the ' Brotherhood ' 
see Karabashek in Num. Zeit. 1877, pp. 213 ff. 

3 Akbeean-i-Room (Brown, Dervishes, p. 142) : the corresponding 
subdivisions were the Ghazis (warriors), Abdals (asketes), and Sisters 
of Rum. In Seaman's Orcban, p. 108, Acbifrater is given as a grade 
in dervish communities. Dr. F. Babinger (in Z. D. Morgenl. Ges. 
Ixxvi, 1922, p. 135, n. 4) accepts Jean Deny's suggestion that akhi is 
Turkish and means (i) chevalerie, (2) confrerie religieuse, and (3) corps 
de metier. 4 Cholet, Voyage^ p. 48. 

5 Jacob, Bektaschijje, p. 28, cf. Beitrdge, pp. 14, 85. See below 

Vilayets of Konia and Smyrna 507 

There is a village called Tekke about twelve kilometres 
S. by W. of the town. Elmali is the centre of the dis- 
trict inhabited by the primitive Shia tribes known as 
Takhtaji ( c wood-cutters '). But the lay members of 
the order seem here, as in Albania, to include some well- 
to-do landowners and town-dwellers. 1 

GILEVJI, three hours north of Elmali, has a tekke 
containing the grave of Kilerji Baba, 2 a disciple of Abdal 

FINEKA, the port of Elmali, has a tekke with grave of 
Kiafi Baba. This may be identical with the tekke men- 
tioned by Petersen and von Luschan as existing on the 
site of Limyra : there were two dervishes here in 1884.3 

GUL HISAR, thirty kilometres south-east of Tefeni, 
in the northern part of this district, contains a tekke 
with the grave of Yaman Ali Baba. 

C. Vilayet of Smyrna (Aidin). 

SMYRNA. There is now a small Bektashi tekke here 
containing the grave of Hasan Baba, in the quarter of 
Kiatib Oglu on the outskirts of the town. Bektashi 
gravestones are to be seen in the small cemetery sur- 
rounding the ' tomb of Polycarp ' on the castle hill. 4 

TEIRE. Here there are two tekkes, one of which 
contains the grave of Khorasanli Ali Baba. 

DAONAS. Here is buried one of the successors (khalife) 
of Haji Bektash, Sari Ismail Sultan. 

DENIZLI seems to be, or to have been, an important 
Bektashi centre. There are said to be three tekkes in 
the district. Within a radius of two hours are the 

1 Von Luschan, Lykien, ii, 203. z Cf. above, p. 504. 

3 Lykien, ii, 204 n. I note also, still nearer Fineka, a village Halaj, 
the name of which suggests Bektashi associations. Manzur-el-Halaj 
is claimed by the Bektashi as the spiritual master of their great saint 
Fazil Yezdan (Degrand, Haute Albanie, p. 229) and a forerunner of the 
sect. 4 See above, p. 409, n. 4. 

L 2 

508 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi 

tombs of the saints Teslim Sultan and Dede Sultan. 
At Karagach I is that of Niazi [Baba]. 

YATAGAN (near Kara Euyuk, in the south of the vila- 
yet). A rich and important tekke containing the grave 
of a saint c Jatagundie ' (Yatagan Dede ?) was visited 
here by Paul Lucas in the early years of the eighteenth 
century. 2 It was one of the Bektashi foundations 
destroyed in 1826, but seems since to have revived to 
some extent. Yatagan Baba is reputed the master of 
Abdal Musa. 3 Another tekke at the same place contains 
the grave of Abdi Bey Sultan. 

MENEMEN. The tekke here contains the grave of 
Bakri Baba. 

MAN ISA. The Bektashi have no tekke at Manisa since 
the persecution of 1826, but claim that they were im- 
portant there, and that the graves of Aine Ali and Niazi 
belong by right to their order. 

TULUM BUNAR. The newly rebuilt turbe of Jafer 
Baba, a conspicuous object from the Kasaba line (near 
Tulum Bunar station) is claimed by the Bektashi as 
part of a convent dissolved in 1826. 

D. Vilayet of Brusa (Khudavendkiar). 

BRUSA, though the Bektashi have now no footing 
there, seems formerly to have been a great stronghold 

1 Perhaps Kabagach, near Serai Keui, where Kiepert's map marks 
a tekke. 

2 V 'oy age fait en IJI4, i, 171 f. : * un Couvent, ou 1'on garde pre- 
cieusement le corps d'un Mahometan nomine Jatagundie, qu'on dit 
avoir opere de grandes merveilles dans tout le Pai's. La Mosquee ou 
il repose est tres-belle & bien entretenue ; il y a dedans 60 chandeliers 
d'argent massif de dix pieds de haut, & un fort grand nombre de 
lampes d'or & d'argent. Deux cens Dervis sont emploiez au service 
de cette Mosquee ; ils ont une Bibliotheque tres-bien fournie . . . 
Comme cette Mosquee a des revenus immenses, il y a une fondation 
pour nourrir & loger tous les passans, & on y exerce Phospitalite avec 
beaucoup de charite,' cf. below, p. 566. 

3 See above, Elmali, and below, Cairo. 

Vilayet of Brusa 509 

of the order. 1 The following graves are those of (real 
or supposed) Bektashi saints : 

Abdal Murad. To this was attached a tekke, reputed 
of Sultan Orkhan's foundation ; * the saint himself is 
said by the sixteenth-century historian Saad-ed-din to 
have been a holy man of this reign, 3 though his con- 
nexion with the Bektashi is not noticed, and is probably 
apocryphal. Evliya calls him a companion of Haji Bek- 
tash. 4 The tekke is mentioned in the eighteenth and nine- 
teenth centuries, 5 and the tomb of the saint still exists. 6 

Geyikli Eaba is regarded as the contemporary and 
companion in arms of Abdal Murad, and, like him, 
a follower of Haji Bektash and one of Ahmed Yasevi's 
apostles. 7 The connexion with Haji Bektash and his 
cycle is a late development as in the case of Abdal Musa. 8 

Ramadan Eaba is spoken of by Evliya as * buried in 
a pleasant meadow at Brussa in a convent of Begtashis,' * 
but is claimedfor theNakshbandi order by AssadEfendi. 10 

Sheikh Kili. The foundation of the tekke attached 
to this tomb was ascribed by Evliya to Orkhan. 11 

Akbeyik Sultan. This saint is assigned by the same 
author both to the Bektashi 12 and the Bairami. 13 

1 Cf. Assad Efendi, Destr. des Janissaires, p. 302 ; the expulsion of 
the Bektashi from Brusa in 1826 was witnessed by Laborde (Asie 
Mineure, p. 24). 

2 Evliya, Travels, ii, 8, 24. Orkhan himself is buried at Brusa and 
is reputed to visit his tomb every Friday, play the drum, and use the 
beads on the tomb (Bussierre, Lettres, i, 154). 

3 In Seaman's Orchan, p. 119. 4 Loc. at. 

5 Sestini, Lettere Odeporiche, i, 117 ; von Hammer, JBrussa, p. 57 ; 
Cuinet, Turquie d'Asie, iv, 29. 6 Kandis, IJpovaa, p. 153. 

7 Evliya, Travels, ii, 21, 24. On Ahmed Yasevi and his introduction 
into the Bektashi cycle see above, pp. 403-5. 

8 Cf. Seaman's Orchan, p. 116. 

9 Travels, ii, 27 ; cf. von Hammer, Brussa, p. 56. 

10 Destr. des Janissaires, p. 300. JI Evliya, Travels, ii, 8. 

13 Ibid, ii, 8. 

J 3 Ibid, ii, 26. It should be noted that Haji Bairam himself is 
claimed by the Bektashi at the present day. 

510 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi 

Other Bektashi tekkes exist, or are known to have 
existed, at the following places in the Brusa vilayet. 

SIDI GHAZI, a village south of Eskishehr. The saint 
buried in the tekke, who has given his name to the 
village, is a celebrated warrior of the Arab period ; his 
grave was discovered already in Seljuk times, and the 
foundation came into the hands of the Bektashi at 
least as early as the sixteenth century. 1 The tekke still 
exists, though the foundation is much decayed. 2 Near, 
and west of it, is the tekke of Suja-ed-din, who is men- 
tioned by Jacob as an important Bektashi saint. 3 This 
tekke seems also to be kept up. Those of Melek Baba 
and Urian Baba in the same district are now dissolved. 

BESH KARISH (near Altin Tash and the railway station, 
Ihsanieh). Here is buried Resul Ali Sultan or Resul 
Baba, a khalife of Haji Bektash. 4 

REJEB (three hours from Ushak). Here is buried the 
khalife Kolu Achik Hajim Sultan. 5 The tekke is now 
disused and administered by a steward (muteveli), but 
seems to be of some local importance. 

BALUKISR. Another khalife^ Said Jemal Sultan, is 
buried in this district. 6 I have no information as to the 

The vilayet of Brusa seems to have been a stronghold 
of the Bektashi in the fifties of the last century. 7 

DARDANELLES. 8 Though no tekke exists here to-day, 

1 See Browne, J. R. Asiat. Soc., 1907, p. 568, where a Hurufi MS. 
is said to have been copied here in 1545-6 ; and cf. Menavino, Cose 
Turcbescbe [1548], p. 60. 

2 For details and bibliography of this tekke see below, pp. 705-10. 

3 Bektascbijje, p. 28. 4 Jacob, Bektaschijje, p. 27. 

5 Ibid. 

6 Ibid. The site may be looked for at Tekke Keui near Kebsud, 
near which is a village Bektashler. 

7 C. MacFarlane, Turkey and its Destiny, i, 501. 

8 Strictly speaking, the town of the Dardanelles is not in the Brusa 
province, but forms the capital of an independent sub-prefecture 

Vilayet of Kastamuni 511 

it was probably a Bektashi centre before 1826, on ac- 
count of the number of Janissaries quartered there. A 
ruined and deserted tekke exists outside the village of 
Seraijik, in the valley of the Rhodius. It bears the 
name of the saint interred in it (Inje or Injir Eaba) and 
is still visited as a pilgrimage. 1 

Le Chevalier in the early years of the present century 
describes a tekke ^ apparently Bektashi, possibly identical 
with the above. 2 

E. Vilayet of Kastamuni. 

KALEJIK (near). Evliya describes in this district the 
pilgrimage of Koji Baba, one of the disciples of Haji 
Bektash, who was buried in a convent bearing his name. 
' There is no other building but the convent ; the 
tomb is adorned with lamps and candelabras. His [i.e. 
the saint's] banner, drum, habit, and carpet are all pre- 
served, as though he were himself present. The Tur- 
comans have great faith in this saint.' 3 

CHANGRI (near). At the village of Airak, north of the 
Kizil Irmak river, in this district, Evliya found a large 
and hospitable convent, containing a hundred dervishes 
and the tomb of Mohammed Shah Dede ; this saint 
c came with Haji Begtash from Khorassan to the court 
of Bayazid I M 

F. Vilayet of Sivas. 

SIVAS. In the town is a recent tekke ^ called Maksum- 
ler (' the infants ? ), 5 founded by a certain Khalil Pasha, 

1 From Mr. R. Grech, of the Dardanelles. 

2 Propontide, p. 14 : * Derriere la ville s'etend une large plaine au 
milieu de laquelle on trouve un Teke ou convent de derviches, entoure 
de vignes et de jardins delicieux. Ces solitaires donnent au pays qui 
les avoisine, Pexemple de Phospitalite la plus affectueuse : ils offrent 
leurs plus beaux fruits et leurs cellules au voyageur fatigue, et de la 
meilleur foi du monde lui font admirer un cerceuil de quarante pieds, 
qui contient les reliques du gcant qui les a fondes.' 

3 Travels, ii, 236. 4 Ibid, ii, 236. 
5 Or Maksum Pak (Pers. pak=' pure '). 

512 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi 

afterwards governor of Beyrut. About fifty years ago, 
a dervish is said to have discovered by revelation the 
graves of two infants (maksum), who were identified 
with Ali Eftar, son of the fifth Imam (Mohammed 
Bakir), and Sali, son of the seventh (Musa Kiazim) ; 
these infants are regarded as martyrs. 1 The infant son 
of Khalil Pasha is also buried in the tekke. 

AMASIA. Here is a tekke containing the grave of Piri 

DIVRIJI (near). Three hours from Divriji is a recent 
tekke founded by a learned Bektashi sheikh named Gani 
Baba and called Andahar Tekkesi. 2 

Three important tekkes in this (strongly Shia) vilayet 
are mentioned by Evliya in the seventeenth century, 
of which the first two certainly exist. These are : 

MARSOVAN, with tomb of Piri Dede, a companion of 
Haji Bektash. In Evliya's time there were 200 der- 
vishes there, and the convent was supported by the 
revenues of 366 villages.^ There seems lately to have 
been a kind of ' revival' in which immigrants from Trans- 
caucasia (Kars district) have played an important part. 

OSMANJIK, with tomb of Koyun Baba, who came 
with Haji Bektash from Khorasan. All the inhabitants 
of the town were in Evliya's time affiliated to the Bek- 
tashi. 4 The foundation seems now to have passed into 
other hands, and the saint to be known as * Pambuk 
Baba '.5 

BARUGUNDE (near Shabin Kara Hisar). This tekke 
contained the tomb of Behlul of Samarkand and those 
of the Choban family. 6 It is probably the * Chobanli 
Tekke ' marked on R. Kiepert's map due south of Shabin 

1 This is probably the pilgrimage of the Kizibash Kurds at Sivas 
mentioned by Molyneux-Seel as the 4 tomb of Hasan ' (see above, 
P- ISO). 

2 Perhaps from Anzaghar, marked south of Divriji in R. Kiepert's 
map. 3 Travels, ii, 215 ; cf. above, pp. 38-9. 

4 Ibid, ii, 96 : cf. Jacob, Bektascbijje, p. 28, and Haji Khalfa, tr. 
Armain, ii, 681. 5 See above, pp. 95-6. 6 Evliya, Travels, ii, 205. 

Vilayet of Sivas 513 

Kara Hisar, on the road to Erzinjian. Evliya also makes 
brief mention of a Bektashi tekke of Mohammed Shah 
near Echmiadzin. 1 

A list, however incomplete, of Anatolian centres in 
which there is now no Bektashi establishment, may be 
of service to future inquirers. The following places 
have been cited to me as such by Bektashi informants : 
Adana, Aintab, Angora, Beyshehr, Brusa, Caesarea, 
Dardanelles, Isbarta, Karaman, Konia, Manisa,Marash 2 
Melasso, Mersina, Nazli, Pyrgi, Tarsus,Trebizond. The 
absence of Bektashi at Angora is accounted for by the 
local predominance of the Bairami order, and at Konia, 
Karaman, 3 and Manisa by the position held there by 
the Mevlevi. Adana, 4 Aidin, Caesarea, 5 and Pyrgi 6 are 
notoriously ' black ' Sunni towns. 

SHAMAKH. The farthest extension of Bektashism 
eastwards seems to be marked by the important tekke 
visited by Evliya at Shamakh, near Baku. This con- 
tained the tomb of Pir Merizat and was supported by 
the revenues of 300 villages, the inhabitants of which 
were mostly affiliated to the order.? 

The Kurds of the Dersim recognize Haji Bektash, and 
one Bektashi tekke is said to exist in Kurdistan. 8 

1 Ibid, ii, 125. 

2 A tekke is said to have existed there till 1826. 

3 Davis (Asiatic Turkey, p. 295) speaks of the Valideh Tekke here as 
Bektashi : it is of course Mevlevi. 

4 Cf. Niebuhr, Reisebeschreibung, iii, 118. But I have heard of a 
learned Bektashi baba resident in this vilayet at Jebel-Bereket (Yarput), 
which perhaps implies the existence of propaganda among the local 
Turkoman tribes. 

5 Assad Efendi, Destr. desjanissaires, pp. 314, 317 ; cf. (for Caesarea) 
Skene, Anadol, p. 159. 

6 Assad Efendi, loc. cit. ; Amasia had in 1826 the same reputation, 
but has now a Bektashi tekke, as has Teire (for which see Schlechta- 
Wssehrd, Denk. Wien. Akad., P.-H. CL viii, 1857, *> 47)- 

7 Travels, ii, 160. 

8 Taylor seems to have found a tekke at Arabkir in 1860 (J.R.G.S., 
1868, xxxviii, 312). 

514 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi 

2. Mesopotamia 

In Mesopotamia there are Bektashi tekkes in the 
neighbourhood of the Shia holy-places : these are 
rather rest-houses for Bektashi pilgrims than regular 
tekkes. They are at BAGDAD (with tomb of Gulgul 
Baba), 1 KAZIMAIN (a suburb of Bagdad sacred for Shias 
as containing the tombs of the Imams Musa and Jafer 
Sadik), KERBELA, NEJEF, and SAMARA. There seem to 
be no Bektashi tekkes in Syria (certainly not at Damascus 
or Jerusalem), where the population seems to be little 
in sympathy with dervishes in general. 

3. Egypt 

CAIRO. The Bektashi convent on the Mokattam 
above the citadel is the only establishment of the order 
in Egypt. A great cave in the precincts of the convent 
serves as turbe or mausoleum ; the chief saint buried 
in it (reputed the founder of the convent) is named 
Kaigusuz 2 Sultan. He was a pupil of Abdal Musa 3 and 
brought the Bektashi faith to Egypt. He is said to have 
been a prince by birth, and bore in the world the name 
of Sultanzade Ghaibi. His reputation is great among 
the Bektashi, who regard him as the founder of the 
fourth branch of the order. It seems unlikely that the 
grave of Kaigusuz is authentic or that the convent is of 
great antiquity. 4 Pococke and Perry, who examined 
this slope of the Mokattam pretty carefully in the first 

1 Niebuhr, Voyage en Arable^ ii, 242, 244. 

3 Kaigusuz is said to be a word used by the Bektashi for pilaf. 
Vaujany, Caire, pp. 284 f., translates the name as ' Papa Sans-Souci '. 
Mr. W. S. Edmonds was told at the tekke that the word meant devil- 
may-care. 3 See above, s. v. Elmali, p. 506. 

4 This view is borne out by the history of the tomb and tekke given 
to Mr. Edmonds by the dervishes in 1917. The original tekke, they 
said, was founded A. H. 806 (A. D. 1403-4) by Kaigusuz Sultan at 
Kasr-el-Aini, which is on the east bank of the Nile opposite Roda 
Island and about one and a half miles south of Cairo. In A. H. 844 
(A. D. 1440-1) Kaigusuz Sultan died. The Bektashis had been friendly 

Egypt 515 

half of the seventeenth century, notice ' grottoes ' but 
no tekke ; the latter says expressly that the grottoes 
were uninhabited. 1 The foundation may thus be con- 
nected with the spread of Bektashism in the later years 
of the eighteenth century and not improbably with the 
Albanian mercenaries who served at this time in Egypt, 
possibly with Mohammed Ali himself, who is said by 
some Bektashi to have been a member of their sect. 
The same is said of Omer Vrioni, of Berat, who seems 
to have done some soldiering in Egypt. The following 
description of the Cairo establishment of the Bektashi 
seems the best available : 

' The tekiya projects from the hill, and may be 
distinguished from afar by a bank of verdant foliage 
with which it is fronted. Ascending a long flight 
of steps and passing through a small garden, you enter 
the tekiya, which has lately been rebuilt for the der- 
vishes by the Khedive Ismail z and some of the prin- 
cesses. 3 The hall for the devotions of the members, the 
rooms of the shekh, and the sumptuous kitchen may 
be inspected. . . . The small open court of the tekiya 
leads into an ancient quarry . . . penetrating the rock 
for more than 200 feet. A pathway of matting enclosed 
by a wooden railing leads to the innermost recess, where 
lies buried the Shekh Abdallah el-Maghawri, i. e. of the 
Grotto or Cave (Maghara). His original name was 

with the Jelali dervishes, who then occupied the present tekke, and 
therefore Kaigusuz Sultan and succeeding dedes were buried in the 
present tekke. In A. H. 1212 (A. D. 1797-8) the Jelalis left the present 
tekke ; in A. H. 1242 (A. D. 1826-7) [the year of Mahmud IPs destruction 
of the Janissaries and Bektashi tekkes. F. W. H.] the Kasr-el-Aini 
tekke was given to the Kadri dervishes who now have it, and in A. H. 
1269 ( A * D - I 852~3) the Egyptian government for the first time 
appointed a dede to the present tekke of Kaigusuz Sultan. 

1 View oj the Levant, p. 234. 2 1863-79. 

3 Cf. Baedeker, Egypt (1898), p. 53 : ' A handsomely gilt coffin here 
is said to contain the remains of a female relative of the Khedive * 
evidently buried here as a benefactress of the tekke. 

516 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi 

Keghusuz, and he was a native of Adalia. Sent as 
deputy to Egypt to propagate the doctrines of the frater- 
nity, he settled there and took the name of Abdallah.' 1 

At the present day the tekke of Kaigusuz at Cairo 
appears to be the only Bektashi establishment in Egypt 
or indeed in North Africa. The sect may owe its 
persistence here to the floating Albanian population ; 
the present abbot is a Tosk Albanian. 

The sect formerly held also the tekke of Kasr-el-Aini 
in Old Cairo, which is claimed by Assad Efendi as an 
original foundation of the Nakshbandi. 2 The tekke is 
first mentioned by Pococke, who, however, does not 
state to which order it belonged. 3 Wilkinson says it was 
founded by the Bektashi and belonged to them till 
transferred to the Kadri by Ibrahim Pasha. 4 This, it 
will be seen, is substantially the history supplied to Mr. 
Edmonds by the present dervishes. 5 

4. Constantinople 

The following list of Bektashi tekkes existing at the 
capital was given me at the tekke of Shehidler above 
Rumeli Hisar. 6 

A. European side. 

1. YEDI KULE (Kazli Cheshme), Sheikh Abdullah. 

2. TOP KAPU, Sheikh Abdullah. 

1 Murray's Eygpt (1900), p. 29. Vaujany (Caire, pp. 284 f.) says 
the cave has been excavated in the rock and measures 75 X 75 metres ; 
the convent was formerly a poor construction of crude brick, but was 
rebuilt in 1872. A view from the outside is figured by Migeon, 
Caire, p. 82. Mr. Edmonds adds that the tomb is at the very end of 
the cave, being approached by about twenty yards of causeway along 
which sick people roll themselves for cure. 

2 Destr. des Janissaires, p. 300. 3 Descr. of the East, i, 29. 

Modern Egypt, i, 287 : cf. Browne inj. R. Asiat. Soc. 1907, 573, 
from which the tekke appears to have been Bektashi as late as 1808. 

5 Above, p. 514, n. 4. 

6 Similar lists are given by Tschudi in Jacob, Bektaschijje, pp. 51 ff., 
and Depont and Coppolani, Confreries Musulmanes, pp. 530-1. 

Constantinople 517 

3. KARIADIN (above Eyyub), Sheikh Hafiz Baba. 

4. SUDLIJA, Sheikh Husain Baba. 

5. KARAGACH (near Kiaghit Khane), Sheikh Munir 

6. RUMELI HISAR (Shehidler). 

Nos. I and 2 are for celibates. The sheikhs of 6 are of 
Anatolian descent, and the office is hereditary. 

B. Asiatic side. 


8. MERDIVEN KEUI. This important tekke is said by 
the Bektashi to contain the grave of a very ancient 
warrior-saint, Shahkuli, who * fought against Constan- 
tine ? and was here buried. The name of the founder of 
the tekke was given me as Mehemet AH Baba, and that 
of the present sheikh as Haji Ahmed Baba. The tekke 
is also said to contain the grave of Azbi Chaush, who 
conducted Misri Efendi to exile and was converted by 
him on the way. 1 

At the suppression of the Order in 1826, there were 
fourteen convents in the capital,* of which nine were 
demolished.^ These were at (i) Yedi Kule, (2) Eyyub, 
(3) Sudlija, (4) Karagach, (5) Shehidlik,* (6) Chamlija, 
(7) Merdiven Keui, (8) Eukuz Liman, 5 and (9) Skutari. 6 

It thus appears that since 1826 the Bektashi have 

1 Brown, Dervishes, p. 164 ; for Misri Efendi, a seventeenth-century 
poet and heresiarch with a leaning towards Bektashi doctrines, see 
Cantimir, Hist. Emp. Otb. ii, 218, 228 ff. ; Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp 
Ott. xii, 45 ; and Gibb, Ottoman Poetry, iii, 312. 

* Rosen, Gescbichte der Ttirkei, i, 19. 

3 Assad Efendi, Destr. desjanissaires, p. 316. 

4 The destruction of this tekke is mentioned by C. MacFarlane, 
Turkey and its Destiny, i, 504. It is cited as belonging to the Melami- 
yun by J. P. Brown (Dervishes, p. 175). 

5 Mentioned also by Evliya, Travels, I, ii, 8 1 ; Hammer, Con- 
stantinopolis, ii, 322. 

6 Probably the tekke containing the tomb of Karaja Ahmed (on 
whom see above, pp. 403 ff.), of which the turbe survives. 

518 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi 

managed to reinstate themselves in seven out of the nine 
proscribed tekkes, and to add one (Top Kapu) to the 
number of their Constantinople establishments. 1 

Of tekkes formerly occupied by the Bektashi in the 
Constantinople district we can cite : 

RUMELI HISAR. Durmish Dede, a sailors 5 saint who 
died in the reign of Ahmed I, was buried on the point 
of Rumeli Hisar. 2 This tekke is now in the hands of the 

ISTRANJA, in the hills north-east of Constantinople. 3 

5. Turkey in Europe. 

In this country, and particularly in the neighbour- 
hood of Adrianople, the Bektashi had many tekkes ', most 
of which were destroyed in the persecution of 1826. 

A. Gallipoli Peninsula* 

There are still two tekkes here at 

KILIJ BAHR (opposite the town of Dardanelles) and 
AK BASHI (Sestos). This latter is a simple cell, tenanted 
by one dervish, 5 who acts as guardian to the tomb of 
Ghazi Fazil Beg, one of the companions of Suleiman 
Pasha in his first invasion of Europe. 6 

JB. District of Adrianople. 

This district has been in its day a great stronghold of 
Bektashism. At Adrianople itself, a disreputable tekke 
on the hill called Khidrlik was suppressed already in 

1 There were three Bektashi tekkes about 1850 (Brown, Dervishes, 
pp. 530 .). 

2 Evliya, Travels, I, ii, 27, 68, 70 : ' the Dervishes Begtashi superin- 
tend it [the pilgrimage] with their drums and lamps ' ; cf. Hammer- 
Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xviii, 85. 

3 Ibid., I, ii, 88 : ' there is a convent of Begtashis ; they hunt for 
the Emperor harts, roes, and deer, of which they make hams.' 

4 This district, now isolated, was probably connected with Adria- 
nople by a chain of tekkes down to 1826. The maps mark many tekkes 
between the two points, most of which, I am informed, are now farms. 

5 As in E. D. Clarke's time (Travels, iii, 86). 

6 Cf. Saad-ed-din, in Seaman's Orchan, p. 80. 

Adrianople 519 

1 64 1, 1 and in 1826 no less than sixteen convents in the 
town and district were confiscated. The country round 
Adrianople, especially to the west of the city, into which 
district a numerous Turkish nomad population has been 
imported from Asia at various dates, 2 preserves the names 
of many destroyed tekkes which have in recent years 
developed into farms or villages. 

East of Adrianople two such tekkes have left traditions 
behind them. These are : 

ESKI BABA, on the main road to Constantinople. The 
saint here buried was identified with Sari Saltik, a famous 
Bektashi saint. The turbe is said to be an ancient church 
of S. Nicolas ; it is still frequented by Christians as well 
as Mohammedans. 3 

BUNAR HISAR, some miles east of Kirk Kilise. The 
tekke seems to have been confiscated in 1826, but the 
grave of the saint, Binbiroglu Ahmed Baba, was still 
later a pilgrimage for Turks. The tekke is now a farm. 4 

South of Adrianople, Slade, 5 in 1830, notes the sites of 
several Bektashi tekkes ruined during the attempted 
suppression of the order by Sultan Mahmud II. 

At FERE j IK, on the hill above the village, he found 

1 Jacob, Beitrage, p. 16 ; cf. Rycaut, Ottoman Empire, p. 69. Covel 
(Diaries, p. 248) says there was formerly a Greek church of S. George 
at this point. 

2 Hammer-Heller t, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 330 (Turks from Menemen 
sent to Philippopolis district) ; cf. Baker, Turkey in Europe, p. 382. 

3 See below, pp. 578-9 : also above, pp. 431-2. 

^ See below, p. 579- This is the tekke which is said formerly to 
have contained an inscription in * Ancient Syrian' letters 'like nails*, 
probably the inscribed pillar set up by Darius at the sources of the 
Tearus (Jochmus,y.#.G.S., xxiv (1854), p. 44 ; see E. Unger,Jahrbuch, 
Arch. Anz* 1915, pp. 3 ff.) I believe this pillar may have been 
6 adopted ' by the Bektashi, like the sacred stone at Tekke Keui (see 
Macedonia below), as an additional attraction to the tekke of Bunar 
Hisar. Its cuneiform writing was probably recognized as ' Ancient 
Syrian ' by some dervish who had visited the Shia sanctuaries in 
Mesopotamia where cuneiform monuments are common. 

5 Travels, p. 470. 

520 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi 

the ruins of a tekke and a tomb-chamber containing the 
graves of five dervishes. The chief of these, he was 
informed, was Ibrahim Baba of the Bektashi order. 
Five miles farther on was the tomb of another Bektashi 
saint, Nefes Baba, who was said to have come from 
Gallipoli with the first Turkish conquerors, and to have 
founded a tekke here. Nefes Baba was the son of the 
King of Fez. 1 Some miles farther on was a third Bek- 
tashi tekke, containing the tomb of a certain Rustem 
Baba, which Slade did not visit. 3 

KESHAN. There is here a small tekke in the town 
itself, tenanted by a baba and servitors (Albanians). 

DOMUZ DERE (near Keshan). This tekke is tenanted 
by an abbot and three or four dervishes. Its history is 
particularly interesting in relation to the question of 
Bektashi usurpations. According to local tradition, 
borne out, as we shall see, by very solid evidence, the 
tekke was originally a small Greek monastery of S. 
George. The Bektashi are said to have gained a footing 
there during or after an epidemic of plague, which 
depopulated the neighbouring (Christian) village of 
Chiltik. This is said to have happened * about sixty 
years ago ', very possibly at the time of the last great 
outbreak of plague in European Turkey, which took 
place in 1836-9,3 almost within living memory. 

At the present time the feast-day of S. George is still 
celebrated at Domuz Dere by a panegyris of a social 
character, which is frequented both by Turks and Greeks ; 
the representatives of the two religions do not mix 
together more than is necessary. The original church 

1 This is too evidently an inference from his name (nefes=< Breath ' 
and metaph. * Spirit '). For a good account of Turkish Nefes ogli [sic] 
see Hottinger, Hist. Orient, pp. 478-9, basing on Georgewicz, Epitome. 

2 A probable Bektashi tekke on the outskirts of Ainos may be recog- 
nized in the building called Tunuz Baba Tekke si (Lambakis in - 
riov Xpiar. *Apx<uo\. 'Ercupelas, H', 28). Cf. below, p. 581. 

3 Edmund Spencer, Travels^ ii, 378 ff. 

' Ambiguous ' Sanctuaries 521 

of S. George has been divided by the dervishes into 
several compartments, including living-rooms and a 
tomb-chamber for the abbots' graves ; the compart- 
ment including the original * sanctuary ' still preserves 
the upper part of the screen (templon), and on its north 
wall is an ancient eikon of S. George flanked by lighted 
lamps. This has been actually seen by my informant. 

So recent and so well-documented * a case of Bektashi 
usurpation as this must be regarded as a warning against 
excess of scepticism in appreciating legends current 
elsewhere, and resting solely on tradition, of similar 
occurrences. What happened at Domuz Dere probably 
happened mutatis mutandis at Eski Baba, 2 and may have 
happened at many other * ambiguous ' sanctuaries ; the 
story of the Christian eikon jealously guarded at the 
tekke of Rini, 3 if it be a fable, is at least a fable not with- 
out historical parallels. At the same time tradition 
must not be accepted blindly. We know for a fact that 
many Christian churches have been transformed into 
mosques by the Turks. Yet the ' traditions ' as to the 
Christian past of mosques are often demonstrably false ; 
notoriously so in the case of the mosque of Isa Bey or 
c Church of S. John ' at Ephesus. 

West of Adrianople, as we have said, Bektashi estab- 
lishments were thickly planted, but most were destroyed 
in 1826. 

At KUSH KAVAK, at the fork of the main road leading 
from Adrianople to Kirjali and Gumuljina, a tekkeis said 
by the Bektashi still to exist. It may be that of Ohad 
Baba, marked on the War Office map just north of the 

DIMETOKA. Tekke s of Kizil Deli Sultan in this dis- 

1 After my husband's death I learned that his plausible informant 
had been detected supplying false information to a British War 
Department. Had my husband known this, he might have been 
more sceptical of his statements on Domuz Dere. M.M.H. 

2 Above, p. 519. 3 See below, p. 766, n. 4. 
3295.2 M 

522 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi 

trict are mentioned by Assad Efendi x as among those 
demolished in 1826. The name of the saint is shown on 
our maps in the district due west of Dimetoka, which 
adjoins the Kirjali district transferred by the treaty of 
Bucharest to Bulgaria. 

6. Bulgaria 

KIRJALI, the district adjoining that of Adrianople on 
the west and lately ceded to Bulgaria, contains the grave 
and tekke of the Bektashi saint Said Ali Sultan. The 
tekke was destroyed by the Bulgars in the last war, the 
turbe (mausoleum) being spared. 

HASKOVO, between Philippopolis and the frontier, 
half a day north of Kirjali, possesses (or possessed) a 
tekke with the grave of Mustafa Baba.* It is, as usual, 
at some distance from the town. 

RAZGRAD (near). There was also till recently an 
isolated tekke containing the grave of Hasan Demir 
Baba Pehlivan, who lived ' 400 years ago ' and per- 
formed a number of miracles. The tekke was founded 
early in the nineteenth century by Hasan Pehlivan Baba, 
Pasha of Rustchuk. 3 A good description of it, the legend 

1 Destr. des Janissaires, p. 325 : special instructions regarding these 
tekkes are given in the text of the firman printed by the same author 
at pp. 325 if. : ' Vous vous rendrez d'abord a Adrianople ; la, de 
concert avec Mohammed-Assad-Pacha, gouverneur de Tcharmen, 
vous expulserez des tekies de Kizil-Deli-Sultan les bektachis qui s'y 
trouvent . . . Notre intention est de destiner au casernement des 
corps de soldats de Mahomet qui pourront par suite etre formes dans 
ces contrees les batiments spacieux et commodes de quelques-uns de 
ces etablissements, et de transformer les grandes salles en mosquees.' 
For Kizil Deli Sultan see also Brown, Dervishes, p. 325 ; Jacob, 
Bektascbijje, p. 28. 

3 The tekke seems to be mentioned by Quiclet (Voyages, p. 149). 
An Albanian Bektashi informant assures me that no Bektashi establish- 
ment now exists here, but is contradicted by Midhat Bey Frasheri who, 
though not himself an adherent of the order, comes of a Bektashi 
family and was resident in Bulgaria at the time of my inquiries. 

3 Jirecek, Bulgarien, p. 411. 

Bulgaria and Rumania 523 

of the buried hero, and a block of the tekke and its 
surroundings are given by Kanitz. 1 

RUSTCHUK now has a tekke built about 1920 by Baba 
Kamber, formerly abbot of Kichok in Albania. 2 

A tekke of Mustafa Baba, between Rustchuk and 
Silistria, is mentioned by Jacob. 3 

Elsewhere in Bulgaria there is said to be a Bektashi 
community at Selvi in the district of Tirnovo, but my 
informant 4 does not know whether they possess a tekke. 
An Albanian dervish at Melchan 5 told me there was 
formerly a tekke at Tirnovo itself, but it had been 
destroyed already before the Balkan War. 

7. Rumania 

Three tekke s of the Bektashi are mentioned within 
the present frontiers of Rumania : 

At BABA DAGH was a Bektashi convent containing 
one of the graves of Sari Saltik. 6 

At KILGRA (Kaliakra) on the Black Sea, Evliya visited 
a tekke of Bektashi containing another reputed grave of 
the same saint. 7 I am informed that the site is now 
completely deserted, though it remains a pilgrimage for 
Moslems and Christians alike. 

BALCHIK (near). Here was formerly a Bektashi tekke 
of great importance, one of the largest in Rumeli. The 
saint there buried was called Hafiz Khalil Baba, or 
Akyazili Baba, and was by Christians identified with 
S. Athanasius. 8 

8. Serbia 

In ' new Serbia ? , i. e. Serbian Macedonia, tekkes are 
said to exist, or to have existed, at the following places ; 

1 Op. cit. iii, 298 ff. (pp. 535 f. in the French translation ; see above, 
p. 296) ; cf. Niebuhr, Reisebeschreibung^ iii, 174. 

2 M. M. H. from several Albanians in 1923 ; see below, p. 544. 

3 Beitrage, p. 17. 4 Midhat Bey Frasheri. 5 See below, p. 546. 

6 Evliya, Travels, ii, 72 ; cf. below, pp. 575 f. 

7 See above, pp. 429-31. 8 See above, pp. 90-2. 

M 2 

524 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi 

many of them seem to have been destroyed during and 
after the Balkan war : 

Mo N ASTIR. Here there is a small tekke in the town, 
with the grave of Husain Baba, the founder, dated 
1872-3 ; this tekke was unharmed in 1914. It is 

In the neighbourhood I there were two tekkes. 

At KISHOVA was a tekke founded by Khidr Babar, 
said to be old, and tenanted formerly by six or seven 
dervishes. It was mutehhil. On the death of the last 
baba the tekke was shut up and the Serbs arranged a 
church of S. Nicolas in it, saying it had formerly been 

At KANADLAR still exists a large tekke said to have 
been founded about 200 years ago by Dikmen Baba, 
whom Kurd Baba succeeded. 

USKUB. Here there were, before the war, two Bek- 
tashi tekkes named after Mustafa Baba and Suleiman 
Baba, the latter a recent establishment apparently ex- 
tinct in 1923. There was then no abbot at Mustafa 
Baba's, only a married dervish. 

Other tekkes in this district are, or were, at : 

KALKANDELEN. Here still exists a large and impor- 
tant tekke containing the supposed grave of Sersem Ali. 
This tekke was founded by Riza Pasha (d. 1822), at the 
instance of Muharrebe Baba, who discovered, by revela- 
tion, the tomb of Sersem Ali. z The tekke stands within 
a rectangle of high walls, each pierced by a handsome 
gateway, just outside the town. The buildings include 
lodgings for the dervishes, two oratories (meidari), the 
tombs of Sersem Ali, Muharrebe Baba, Riza Pasha, and 
others, a large open mesjid standing on columns, guest- 
rooms, kitchens, and farm buildings. All these seem to 
be of the date of the foundation ; they are for the most 

1 Part of this section is by M.M.H. and based on information 
collected locally in 1923. 

2 See below, p. 592, and, for Sersem Ali, Jacob, Bektaschijje, p. 28. 

Serbia 525 

part picturesque and rather elaborate wooden buildings 
with deep porticoes. Pleasant fruit and flower-gardens 
are included in the precinct. 

At TEKKE KEUI, near the station of Alexandrovo, 
between Kumanovo and Uskub, is a small tekke with 
the grave of Karaja Ahmed. The cult has been dis- 
cussed by Evans ; l it now seems likely that this site will 
be transferred to Christianity. 2 

There were also tekkes at 


STRUMijA 3 (Strumnitza, in ' New Serbia '). In this 
district there was, before the Balkan war, a Bektashi 
tekke containing the grave of a saint Ismail Baba, and 
a hot spring attributed to the agency of the saint's foot. 
This tekke is now destroyed. 4 

In the Albanian district of Serbian Macedonia there 
were three tekkes. 

At JAKOVA still exists a new tekke built by the present 
abbot, Hafiz Baba. 

The IPEK tekke no longer survives. 

The PRIZREND tekke built by the learned Haji Adem 
Baba, who now lives privately in Jakova, has been con- 
verted into a Serbian orphanage. 

A small tekke exists at Dibra. 

9. Greece 6 
A. Macedonia. 

(a) SALON ICA. A tekke formerly existing on the 
western outskirts of the town was destroyed during the 
Balkan war. 

1 InJ.H.S. xxi, 202 if. ; fully above, pp. 274 ff. * Below, p. 582. 
3 This tekke was in Bulgaria till after the European war. 
* From an Albanian dervish at Melchan (below, p. 546), who 
formerly resided at Strumija. 

5 This tekke is mentioned by Brailsford, Macedonia, p. 247, and 
Jaray, UAlbame Inconnue, p. 86. In his Aujeune Roy aunt e d'Albame, 
pp. 96-109, Jaray describes the tekkes of Ipek, Jakova, and Prizrend. 

6 This section describes the Bektashi position as it was in Greece 

526 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi 

(b) KASTORIA. The tekke is situated at the entrance 
to the town on the Fiorina road. Small, insignificant, 
and in 1915 tenanted only by an abbot, who was gone 
in 1 92 1, 1 it is said to be ancient and formerly important. 
It suffered during the persecution of 1826. The chief 
saint buried here, Kasim Baba, 2 is supposed to have 
lived at the time of the Turkish conquest, and enjoys 
considerable local fame as a posthumous miracle-worker. 
He is said during his lifetime to have converted many 
Christians by the somewhat crude method of hurling 
from the hill on the landward side of the isthmus of 
Kastoria a huge rock, which crashed into a church full 
of worshippers. 

Of a second tekke > occupied within living memory, at 
Toplitza (near the barracks) only the turbe and grave of 
Sanjakdar Ali Baba remain. The Bektashi also lay 
claim to the grave of Aidin Baba, in a humble turbe on 
the outskirts of the gipsy quarter. 

(c) In the district of Anaselitza, west of the market- 
town of Lapsista, the Bektashi have a considerable 
following. The Moslem element in the population is 
here supposed to have been converted in recent times, 
c a hundred and fifty years ago ' being the usual esti- 
mate. 3 This is borne out by the fact that the Moslems 
in question (called Vallahadhes) 4 speak Greek, and in 
some villages have deserted churches 5 (not converted 
into mosques), to which they show considerable respect. 
The Bektashi tekkes serving this district are at Vod- 

until the Treaty of Lausanne (1923) came into operation in 1924 and 
removed the Moslems to Asia Minor. 
' M.M.H. 

2 Kuch in Albania also claims his real grave ; cj. below, p. 547. He 
left his hand at Elbassan. M.M.H. 

3 [Some certainly converted much earlier, for certain of their 
cemeteries contain tombstones dated as much as 350 years ago. Possibly 
there was a big movement at the traditional date. M.M.H.] 

4 For the Vallahadhes see the references given above, p. 8, n. I. 

5 For these see above, p. 8, n. I ad Jin. 

Greek Macedonia 527 

horina, two and a half hours west of Lapsista, and at 
Odra, high up on the slopes of the Pindus range. Both 
tekkes are connected with the same saint, Emineh Baba, 
who seems to be historical. He is said to have been 
executed at Monastir in A.H. 1007 (1598-9) for pro- 
fessing the unorthodox opinions of Manzur~el-Halaj, 
who is claimed by the Bektashi as an early preacher of 
their doctrines and a precursor of their order. 1 Emineh 
appeared to his sister on the night of his execution at 
her home in Lapsista ; she was preparing a meal to 
which guests were invited. He helped his sister in her 
preparations, and afterwards sat down to table. Some 
of the guests, noticing that he took nothing, pressed 
him to eat, which he refused to do, on the ground that 
he was fasting. Finally, however, yielding to their im- 
portunity, he ate, with the words ' If you had not made 
me eat, I should have visited you every evening.' He 
then disappeared. 2 

VODHORINA. The tekke here is an ordinary house in 
the village, the turbes of former abbots being as usual 
some little distance away and not architecturally re- 
markable. It is said to have suffered in 1826 and is now 
occupied by an abbot only, who is from the district and 
claims direct descent from Emineh Baba,3 the tekke 
being mutehbil. A room of the house itself contains 
a plain commemorative cenotaph of Emineh Baba, his 
habit (kbirka), and other relics ; this room is used by 
the sick for incubation. Other cenotaphs of the saint 

1 He lived in the early part of the fourth century of the Hejira and 
was martyred for his opinions at Bagdad. See Hastings's Encycl. of 
Relig. s.v. Hallaj. 

2 From the abbot at Vodhorina. Has the story any relation to S. 
Luke's account (xxiv, 30 ff.) of Christ's appearance to the disciples 
after the Resurrection ? The district is, as above stated, recently 

3 [Confirmed by his relative, the (mujerred) abbot of Odra. Dated 
tombs of the intervening abbots exist in the village of Vodhorina. 

528 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi 

are said to exist at Kapishtitza (near Biglishta) and at 
Monastir. 1 

ODRA is, like Vodhorina, a small establishment oc- 
cupied by an abbot and two or three dervishes, all local 
but one, who is an Albanian. The present abbot 
founded the tekke some forty years ago : it is mujerred, 
unlike his kinsman's at Vodhorina. The great attrac- 
tion is a cave or chasm in the mountain, said to have 
been formed miraculously by Emineh Baba, who smote 
the mountain with his sword. Local Greek tradition 
identifies the Odra site with that of a former church of 
S. Menas, to whom is attributed the miracle of the cave ; 
the habit of Emineh at Vodhorina, which is of no great 
antiquity, is also believed to be that of S. Menas. The 
identification may be due merely to the verbal assimila- 
tion of the names Emineh and "Ac Mr/vS. 

(d) Near Kozani, in the Sari Gueul district, is a 
group of three Bektashi tekkes. The district in question 
is inhabited entirely by Anatolian Turks (' Koniari '), 
who were settled there in the early years of the Turkish 
conquest and preserve their language and customs un- 
changed. By religion they are partly Bektashi and partly 
fanatical Sunni Mohammedans. 

JUMA. The most important tekke of this group is 
built on a slight eminence just outside the village of the 
same name. It has every appearance of prosperity, and 
is occupied by an abbot and nine or ten dervishes. The 
saints buried in the adjoining turbe are Piri Baba and 
Erbei Baba. Their date is unknown, but the turbe was 
repaired, according to an inscription, by two dervishes 
(implying the existence of a foundation) in A.H. 1143 
(1730-1), while in the surrounding cemetery several 
graves are slightly older. 2 Unlike most tekkes in this 

1 He is evidently confused, perhaps wilfully, with Khirka Baba, an 
(apparently historical) orthodox sheikh of Monastir who 'disappeared', 
leaving, like Emineh, his habit behind him ; see above, p. 358. 

2 M.M.H. 1113. 

Greek Macedonia 529 

district, Juma seems to be a place of considerable religi- 
ous importance. It is much frequented in May (especi- 
ally Wednesdays and Saturdays) by Moslem women on 
account of the reputation of its sacred well for the cure 
of sterility. I was told by the abbot that Christian 
women made use of this well on Sundays, and, though 
this was denied by educated Greeks of Kozani, it may 
be true of the less advanced women of the adjacent 
Bulgarian villages. The turbe of the saints is used for 
incubation by lunatics, and contains a club and an axe, 
regarded as personal relics of the saints, which are used 
for the cure (by contact with the affected part) of 
various ailments. There is also a very simple oracle, 
consisting in an earthenware ball, suspended from the 
roof of the turbe by a string. The inquirer swings the 
ball away from him ; if it strikes him on its return swing, 
the answer to his question is in the affirmative. 

BAGHJE, in a healthy and pleasant position among 
trees and running water in the hills above the village of 
Topjilar. 1 The tekke itself is an insignificant house, 
occupied by an abbot from Aintab and his servants : 
the abbot came by an untimely end in 1921 and no 
successor had been appointed up to 1923.* The turbe, 
which contains the grave of Ghazi Ali Baba, a saint of 
vague antiquity, was rebuilt in 1915. 

BUJAK, between the villages of Keusheler and Sofular, 
is now subordinated to Juma and has no abbot. It 
boasts the grave of Memi Bey Sultan and is inhabited 
by married dervishes. About it are many graves, one 
as old as A.II. IO5I, 3 marked by the Bektashi taj\ their 
number confirming the statement that Bujak was 
formerly the largest tekke of the three but never re- 
covered from its losses in i826. 4 An egg suspended in 

1 This village is Sunni, its neighbour, Ine Obasi, Bektashi. 
* M.M.H. 3 M.M.H. This is A.D. 1641-2. 

4 [Except Ine Obasi, all the villages in this district are now Sunni, 
but inspection revealed Bektashi headstones in all the cemeteries. 

530 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi 

Memi Bey's turbe is used for divination about the wel- 
fare of the absent, the procedure being parallel to that 
of the wishing oracle at Juma. 1 

At INELI, between the Sari Gueul district and Kaya- 
lar, there is a turbe with the tomb of Ghazi Baba. 

The property of the tekkes at Juma and Bujak was 
confiscated in 1826 and acquired by a rich Greek of 
Kozani, who, however, never prospered after his sacri- 
legious purchase. The land was bought back c about 
forty years ago ' and the tekkes reopened. Vague tradi- 
tions as to the Christian origins of these foundations are 
current in Kozani. Some say that all Christian church 
lands were seized at the Turkish conquest and that 
monasteries then became tekkes ; others are equally 
certain that Ali Pasha was responsible. The dedications 
of the supplanted monasteries are similarly disputed. 
Juma is variously said to occupy the site of a church of 
S. George or of S. Elias ; Baghje of S. Elias or of S. 
Demetrius ; and Bujak perhaps one of S. George. The 
site of Baghje certainly suggests that of a Greek monas- 
tery, but a site suitable for a monastery is equally suit- 
able for a tekke, and the abbot informed me that in the 
considerable agricultural and building operations which 
have taken place under his direction, no evidence of 
former buildings has come to light. Christians frequent 
all three tekkes for healing purposes. 

(<?) ELASSONA. Here there is a small tekke beside the 
Serfije (Serbia) road on the outskirts of the town. In 
1915 it was occupied by an (Albanian) abbot only, in 
1922 he, too, was gone and the tekke shut and deserted. 2 
The Greeks say it was founded after the union of 
Thessaly with Greece (1882), but the occupants hold 
that it is a good deal older. The chief saint is Sali Baba, 
who is buried in a simple turbe with the (two) successive 
abbots of the tekke, the late incumbent being the third : 

Evidently the Bektashi movement had ramified very widely before 
1826. M.M.H.] M.M.H. * M.M.H. 

Thessaly 531 

the turbe is dated 1250 (1834-5). Sail Baba is repre- 
sented as a saint of much earlier date, 1 who enjoyed 
a local vogue before the turbe was built at the instance 
of the first abbot (Nejib Baba), and at the expense of 
certain local beys. We have here, to all appearance, 
a documented instance of the occupation of a popular 
saint-cult by the Bektashi. 2 Nejib Baba probably es- 
tablished himself as guardian of the grave, and received 
instructions in a vision as to the building of the turbe 
from its saintly occupant. 3 

(/) AIKATERINI. It is at first sight surprising to find 
a Bektashi tekke in what is now a purely Greek coast- 
district ; but Leake's account shows that in his time 
the local landowners were Moslems, and the bey of the 
village was connected by marriage with Ali Pasha : 4 the 
tekke was probably inter alia a road-post like All's 
foundations in Thessaly. 5 

B. Thessaly. 

All available evidence points to the period and in- 
fluence of Ali Pasha as responsible for the propagation 
of Bektashism in this province, ceded to Greece in 1882 ; 
this evidence is the stronger as coming from several 
independent sources. 

RINI. The sole remaining Bektashi tekke in Thessaly 
is at Rini, between Velestino and Pharsala. 6 In 1914, 

1 ' Five hundred years ago ', the formula for the period of the Tur- 
kish conquest. z See below, p. 566. 

3 This is the typical development of a purely popular cult into a 
dervish establishment carried one step further than in the case of the 
tomb of Risk Baba at Candia (see below, Crete). [Circumstances 
having permitted me to make more extensive researches locally than 
my husband, I found in Albania, where new tekkes are constantly being 
built, that this is true in some cases, not in others. The tekke is 
frequently built round his actual grave, within a few years of his death, 
to perpetuate the memory of some dervish, who had won especial 
esteem in his lifetime, but died away from the tekke within which he 
had lived. M.M.H.] 

4 N. Greece, iii, 415. 5 See below, p. 533. 6 See below, p. 582. 

532 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi 

I found it tenanted only by an (Albanian) abbot and 
servitors. The rest of the dervishes, who seem also to 
have been Albanians, left at the time of the Balkan war. 
The tekke is beautifully situated and appears prosperous. 
Two turbes containing the tombs (i) of the saints Tur- 
bali Sultan, Jafer, and Mustafa, all reputed warriors of 
the period of the Turkish conquest, and (2) of certain 
venerated sheikhs, stand before the great gate of the 
tekke. These turbes are of some architectural interest, 
and seem at least as early as the seventeenth century ; 
in this they differ from most Bektashi buildings I have 
seen, which are unpretentious and obviously recent. 
According to local savants * the tekke was originally a 
Latin monastery, dedicated to S. George or S. Deme- 
trius, and was occupied by dervishes from Konia (Mev- 
levi ?) in the first half of the seventeenth century. Ali 
Pasha transferred it to the Bektashi ; it escaped the 
persecutions of 1826, and down to the occupation of 
the country by the Greeks, and even after, had a bad 
reputation as the resort of brigands and other bad 
characters. 2 So late as 1888 there were 54 dervishes in 

Other Bektashi tekkes in the province, now no longer 
existent, were established, according to the local autho- 
rities, by Ali and dissolved in 1826, at the following 
places : 

(i) Near TATAR, at the spot called Tekke and marked 
by a fine grove of cypresses. 3 The present proprietor of 
the site, now a farm (chiftlik), Mr. P. Apostolides, 
kindly informs me that it was till recently in the hands 
of the Mevlevi order, 4 and that of the buildings an 
octagonal turbe is preserved, which is supposed to con- 
tain the tomb of the founder. His name was given me 

1 See below, p. 766. 2 Cf. below, p. 767. 

3 Mentioned by Leake, N. Greece, i, 445. 

4 It may have passed from the Bektashi to the Mevlevi in 1826 ; cf. 
below, p. 553. 

Thessaly 533 

at Rini as Balli Baba. The rest of the buildings were 
burnt in the war of I897. 1 

(2) Near the village of KUPEKLI was a tekke contain- 
ing the grave of Shahin Baba. 

(3) The tekke of HASAN BABA at the entrance to the 
gorge of Tempe 2 is represented by the local authorities 
as another Bektashi convent founded or supported by 
AH in order to control the traffic of the important road 
through the defile. Though the saint is, I believe, 
claimed by the Nakshbandi, ' Baba 9 more generally de- 
notes a Bektashi saint, and Hasan Baba seems to be re- 
presented as a warrior-saint of the usual Bektashi type. 
On the other hand, Dodwell's drawing (1805) shows the 
tekke with a mosque and minaret, which latter is an 
unusual feature in a Bektashi convent. Edward Lear, 
in the fifties, describes the dervish in charge as * steeple 
hatted \ which rather points to the Mevlevi as the then 
occupants. At the fall of the Bektashi (1826), they were 
in the ascendant by the favour of Sultan Mahmud II. 3 

All these tekkes are said by local Greeks to have been 
made use of for political purposes by AH, and their sites 
on or near important highways to have been selected 
with that intent. All's political connexion with the 
order is discussed elsewhere. 4 Bektashis, however, state 
that the tekkes were founded at the time of the Turkish 

(4) At TRIKKALA Leake found a large and prosperous 
tekke built by AH himself. 5 

1 The tekke was the head-quarters of the Turkish staff on May 9 
(Bigham, With the Turkish Army in Tbessaly, p. 92). 

2 Dodwell, Views in Greece, II, vi (cf. Tour through Greece, ii, 107) ; 
Urquhart, Spirit of the East, ii, 27 ; Lear, Albania, p. 406 ; Chirol, 
Tzvixt Greek and Turk, p. 114. 

3 Below pp. 620 ff. 4 See also below, pp. 586 ff. 
5 N. Greece, iv, 284 : c Trikkala has lately been adorned by the Pasha 

with a new Tekieh, or college of Bektashli dervises,on the site of a former 
one. He has not only removed several old buildings to give more 
space and air to this college, but has endowed it with property in 

534 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi 

AGIA (near). A Bektashi tekke at Aidinli, three miles 
north-west of Agia (Magnesia) is mentioned by Leake as 
being built by Ali Pasha in 1809.* This seems to be 
identical with the convent of ' Alicouli ' mentioned by 
Pouqueville. 2 

At LARISSA the * Forty Saints ', whoSe tombs were 
formerly to be seen at the ' Mosque of the Forty ' 
(Kirklar Jami), now destroyed, are claimed by the 

C. Crete. 

The Bektashi of Crete are now distributed in the 
three chief towns of the island, Candia, Rethymo, and 
Canea. There was formerly a tekke at H. Vlasios, a 
Mohammedan village two hours south of Candia. At 
Canea I obtained from a Bektashi layman approximate 
statistics of the strength of the order in the three towns 
before and after the troubles of 1897, which resulted in 
a considerable emigration of Moslem Cretans to Asia 
Minor, Tripolitania, and the Sporades. This move- 
ment is reflected in the statistics, which are given for 
what they are worth : 

(i) Before 1897. (2) Present day. 

Candia 5,000 . . . . About 500 

Rethymo . . 3,000 . . . . 1,000 

Canea . . . . 200 .... 70 

The district south of Candia was that in which the 

khans, shops, and houses, and has added some fields on the banks of the 
Letbaeus. There are now about fifteen of these Mahometan monks in 
the house with a Sheikh or Chief, who is married to an loannite woman, 
and as well lodged and dressed as many a Pasha. Besides his own 
apartments, there are very comfortable lodgings for the dervises, and 
every convenience for the reception of strangers.' 

1 N. Greece, iv, 413 : * At Aidinli, Aty Pasha is now building a 
Tekieh for his favourite Bektashlis.' 

2 Voyage dans la Grece^ iii, 61 : 4 . . . le bourg turc d'Alicouli, dont 
le Teke, qui est le plus riche de la Thessalie, est le chef-lieu de Pordre dcs 
Bektadgis.* The sheikh, Ahmed, was an acquaintance of Pouqueville's. 

Crete 535 

Moslem element was strongest. It is hardly necessary 
to say that the Moslem Cretans are of Cretan blood and 
represent the indigenous element converted from Christi- 
anity since the Turkish conquest. The small number 
of Bektashi at Canea, the capital of the island and an 
important town, is accounted for by the fact that the 
Mevlevi are strong there, as also, owing to the floating 
population of Tripolines (' Halikuti ? ) from Benghazi, 
the Rifai. 

CANDIA. The tekke lies on the main road three- 
quarters of an hour south of the town, near the site of 
Knossos and the village of Fortezza. 1 It was founded 
before the fall of Candia (1669), in 1650 2 by a cele- 
brated saint named Khorasanli Ali Dede, who is buried 
there. The present venerable sheikh, who has the title 
of khalife^ is an Albanian from Kolonia and a celibate ; 
his predecessor was married, and at his death it was 
thought more expedient for the convent that a celi- 
bate should succeed him. There are about a dozen der- 
vishes, many of whom seem to be Albanian. The tekke 
has every appearance of prosperity and good manage- 

Outside the New Gate of Candia is the tomb of Risk 
Baba, who is distinguished by the segmented taj on his 
headstone as a Bektashi saint. To judge by the mass of 
rags affixed to a tree in his precinct he is a very popular 
intercessor. A small hut built beside the grave is that 
of a self-appointed guardian of the tomb, who is buried 
beside the saint. 

The tekke at RETHYMO contains the grave of Hasan 
Baba. At CANEA there is now no tekke owing to Bek- 

1 The tekke is described, with a photograph of the meidan, by Hall 
in Proc. Soc. BibL Arch. 1913, pp. 147 ff. and pi. 39, and mentioned by 
Spratt, Crete, i, 81. 

2 Of this I was assured there was documentary evidence by a learned 
Bektashi layman of Candia. The Turkish head-quarters during the long 
siege of Candia were at Fortezza, 3 See below, p. 537, n. 4. 

536 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi 

tashi migration. 1 A Bektashi warrior-saint Mustafa 
Ghazi is buried under an open turbe on the outskirts of 
the town ; his headstone bears the taj of the order. 
This tomb is much frequented by the Tripolines on 

May 22. 

D. Epirus. 

In this region Bektashism seems to have taken no 
permanent root south of latitude 40. In spite of Ali 
Pasha's patronage, 2 the Bektashi admit that they have 
never possessed a tekke at Yannina, his capital, where 
the only trace of them is the tomb of Hasan Sheret 
Baba, a saint of Ali's time, and that of Ali himself, the 
headstone of which was formerly distinguished by the 
regulation Bektashi taj 2 On the road between Yannina 
and Metzovo a tekke which formerly existed is now 
deserted ; we may probably regard it as one of Alps 
' strategic ' foundations devised to control the impor- 
tant pass into Thessaly. 4 

At KONITZA exists what is said to be a very old tekke. 
HusainBaba is the oldest baba buried there, with Turabi 
Baba beside him. The present abbot is Haidar Baba. 5 

10. Albania 

The great stronghold of modern Bektashism is Al- 
bania, especially south Albania, where nine-tenths of 

1 The sheikh formerly in charge was invited by Cretan Bektashi 
refugees in Benghazi to come and minister to them, but he died 
without founding a tekke there ; this would have been difficult owing 
to the predominance of the Rifai and Senussi sects in that district. 

2 See below, pp. 586 ff. 

3 This is shown in a drawing of the tomb in Walsh's Constantinople, 
and was mentioned to me as proof of Ali's connexion with the sect by 
an elderly Epirote, who remembered seeing it. The headstone is 
now replaced by a wooden post. 

4 See above, Thessaly. 

5 The son of a dervish sheikh at Konitza (probably therefore a Bek- 
tashi) was martyred for Christianity at Vrachori in 1814 ( c S. John the 
Neomartyr of Konitza ', for whose life see N. Aeifiwv., p. 331 ; cf, 
above, p. 449, n. 7). 

Albania 537 

the Moslem population are said by Bektashis to be 
Bektashi, one-tenth only of the Ghegs of the north 
adhering to the sect. 

As to the history of Bektashism in south Albania 
(sometimes called North Epirus), my researches have 
been able to establish the leading facts : (i) that it is 
of comparatively recent introduction, and (2) that the 
firm root it has taken is mainly due to the influence of 
Ali Pasha (1759-1822), who was himself a member of 
the order. 1 The Tosks regard the tekke of Kastoria 2 as 
the most ancient in their country, but Kastoria belongs 
geographically to Macedonia. The date of this tekke is 
vague, and, as elsewhere in Rumeli, the saint there 
buried is referred to the period of the Turkish conquest, 
and his personality is frankly superhuman. On the 
Albanian side of the mountains, on the other hand, the 
dates of the saints are known and recent, 3 and they have 
no pretensions to be more than the founders of the 
tekkes where their bones lie. In point of antiquity the 
Argyrokastro foundations claim to be earlier than Ali 
Pasha, but can produce no evidence. The Koritza 
group, Konitza, the important tekke of Frasheri, and 
some others are admittedly foundations of Ali's con- 
temporaries, while many others confess to a much later 

With very few exceptions the saints buried in Al- 
banian tekkes seem to be of small religious importance, 
the living abbot being much more considered. 4 To an 

1 This idea was put forward long ago on the evidence of tradition, 
which is no safe guide, since a figure like Ali's bulks large in popular 
thought and is apt to absorb much that does not belong to it. 

2 Above, Macedonia. 

3 C/"., however, Hasan Dede of Klissura, alleged to be 350-400 years 
old (below, p. 543). 

4 Abbots may be appointed by khalifes as well as by the Akhi Dede 
of Haji Bektash. In the Albanian area khalifes exist at Argyrokastro, 
Turan (Tepelen), and Prizrend. A khalife seems to be a higher grade 
of abbot, cf. above, p. 507. M.M.H. 

3295.3 N 

538 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi 

outsider it appears that the Albanian temperament has 
evolved a form of Bektashism in which the social organi- 
zation rather than the religious-superstitious side is 
uppermost. This is borne out also by externals ; the 
Bektashi tekkes throughout the district have no dis- 
tinguishing marks and no set plan. They are generally 
built simply and solidly, like good country houses, and 
situated just outside villages, more rarely in proximity 
to considerable towns. The tombs of the saints are in 
very simple turbes standing well away from the main 
buildings, it is said for reasons of health. 

Characteristic of the time at which Bektashism won 
its foothold in Albania the era of the French Revolu- 
tion is the prominence given here, in theory at least, 
to certain liberal ideas, such as the Brotherhood of Man 
and the unimportance of the dogmas and formalities 
of religion as compared with conduct. Both these ideas 
and the quietist doctrines, which to some extent depend 
on them, are latent in much dervish thought ; but they 
are radically opposed to the stern ideal of Islam pro- 
pagated by the sword which animated the Janissaries 
in their days of conquest, and which shows itself in the 
conception of the earlier Bektashi saints as superhuman 
champions of the Faith. 

The persecution of Sultan Mahmud (1826) touched 
the Albanian Bektashi lightly, owing not only to the 
fact that the movement in Albania had not reached its 
height, but also doubtless to the wildness and inaccessi- 
bility of the country ; we may well believe, indeed, that 
it was a refuge for Bektashi proscribed elsewhere, cer- 
tainly for those of Albanian birth. 

The only orders competing with the Bektashi in 
southern Albania were the orthodox Sadi (at Lias- 
kovik) and the Khalveti ; of this latter an offshoot, 
known as the Hayati, 1 has or had establishments at 

1 I can find in printed sources no mention of this order or sub-order. 
Their patron is said to be Hasan of Basra. They can, I think, hardly 

Albania 539 

Tepelen x (burnt), Liaskovik (burnt), Koritza (ruined), 
Biglishta, Changeri, Progti, and Okhrida. The Khalveti- 
Hayati are said to have come into Albania later than the 
Bektashi, but are shown by the date over the portal of 
their ruined tekke at Liaskovik (1211 = 1796-7) to be no 
recent intruders. 

Sultan Abdul Mejid (1839-61) is said not only to 
have abstained from persecuting the Bektashi, but to 
have given positive orders that they were not to be 
molested. 2 Abdul Hamid seems to have suspected them,, 
and is said to have sent a special emissary to Albania to 
report on the extent of the heresy and the number of 
tekkes, but no persecution or active measures followed. 
His suspicions were probably based on the participation 
of the Bektashi in the national movement of 1880-1, 
when the cession of part of southern Albania to Greece 
was under discussion, and the southern Albanians rose 
under Abdul Bey Frasheri, ostensibly to save the threat- 
ened provinces to Turkey, but really aiming at an inde- 
pendent Albanian state. 

The losses of the Bektashi order in Epirus during the 
troubles succeeding the Balkan war were enormous, 
many tekkes having been burnt to the ground, and most 
of the remainder looted of everything moveable by the 
Epirote irregulars. The nominal excuse for this was 
(i) that the order was implicated in the national Al- 
banian (and therefore anti-Greek) movement, and (2) 
that some tekkes were suspected of having harboured 
not only c bands ? but fugitives from justice (the two 
categories largely overlap) and to have shared their 
be identical with Rycaut's Hayetti (Ottoman Empire, p. 61), an heretical 
sect with Christian leanings, the Khalveti being regarded as orthodox. 
Fadil Bey Klissura regards the Hayati also as orthodox. 

1 This is presumably the establishment mentioned by Miss Durham, 
Burden of the Balkans, p. 242. 

z Aravantinos (Xpovoypa<f>ia, rfjs *HirtLpov (1857), "> I ^) nc >tes, 
evidently with surprise, that in his day many of the inhabitants of 
Argyrokastro were openly Bektashi. 

N 2 

540 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi 

plunder. To this the Bektashi would probably reply 
that they were natural allies, by blood and language, of 
the Albanian cause and that hospitality, irrespective of 
persons, is the rule of the order. It is clear that in such 
a country the evident prosperity of the tekkes, whatever 
the character of their inmates, would be sufficient to 
attract the cupidity of guerrilla captains ; several der- 
vishes are said to have been murdered because they 
would not or could not disclose the whereabouts of their 
supposed wealth. 

Further north the chief Bektashi district is that of 
Malakastra, a Tosk district lying between the River 
Voyussa (Aous) and that of Berat (Lumi Beratit). 
Numerous Bektashi tekkes existed here before the war, 
but all were then destroyed, because such as escaped the 
Greek irregulars immediately after the war were burnt 
by the Gheg followers of Essad Pasha of Tirana. 1 The 
history of the conversion of this district to Bektashism 
is vague : all seem agreed that it is recent, certainly 
more recent than in Epirus. There seems considerable 
probability that the beginnings of the propaganda are 
as old as the time of Ali Pasha, since we know that the 
sect was established further north (at Kruya, ^.>.) in his 
time, and some Bektashi claim that Omer Vrioni of 
Berat 2 and a certain Mahmud Bey of Valona, contem- 
poraries of Ali, were in the movement. 3 Traces of 
Bektashism are to be found both at Valona and at 
Berat, and neither Omer nor Mahmud is, like Ali, a 
great figure to which popular tradition refers all events 
indiscriminately. Still further north Bektashism is only 
sporadic owing to the strong Sunni opinions and conse- 
quent opposition of the Ghegs. 

1 Essad is the great-grandson of the murderer of Mimi, below, p. 550. 

2 The beys of Berat are said to be Bektashi (they denied this in 
1923 to M. M. H.). 

3 Degrand (Haute Albanie, p. 21 1) cites also a contemporary Ibrahim 
Bey of Kavaya as a member of the sect. 

Argyrokastro in Albania 541 

The following * is a list of the Bektashi tekkes in 
Albania before the Balkan war. Villages with tekkes are 
grouped with their market towns. 

i. ARGYROKASTRO. Bektashism is said to have gained 
a footing here ' about 150 years ago \ Ali Pasha's in- 
fluence was strong here owing to the marriage of his 
sister to a powerful local bey. 2 The chief tekke is that 
of Haji Suleiman Baba, delightfully situated on a small 
isolated eminence near the town. Before the Balkan 
war twenty dervishes resided here ; there are now 
rather fewer. The history of the tekke cannot be traced 
for more than 90 years ; the earliest of the four turbes 
containing the graves of deceased abbots dates only from 
1 862-3 , but according to legend Argyrokastro was visited 
at a vague early date by the Bektashi saints Hasan Baba 3 
(really a Nakshbandi) and Mustafa Baba, of whom the 
latter is buried here. The abbot is a khalife.* 

Asim Baba's tekke on the other side of Argyrokastro 
was founded * two hundred years ' ago and is reckoned one 
of the oldest in Albania. The founder and his successor 
are buried on either side of the gateway so that they 
may pray for all who enter. There are now seven der- 
vishes with the learned Selim Baba as abbot. The Rule 
of the tekke is unusually strict : no spirits are allowed 
and dervishes are forbidden to quit the tekke grounds. 
In addition, they wear a four-ridged taj outside the 
ordinary twelve-ridged Bektashi hat in souvenir of 1 826, 
when only by adopting some such disguise could Bek- 
tashi dervishes escape destruction. 

The tekke of Zeynel Abidin Baba, between the town 
and Haji Suleiman's, is now deserted. It is 133 years 

1 [From this point onwards most of the information given comes 
from my own 1923 notebooks, as conditions were then more normal 
in Albania than when my husband travelled. M. M. H.] 

2 Leake, N. Greece, i, 40 ; cf. Hahn, Alban. Studien, p. 35. 

3 See above, pp. 356-7. * See above, p. 537, n. 4. 

542 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi 

Four hours S.E. of Argyrokastro at Melan near 
NEPRAVISHTA there is a tekke which was founded sixty 
years ago as an offshoot of Asim Baba's tekke at Argyro- 

ii. At TEPELEN, the birthplace of Ali, there was never 
a Bektashi tekke * but there were, and are, several in the 
villages of the district. These are : 

VELIKIOT, an old foundation, which has been closed 
since its destruction by Sultan Mahmud. Husain Baba 
was the oldest of its saints. 

TURAN, two hours from Tepelen. The tekke was 
founded about 1900, having had only two abbots, Ali 
Baba, who died A.H. 1324^.0. 1906-7), and the present 
incumbent. The tekke is rich and has now twelve der- 
vishes : its abbot is a kbalife. 2 

MEMALIA, a rich tekke about eighty years old, with 
Husain Baba as chief saint. Destroyed, like Turan, by 
Greek irregulars, it was rebuilt, only to be overthrown 
by the earthquake which recently devastated the Tepe- 
len area. There are now only two dervishes. 

MARICHAN is about thirty years old, being founded 
by Baba Musa who died during the Greek occupation 
of south Albania. It has lately been rebuilt by the 
dervishes who formerly occupied the tekke of Kichok. 3 

Further along the right bank of the River Voyussa 
in the Malakastra district are the following tekkes. 

KOSHDAN, a rich tekke, which is about no years old, 
the present abbot being the sixth in succession. Ismail 
Baba is the saint. 

KRAHAS is about fifty years old, four babas, of whom 
Husain Baba is the first, being buried here. 

1 The ' Tekieh or convent of dervises ' noted by Leake (N. Greece, 
i, 31) on the slopes of Mount Trebeshin across the river from Tepelen 
was the summer quarters of the Tepelen Khalveti dervishes, whom 
Haji Khalil Baba founded * five hundred years * ago. They are now 
settled altogether in Tepelen and the mountain establishment is 
shut up. 

2 See above, p. 537, n. 4. 3 See below, p. 544. 

Malakastra in Albania 543 

At KUTA Rifaat Baba has just made his own house 
into a tekke. 

DRIZAR was founded by Jelal Baba some twenty years 

The KREMENAR tekke was founded about fifteen years 
ago by Hasan Baba, who has not yet rebuilt it and lives 
for the present at Krahas. 

KAPANI was founded about twenty-two years ago by 
Baba Ismail, who is now dead. 

OSMAN ZEZA is eighteen years old : its founder, Baba 
Elias, is dead. 

On PLESHNIK no information was forthcoming. 

The GRESHITZA tekke is about sixty years old, its 
founder being Husain Baba. 

At ARANITAS there is as yet no tekke, but a baba has 
for some years been living there in a house, which will 
no doubt later become a tekke. 

At HEKALI there is a turbe but no tekke. Patsch 
noted a cemetery containing graves marked by the 
Bektashi taj. 1 

LAPOLETS, a small, insignificant tekke, was founded by 
Nuri Baba, who is now buried there. The tekke is 
actually situated at Grenchie, a mile away. 

At VALONA Patsch saw the grave of a Bektashi saint, 
Kosum Baba. z He is sometimes called Kuzu Baba : it 
is said that leave to build a tekke by his grave was 
requested from the Turkish government but refused, 
Valona being fanatically Sunni. He is now called 
Shemsi Baba and is tended by a Sunni khoja. 

iii. At KLISSURA, east of Tepelen, the beys are Bek- 
tashis, and men swear by Hasan Dede, a local saint who 
was brother of a local chief, Jadikula. 

Northwards along the Berat road lie several tekkes. 
The first reached is SUKA, a recent establishment which 
shares its baba with Prishta, of which it is a dependency. 

1 Berat, p. 117. 

2 Ibid. p. 9 ; cf. Durham, Burden of the Balkans , p. 274. 

544 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi 

Dervish Ibrahim, who is left in charge during the baba's 
absence, was formerly Sunni and a khoja. 

PRISHTA is the richest tekke in Albania, owning Suka 
and three other chiftliks. It was founded about 1860 
by Tahir Baba, who is buried there. 

At BUBES there is no tekke, but only the turbe of Talib 
Baba, who died about 1890. 

At KICHOK the tekke which Baba Kamber made about 
1890 has not been rebuilt. The dervishes have gone to 
Marichan, Baba Kamber to Bulgaria, where he has built 
a tekke at RustchuL 1 

The poor tekke of GLAVA was built about forty years 
ago by Ismail Baba. 

The RABIA tekke was founded about thirty-six years 
ago by Baba Suleiman. 

The tekke at KOMARI was founded twenty years ago 
by Islam Baba. At present there is no baba. 

A tekke was built fifteen years ago by Husain Baba at 
Gumani near PANARET. 

The THREPEL tekke was founded fifty years ago by 
Behlul Baba. 

iv. The high road leads east of Klissura to Premet, 
passing the following tekkes : 

DusHK,near the village of Grobova, 3 founded twenty- 
five years ago by Ahmed Baba. 

ALI POSTIVAN, with a baba and three dervishes, 
founded twenty years ago. The buried saint is Ab- 
dullah Baba. 

At KOSHINA there is now no tekke, but only a lodging 
for travellers and an attendant dervish. 

Three-quarters of the Moslem population of PREMET 
is Bektashi. On the slope of the hill above the town 
there was formerly a tekke ', 3 founded by Bektash Baba 

1 See above, p. 523. 

3 This site has not been identified with certainty. 
3 The tekke is described by Miss Durham, Burden of the Balkans, 
p. 228. 

Liaskovik in Albania 545 

about thirty-five years ago as an offshoot from Frasheri 
for the greater convenience of the Premet Bektashis. 
Both Bektash Baba and his successor, Ismail, lie buried 
in the town beside the grave of Haji Baba, a very old 
saint ' of Khorasan ', who died c 300 years ago ' at 
Premet, but protruded his hand from his grave to 
signify that he wished to be transferred to Kesaraka, 1 
where he accordingly now rests. In 1915 Greek troops 
were quartered in the tekke, so the abbot and dervishes 
betook themselves to the town annexe, where they have 
since remained, the tekke proper being now used by the 
Albanians as a barracks. 

v. A few hours from Premet on the Koritza road is 
LIASKOVIK. The population of this (till the war) thriv- 
ing hill-town is largely Bektashi. 2 The tekke just out- 
side it, on a hill above the Kolonia road, is said to have 
been about thirty-five years old ; it contained the grave 
of the founder Abiddin Baba, and housed seven or eight 
dervishes. The new tekke has been under construction 
since 1921, but there is only an abbot as yet in residence. 

vi. On the road to Kolonia (otherwise Herseka) there 
is the tekke of Sianolas near BARM ASH. It was founded 
by Baba Suleiman about forty years ago and had the 
tomb of Hasan Baba and five dervishes before the war. 
It still has an abbot and one dervish, but has by no 
means recovered from its destruction by the Greeks. 

At ISTARIA near Herseka, in the Baruch mahalla, there 
is a poor tekke with only one dervish in residence. It 
was founded thirty years ago by Husain Baba, who is 
buried in it. Sick people incubate here. 

At KRESHOVA there is a richer tekke, founded by 
Hasan Baba and enlarged by Jemal Baba. There are 
now three dervishes besides the abbot. 

vii. In the Koritza district 3 there are four tekkes. 

1 See below, p. 547. 

* Cf. Durham, Burden of the Balkans, p. 217. 

3 At Koritza itself there is the tomb of Koja Mir Akhor tended by 

546 Geographical Distribution of the Bektasbi 

Forty minutes along the road to Kolonia is KIATOROM, 
said to have been built by Bekir Efendi ' 150 years ago ', 
to have suffered under Sultan Mahmud, and to have 
been restored by Kiazim Baba forty years ago, both 
Bekir and Kiazim being buried in it. The buildings 
look about forty years old. There are now three der- 
vishes and an abbot, the latter's appointment dating 
from 1918. 

TURAN, with four dervishes in 1923, is close by. Its 
abbot had then been three years absent. The fourth 
abbot's grave is dated A.H. 1307 (A.D. 1889-90). 

MELCHAN is an hour and a half from Koritza along 
the Moschopolis road and stands on high ground above 
the village of the same name. The tekke was looted 
by the Greek insurgents, but the solid and homely build- 
ings were spared. The date of its foundation is given 
as c a hundred and eight years ago ' : one of its two 
simple octagonal turbes is inscribed A.H. 1221. The 
founder, Husain Baba, is buried in an undated tomb ; 
his successor, Abdullah Baba, lies in a grave dated A.H. 
1274. In relatio'n to him an extraordinary story is now 
told. When the French army was at Koritza, a major 
dreamt that Abdullah Baba was beating him for having 
entered the turbe without taking off his boots. He was 
so much impressed that he put up a notice on the turbe 
forbidding any one to enter shod. Whatever the reason, 
the notice in French and Turkish was there in 1923, with 
the Frenchman's signature appended unfortunately, 
not on Abdullah's turbe but the other. An abbot and 

a descendant and much visited by Bektasliis. When Master of the 
Horse to a certain sultan, he caught a Koran as it slipped from the 
sultan's hands. In return he was offered a favour and chose to possess 
the land where his horse should die. He then went on his travels and 
his horse died at Platza (^crever in Albanian) near Koritza. This 
tale, told me by Ali Kemal Bey Klissura, evidently refers to the founder 
of the Koja Mir Akhor Jamisi at Constantinople, who is buried in his 
Albanian birthplace (Hammer-Hellert, Jardin des Mosquees, p. 42 
(412), in Hist. Emp. Ott. xviii), Koritza. 

Koritza in Albania 547 

six dervishes were in residence in 1923. There is no 
mesjid, the antechamber of one of the turbes being used 
as such when required. 

The tekke of KUCH is situated half an hour beyond 
Biglishta on the road from Koritza to Fiorina and 
Kastoria in Macedonia. A village of the same name 
is near. The tekke is said to be one of the oldest in 
Albania, having been founded by Kasim Baba, 1 ' five 
hundred years ago 9 . His tomb is in a turbe a quarter 
of an hour away, pilgrimages being made to it every 
Monday and Friday. Elbassan and Kastoria also claim 
to have his tomb, but, according to Kuch, theirs are 
only cenotaphs, the genuine grave is at Kuch. In 
a turbe near the tekke seven saints lie buried. After 
Mahmud IPs persecution, Ibrahim Baba refounded the 
tekke in A. H. 1295, while Hafiz Baba built the new 
buildings in A. H. 1324. He was shot dead by the 
Greeks, his bloodstained taj being shown to visitors, 
as also the bloodstains on the floor, which resist all 
attempts at washing them away. In 1923 there were 
an abbot and three dervishes living in the tekke. 

The important Christian monastery of S. NAUM on 
Lake Okhrida is visited by Bektashi as a pilgrimage. 2 

viii. KESARAKA, some hours north-west of Kolonia, , 
is a mutehhil convent. Before the war there were five 
or six dervishes besides the abbot, now the abbot only 
is left ; the tekke is not very popular, dervishes pre- 
ferring the celibate system. The foundation was due 
to Haji Baba of Khorasan, who died, as related above, 3 
at Premet. He lies in a handsome turbe, which the 
Greeks looted but did not entirely destroy. 

ix. The pleasant tekke of FRASHERI is situated amid 
fantastic scenery some hours south-west of Kesaraka. 
Before the war it was large and important, being tenanted 
by about twenty dervishes, and containing the tomb of 

1 See above, p. 526. 

2 Above, p. 435 f., below, p. 583. 3 P. 545. 

548 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi 

the sheikh Nasibi. This saint, who was a contemporary 
of Ali Pasha, is much revered, and it is said that the 
Tosks use his name in asseverations instead of God's. 
His original name was Moharrem Baba, but when he 
made his pilgrimage to the tekke of Haji Bektash, the 
door of the tekke opened to him of its own accord, and 
the abbot, recognizing a miracle, said, ' It is thy fate 
(nasib) '. Nasibi, with Sheikh Ali and Sheikh Mimi, is 
said to have foretold to Ali Pasha his brilliant future, 
warning him also of the fate which would overtake him 
if he failed to govern justly. The tekke, together with 
the tomb of Nasibi, was burnt to the ground in 1914, 
but it has since been almost entirely rebuilt. 

To the south-east of Frasheri there are three turbes 
about twelve years old, at Polena near GADUCHI, BITISHT, 
and BRESHDAN respectively. Ismail Baba is the saint of 
Gaduchi, the others are nameless. 

x. North of the Frasheri area is the tekke of BACHKA x 
whose present abbot is the sixth in succession, the tekke 
having been founded about sixty years ago by Hamid 
Baba of Melchan. After its recent destruction it is 
once more in going order. The tekke of DERVISHEI to 
the south, with an abbot only, is a chiftlik of Bachka. 

Between Gyeres and Kulmak, on the slopes of Mount 
TOMOR, there is another tekke , reputed the oldest in 
Albania and dedicated to Abbas Ali, son of Ali. There 
are said to be seven dervishes in residence. In August 
a great panegyris is held there, both Bektashis and Chris- 
tians frequenting it. 2 

The tekke of SHIMIRDEN is situated some hours north 

1 Vrepska, north of Bachka, is a Khalveti pilgrimage, not a Bektashi, 
as indicated in B.S.A. xxi, 118. 

2 Cf. Baldacci, in Boll. R. Soc. Geogr. (Roma), 1914, p. 978. The 
most binding oath for all religions and sects in this district is by Mt. 
Tomor, according to Ali Kemal Klissura. As at Kalkandelen I found 
S. Elias equated to the Bektashi saint Ali, I suspect that the Tomor 
saint is S. Elias to the Christians. For the difficulty of completely ascend- 
ing the mountain at the August panegyris see Hasluck, Letters, p. 3. 

Elbassan in Albania 549 

of Tomoritza. It was founded by Mustafa Baba fifty- 
five years ago and is considered a good place to visit for 
purposes of prayer. 1 

xi. The next Bektashi region is BERAT. Here there 
was a handsome tekke before the war, under Baba 
Kamber, but it has not yet been rebuilt. The actual 
site is at Vilabisht, a little south of Berat. 

xii. The tekke half an hour east of ELBASSAN was 
destroyed by the Ghegs and is temporarily housed in 
what was formerly the granary of the tekke , but fruit- 
trees, flowers, and running water combine to make the 
site a paradise. The founder was Mustafa Baba, who 
is buried here. Lately there has been an improvement 
in the relations of Sunnis and Bektashis in North Al- 
bania, even in Elbassan, where there are said to be now 
about five hundred Bektashi families. The reason is 
mainly the emphasis laid by the Bektashis on patriotism 
as a virtue. Kasim Baba * left his hand at Elbassan. 

Bektashi z,iarets at Durazzo and Bazaar Shiakh may 
be inferred from Degrand's version of the Sari Saltik 
legend. 3 The population of Tirana is said by the same 
author to be equally divided between the Bektashi and 
Rifai sects. 4 

xiii. The population of KRUYA seems to be almost 
exclusively Bektashi. Its extraordinary importance as 
a place of Bektashi pilgrimage is brought out by De- 
grand's interesting account of the saints' tombs, tradi- 
tionally 366 in number, in and about the town. 5 Bek- 
tashism seems to have been introduced here towards 
the end of the eighteenth century by Ali Pasha's agent, 
Sheikh Mimi, who founded a tekke at Kruya in 1807 and 

1 It is probably the Shent Mrain mentioned by my husband in 
B.S.A. xxi, 121. None of my Albanian informants could identify it in 
that form. M. M. H. z See above, pp. 526, 547. 

3 Haute Albanie^ p. 240. 4 Ibid., p. 194. 

5 Ibid. 9 pp. 221 8. : cf. Ippen, Skutari, pp. 71 ff., and in Wiss. Mittb. 
Bosnian, vii, 60. 

550 Geographical Distribution of the Bektashi 

at first made common cause with the local chief, Kaplan 
Pasha Topdan, as against his neighbour the Pasha 
of Skutari, 1 who was hostile to Ali of Yannina. The 
missionary sheikh afterwards fell out with Kaplan Pasha, 
either, as the latter said, because he had been bought by 
the Pasha of Skutari, or possibly because he suspected 
Kaplan Pasha himself of similar disloyalty to Ali and the 
Bektashi party. Kaplan ordered Mimi to quit Kruya ; 
the sheikh retaliated by an unsuccessful attempt to 
murder the pasha, which cost him his own life. But 
public feeling in Kruya was so strong for Mimi, that the 
Topdan family were unable to reside there, and moved 
to Tirana. 2 The family quarrel of the Topdans with 
the Bektashi is, as we have seen, perpetuated by their 
modern representative, Essad Pasha. 

Kruya is one of the many places associated with the 
adventures of the Bektashi saint Sari Saltik. 3 Of the 
two chief tekkes there, one (' Mali Kruyes ? ) is two 
hours and a half's steep climb up the mountain behind 
Kruya town. It contains a grave of Sari Saltik. 4 The 
masonry at the spring is dated A. H. 1 190. The shrine is 
noted for its cures. The tekke is mutehhil, like Kesaraka, 
and is deserted in winter. 

At the tekke in the plain (' Fusha Kruyes ? ) the chief 
buried saint is Baba Ali, who is said to date from 
150-200 years back and to be older than Sheikh Mimi. 
An abbot and three dervishes are living there, but the 
tekke was burnt by the Ghegs and is as yet only half 
rebuilt. In the precinct are two remarkable trees, one 
with flat, plank-like branches being said to have sprung 

1 So we find Kaplan at the end of the eighteenth century celebrated 
a victory over his rival by building a turbe to the Bektashi saint Hamza 
Baba (Ippen, Skutari, p. 71). 2 Degrand, Haute Albanie^ p. 210. 

3 See above, pp. 435 ff. I have heard, but not very definitely, of a 
hitherto unrecorded tomb of Sari Saltik at Khass, between Skutari and 
Jakova : see, however, Miss Durham, Burden of the Balkans, p. 304. 

4 His saddle and pilaf-dish were turned into stone on the Kruya- 
Shushi road, where they may still be seen. 

Austro-Hungary 551 

from a plank stuck in the ground by Baba All of Khora- 
san, who was a contemporary of Skanderbeg. 

At GIORMI beyond Mamures on the Skutari road 
there is a big tekke founded about 130 years ago by 
Haidar Baba. 

From Skutari the Bektashi were banished for political 
reasons in the time of Ali Pasha 1 and seem never to have 
regained a footing there. 

xiv. At MARTANESH, on the head waters of the river 
Mati, there were two tekkes before the war. That of 
Balum Sultan, on the mountain, was built in the time of 
Mahmud Pasha of Skutari and was burnt by the Serbs 
a few years ago : they added insult to injury by shaving 
the abbot's beard off. Their attack on the tekke in the 
town was foiled by the townspeople, though they are 
mainly Sunnis and fanatical at that. This lower tekke 
was built twenty-five years ago by Haji Husain Baba of 
Kruya. There are now two dervishes besides the abbot 
in it ; the mountain tekke has not been rebuilt. 

xv. In the DIBRA region in East Albania there is a 
tekke at Blatza near Humesh which was built thirty 
years ago by Yusuf Baba : the Ghegs destroyed it. 

ii. Austro-Hungary 
A. Bosnia. 

There has been no Bektashi tekke in Bosnia since 1903, 
though the sect lingers on and the communities are 
visited from time to time by sheikhs from Albania . z 

B. Budapest. 

The farthest outpost of Bektashism is the tekke of 
Gul Baba, a relic of the Turkish occupation, which is 
still one of the minor sights of the Hungarian capital. 3 

1 Ippen, Skutari) p. 36. 3 Ibid., p. 73. 

3 See E. Browne, Travels (1673), p. 34 ; M. Walker, Old Tracks, 
p. 289 ; J. P. Brown, Dervishes, p. 89 ; Die Osterreickiscbe-ungariscbe 
Monarchic in Wort und Bild : Ungarn (III), p. 96 ; Baedeker, Austria- 
Hungary (1905), p. 345 : Boue, Turq. d'Europs, Hi, 404. 



THE following text is a translation of an Albanian 
Bektashi pamphlet which has a considerable re- 
putation among members of that sect. The original 
is written in the Tosk dialect of Albanian by Nairn Bey, 
a native of Frasheri * and brother of the historian Sami 
Bey and of a certain Abdul Bey Frasheri, who organized 
through the Bektashi tekkes a national movement in 
1880-1, when the cession of part of southern Albania 
to Greece was under discussion. 2 This movement was 
secretly authorized by Abdul Hamid on the under- 
standing that it should be a mock conspiracy designed to 
throw dust in the eyes of Europe and save the Albanian 
provinces to Turkey. Abdul Bey, however, intended 
it as a blow for Albanian independence. His plans were 
prematurely betrayed, his few hundred followers de- 
feated, and he himself made prisoner. While Albania 
still formed part of the Turkish empire, Nairn Bey's 
pamphlet passed through two editions, printed respec- 
tively at Bucharest in 1896 3 and at Salonica in 1910 4 
in a mixed character based on Roman, but borrowing 
letters also from the Cyrillic and Greek. It is now 
everywhere on sale in Albania. 5 

Albanian being known to few persons outside the 
Balkan peninsula, I availed myself of the kindness of 

1 See above, p. 539, and Hasluck, Letter -s, p. 74. 

2 See the bluebooks of these dates on c Rectification of the Greek 

3 Legrand, Bibliographie Albanaise^ no. 608. [A copy of this 
edition is now in the British Museum. M. M. H.] 

4 Of this I was lucky enough to secure a copy in 1915, through my 
friend Mr. Micu Hondrosom of Bucharest, and it is from this that the 
text below is translated. 5 M. M. H. 

Commentary 553 

Professor Charitonidis, a native of Tepelen, who to 
Greeks interested in Albanian studies is well known for 
his series of Greek- Albanian school books, and thus I 
secured a literal translation of the Albanian text into 
Greek; from this I have myself made an English version, 
preserving the short paragraphs of the original which 
seem in character with the aphoristic and didactic nature 
of the work. 1 

The pamphlet is entitled Fletore e Bektashiniet, which 
may perhaps be rendered Bektashi Pages.* Inside is the 
second title Bektashite (' The Bektashi '). It consists of 
thirty-two i6mo pages, of which sixteen are occupied 
with the prose exposition of Bektashism, the rest by 
rhymed religious poems here omitted. 

My complete ignorance of Albanian renders any com- 
mentary on the style impossible. The matter is specially 
interesting for its entire freedom from dogma and my- 
thology and its insistence on ethics. The doctrine of the 
brotherhood of man is a familiar feature in much der- 
vish thought and is always to the fore in Albanian Bek- 
tashism. The national Albanian sentiments expressed, 
and the inculcation of patriotism as the highest of 
virtues, are characteristic of the nineteenth century 
awakening of national consciousness among the Balkan 
peoples, and have a special interest on account of the 
author's family connexions. 3 

Particularly interesting is the fact that the prescribed 
prayers are not in Arabic, the sacred language of Islam, 
but in Albanian, the vernacular tongue. 4 Similarly, the 
Arabic and Persian religious terms in common use among 
the Turkish Bektashi have been replaced, wherever pos- 
sible, by native translations or equivalents not always 
very satisfactory. 

1 Assonances, which are characteristic of such works and probably 
calculated as aids to the student's memory, are noted on pp. 6, 15, and 
17 of the original. 2 Literally * Leaves of Bektashism.' 

3 See above, pp. 539, 552. 4 A brief glossary is given, pp. 562-3. 


554 * Bektashi Pages 

i. Translation 

The Bektashi believe in the Great Lord and in the 
true saints Mohammed Ali, Kadije, Fatima, and Hasan 
and Husain. 

In the Twelve Imams, who are Ali, Hasan, Husain, 
Zein-el-Abidin, Mohammed Bakir, Jafer Sadik, Musa 
Kiazim, Ali Riza, Mohammed Teki, Ali Neki, Hasan 
Askeri, Mohammed Mehdi. 

The father of them all is Ali and their mother Fatima. 

They believe also in all the saints, both ancient and 
modern, because they believe in Good and worship it. 

And as they believe in these and love them, so also do 
they in Moses and Miriam and Jesus and their servants. 

For their first [founder] they hold Jafer Sadik and for 
their patron-saint x Haji Bektash Veli, who is descended 
of the same family. 

All these have said, * Do good and abstain from evil '. 

In this saying the Bektashi believe. 

Truth and justice, intelligence and wisdom, and all 
the virtues are supreme. 

The faith of the Bektashi is a broad Way 2 lighted by 
wisdom, brotherhood, friendship, love, humanity, and 
all the virtues. 

On one side of it are the flowers of knowledge, on the 
other the flowers of truth. 

Without knowledge and without truth no man can 
become a Bektashi. 

For the Bektashi the Universe is God. 

But in this world man is the representative of God. 

The True God, with the angels and Paradise and all 
that is good, are found in the virtues of man. 

In his vices are found the Devil and all evil. 

1 The word used (plak = * old man ') is the translation of the Persian 
pir 9 which bears the same sense in religion. 

a The simple Albanian word for ' way ' (udha) is used instead of the 
usual Arabic tank. 

Doctrines 555 

Therefore they love and practise good and abstain 
from evil. 

All things are in man, yea, even the True God, since 
when He wished to manifest Himself, He made man in 
His image and likeness. 

The Bektashi believe that man does not die but is 
only changed and made different, and is always in the 
presence of God, because the Father is hidden to the 

He who does good finds good, he who does evil finds 

He who transgresses against humanity identifies him- 
self with the beasts. 

The Way of the Bektashi is open and broad : it is the 
Way of Wisdom and of goodness to all who have intel- 

Man is not bound, but free in all respects, and he is 
answerable for all his acts. 

But he has a mind which reasons, knowledge by which 
to choose, a soul which recognizes, and a heart which 
discerns, and a conscience which weighs all his deeds. 
Thus he has all that is necessary and needs no help from 
without. Since the Lord has granted him in himself 
all things of which he has need. 

As the man, so is the woman, one in kind and not 

In very great misfortune a man may be divorced from 
his wife : in case of great need he may take a second wife. 

In order that there may be no occasion when the wife 
is far from her family, the way of the Bektashi is pre- 
ferable. 1 

The woman does not veil or cover her face save only 
with the veil of modesty. 

1 Explained as meaning * superior to the ordinary Islamic marriage 
law ' because avoiding the difficulties caused by a divorce where the 
wife's family lives a long way off and she cannot easily return to her 
father's house. 

556 ' Bektashi Pages ' 

In the Way of the Bektashi the faith is modesty and 
chastity, wisdom, and all the virtues. 

Every ill deed, all vices, follies, and infidelities are 
forbidden and accursed in this Way. 

This is the Way of God and of all the Saints. 

The Bektashi have for the book of their faith the 
Universe, and especially mankind, because the Lord AH 
once said, ' Man is the book which speaks, 1 faith consists 
in speech, but the ignorant have added thereto. Faith 
is in the heart, it is not in the written book/ 

The Bektashi keeps unspotted his heart, his soul, his 
mind, and his conscience ; and his body also, his clothes, 
his abode, and his dwelling, his honour, and his good 

Not only among themselves but also with all men the 
Bektashi are spiritual brothers. 

They love as themselves their neighbours, both Mus- 
sulman and Christian, and they conduct themselves 
blamelessly towards all humanity. 

But more than all they love their country and their 
countrymen, because this is the fairest of all virtues. 

The Bektashi loves humanity, helps poverty, pities 
and grieves from his heart : a good spirit is in him. 

Because this is the Way : if he is not such, he is with- 
out the Way. 

The Bektashi, that he may make a good entry into the 
Way, must be virtuous and perfect in all things. 

Whosoever is in this Way is called a Bektashi and has 
no further need. 

But whosoever will draw nearer obtains permission 
from the Father 2 and becomes an Inner [brother]. 3 

1 Note the assonance (Nyeriu eshtefietoreya qefiet). 

2 The ' permission * granted by the ' Father * is a kind of diploma 
given by the c Baba ' or head of a convent and testifying to the candi- 
date's proficiency in the * Way.' 

3 Or ' Esoteric ' ; the word is again Albanian, the corresponding 
Turkish term being, I am told, dahile olan. 

Admission 557 

The Inner [brother] must be very virtuous in all 

Whosoever of the Inner [brethren] wishes to take the 
habit and become a Poor [brother], which is called 
dervish, obtains a fresh Permission from the Father. 

But in this case he cannot put it off again, for it is not 

The Poor [brother] must be a servant of humanity, 
wise, and very gentle. He must, be humble, and if any 
man insult or strike him, he must not curse or abuse [his 
aggressor] but suffer it. 

The Poor [brother], if he is married before he takes 
the habit, may remain in wedlock after his election, 
abiding in his family and in his house. 

But when he takes the vow never to marry, he ob- 
tains a new Permission, but he cannot take back his word. 

The unmarried Poor [brothers] live in a house which 
is called Tekke or Dargab. 

They have one Chief who is called Father and Guide. 

Every Poor [brother] has a task or service of his own. 

The eldest of them is called Leader, and it is he who 
leads to the Guide those who wish to take Permissions. 

When there are many Fathers, they choose one of 
them and make him Chief : he is called Grandfather. 

There are a good number as far [advanced] as this, 
and the work of the Way is well completed. 1 

But sometimes there are many Grandfathers : then 
they choose from among them and make him Great 

For a layman to become an Inner [brother] or for an 
Inner [brother] to become a Poor [brother], he must 
receive a Permission from the Father, For a Poor 
[brother] to become a Father he must receive a Per- 
mission from the Grandfather. 

The Father, Grandfather, and Great Grandfather, 

1 i. e. an aspirant may well be content with so much progress in the 

558 'Bektashi Pages' 

who are called Guides, must all be men perfect in all 
things pertaining to the Way. 

Whosoever obtains a Permission from the Guides 
enters into the Choir of the Saints, since all the saints 
are linked together hand in hand, and thus he enters into 
this company, and into the Chain of these Lords, as in 
a dance. 

For this reason he who enters this Way leaves behind 
all his vices and retains only his virtues. With an un- 
clean heart, with an evil soul, with a bad conscience, he 
cannot enter among the Saints who draw near to God. 

Here must he know himself, for he who knows himself 
knows what God is. 

He must be [like] a gentle lamb, not [like] a wild 

He must be reasonable, just, learned, lovable, and 
have all the virtues which are necessary to a man. 

This is the Way of Virtue, of Friendship, of Wisdom, 
and of Brotherhood. 

It is a great sin that a man should cast into this Way, 
full of fair and fragrant flowers, thorns and prickles, as 
do the ignorant. 

Because this Way begins from Good and ends in Good. 

The Guide who grants a Permission says : ' To-day 
thou hast taken the hand of God, thou hast been made 
one with the Saints. Therefore lay hold on Good, and 
be of their Way, and forget Evil. Take not where thou 
hast not given, honour great and small, avoid slanders, 
uncleannesses, perversities, and all evil ; and enter into 
brotherhood/ &c., &c. 

The Bektashi looks on the wife of his neighbour as his 
sister, on every poor old woman as his mother, on every 
poor man as his brother, and on all men as his friends. 

His conscience is good, his heart full of gratitude, his 
soul sweet, for this Way is Good alone. 

Without these things no Bektashi can exist. 

Brotherhood, peace, love, virtue, nearness to God, 

Fasts and Prayers 559 

friendship, good conscience, and all the virtues are the 
lights of the Way. 

Before all things love is an approach and an interpre- 
tation of the Way. 

With all this, however, the Bektashi also have a kind 
of fast and a form of prayer. 

For a fast they have the mourning they keep for the 
Passion of Kerbela, the first ten days of the month which 
is called Moharrem. 

In these days some do not drink water, but this is 
excessive, since on the evening of the ninth day the war- 
fare ceased, and it was not till the tenth after midday 
that the Imam Husain fell with his men, and then only 
they were without water. 

For this reason the fast is kept for ten days, but 
abstention from water is practised only from the even- 
ing of the ninth till the afternoon of the tenth. 

But let whoso will abstain also from water while he 

This shows the love the Bektashi bear to all the 

They have a fashion of prayer among them which is 
called niyas : this the instructed use very seldom, the 
others rather more often. 

This prayer may be made in the houses which are 
called jami. 

But in the houses of prayer they may make the 
other prayer, which is called namaz,. For the Bektashi 
do not reject this prayer, just as they do not reject 
the fast of the month which is called Ramazan, nor 
any of the religious duties, since all are needful to 

He who serves in a house of prayer makes betrothals 
and marriages, buries the dead, and performs all his 
services and duties. 

The Bektashi before and after food pray as follows : 

' O True Lord, increase and multiply, for Thou dost 

560 ' Bektasbi Pages' 

nourish and conserve the Universe. All good cometh 
from Thee, for man and for all beasts Thou preparest 
the life. May Thy Goodness and Mercy never forsake 
us. Great Lord ! Mohammed Ali ! Ye Twelve Imams ! 
All ye Saints ! Haji Bektash Veli ! May our prayer 
come before you.' 

At feasts and marriages they pray thus : tf Great and 
True Lord, give and multiply Thy favour to mankind. 
Send not upon us grief and misery. Grant to us all 
good things. Show us the way of Righteousness, and 
leave us not in darkness. Blessed be Thy name now and 
for evermore, Lord Mohammed Ali ! Kadije ! Fatima ! 
Hasan and Husain ! Haji Bektash Veli ! All ye Saints ! 
May our prayers come before you/ 

At betrothals they pray thus : ' True Lord, at Thy 
command and in Thy name ! Grant concord and love, 
give us Thy blessing, and deliver us from evil. Grant 
us plenty and all good things. 

In the name of David and Solomon, in the name of 
Aaron and Moses, and of Husain, in the name of Haji 
Bektash Veli, in the name of all our Lords ! 

In the Way of Mohammed Ali, in the teaching of the 
Imam Jafer Sadik ! ' 

At a marriage they add these words : * Unite them 
as Thou didst unite Adam and Eve, Mohammed and 
Kadije, Ali and Fatima. 

Grant them life and length of days, and good and 
obedient children. May the Door be open for ever/ 
&c., &c. 

At deaths they pray thus : 

6 Lord great and true, Thou buriest day in night and 
night in day. Thou leadest forth the living from the 
dead, and the dead from the living. All things come 
from Thee and return unto Thee again. Forgive the 
sins of mankind for Thy glory's sake ! And lead us to 
the Light, for Thou art the Light of Light. 

May our prayer come before Thee eternally,' &c., &c. 

Tolerance 561 

The Bektashi mourn only with tears, never with 
dirges and wailings. 

They do not bury the dead in the grave : they mourn 
[them] in their hearts. 

They always speak well of the dead, saying, * May his 
soul shine and may it be filled with joy ! ' 

The Way of the Bektashi holds all men, yea, all men, 
friends, and looks on them as one soul and one body. 

But this is recognized [only ?] by the learned and 
reasoning Bektashi. 

The true Bektashi respect a man of whatsoever re- 
ligion he may be, they hold him their brother and their 
beloved, they never look on him as a stranger. 

They reject no religion, but respect all. Nor do they 
reject the books of any religion or the [doctrine of the] 
future life. 

The Bektashi keep for a holy day Bairam, the first 
day of the month which is called Sheval. Their second 
feast is on the first ten days of the month called Dilhije, 
the New Day (which is called Nevruz) * on the tenth of 
March, and the eleventh of the month called Mohar- 
rem.* During the ten days of the Passion they read the 
Passions of the Imams. 

The Guides, who pray and worship Truth and Good- 
ness and reject Falsehood and Evil, and regard all man- 
kind as one family, and love it according to the Way of 
Mohammed AH these must be men of intelligence, of 
great wisdom, with zeal for adequate learning, for the 
unlearned and perverse man is wood unhewn, 3 the un- 
lettered is as the novice. 4 

Let the Guides be men of truth, let them be without 
vices such as they have now, let them have integrity, 

1 The Persiai} New Year's feast. * See above, p. 559. 

3 A widely spread Greek proverb (avOpcurros aypd^aros v\ov 
d7T\Kr)Tov) : cf. Polites, JTapoi/u'cu, i, 279. 

4 Note the assonance of the Albanian equivalent (i pa dituri eshu si 
i mituri). 

562 c Bektasbi Pages * 

let them forsake greed, pride and folly, drink and 
drunkenness, lying and injustice, and all the evils which 
are without the Way of Humanity. 

Let them strive night and day for the nation to which 
the Father calls them and vouches for them that they 
will work with the chiefs and the notables for the salva- 
tion of Albania and the Albanians, for the education 
and civilization of their nation and their country, for 
their language, and for all progress and improvement. 

Let them be peaceable, let them remember the poor, 
let them shun evil and folly, let them cast into the Way 
all works that are needful for mankind and for religion, 
and let them forward all things good. 

Together with the chiefs and notables let them en- 
courage love, brotherhood, unity, and friendship among 
all Albanians : let not the Mussulmans be divided from 
the Christians, and the Christians from the Mussulmans, 
but let both work together. Let them strain towards 
enlightenment, that the Albanian, who was once re- 
puted throughout all the world, be not despised to-day. 

All these things for those that have intelligence and 
who reason and work with zeal and with good sense are 
not hard tasks, but very light. 

When they accomplish these things, then will I call 
them Fathers and Guides : but to-day I cannot so call 
them. 1 

2. Glossary of Albanian Religious Terms 2 

Ata, baba, father. 

Brendes (dabile olan, Tk.), interior, esoteric. 

Dede (Tk.) ( =gyg) 9 grandfather. 

Fakir (Tk.) ( = varfe\ poor, dervish. 

Gyg ( = dede), grandfather. 

1 The sentence with which the pamphlet closes contains, perhaps 
characteristically, an assonance (pa sot s 9 u dyem dot). 

2 Non-Albanian terms which are in everyday use among Turks are 
described as Turkish. M.M.H. 

Albanian Religious *Terms 563 

Jami (Tk.), house of prayer. 

Murshid (Arab.) (udhe-rrefenies\ guide. 

Niyas (Tk.), request. 

Pir (Pers.) ( =plak), old man, patron saint. 

Plak ( =pir)j old man patron saint. 

Shpenes, leader. 

Udha (=Arab. tarik), way 

Udhe-rrefenies (=murshid), guide. 

Varfe ( ^fakir), poor, dervish. 




THE stratification of cults at famous sanctuaries of 
the ancient world, reflected for the most part in 
their local mythology, has long been interpreted as 
evidence of the invasion of older by newer gods and 
religious systems. A religion carried by a conquering 
race or by a missionary priesthood to alien lands super- 
imposes itself, by force or persuasion, on an indigenous 
cult ; the process is expressed in mythological terms 
under the figure of a personal combat between the 
rival gods or of the ' reception ' of the new god by the 
old. 2 Eventually either one god or the other succumbs 
and disappears or is relegated to an inferior position ; 
or, again, the two may be more or less completely identi- 
fied and fused. Of the religions of antiquity it is seldom 
possible to do more than conjecture by what methods 
and processes these transitions were actually carried 
out. The paper which follows is an attempt to examine 
some phenomena of the superimposition of cult in the 
case of a modern Mohammedan sect the Bektashi 
acting on the sanctuaries of the mixed populations of 
Turkey and in particular on Christian saint-cults. So 
far as we can see, where Bektashism has gained ground at 
the expense of Christianity, this has been accomplished 
without violence, either by processes analogous to that 
known to the ancient world as the ' reception ' of the 
new god by the old, or simply by the identification of 

1 This chapter is an enlarged and corrected version of the article 
which appeared in B.S.A. xx (1913-14), pp. 94-122. 
* See above, pp. 58 ff. 

Bektashi Usurpations in Asia Minor 565 

the two personalities. The c ambiguous ' sanctuary, 
claimed and frequented by both religions, seems to 
represent a distinct stage of development the period 
of equipoise, as it were in the transition both from 
Christianity to Bektashism and, in the rare cases where 
political and other circumstances are favourable, from 
Bektashism to Christianity. 

Usurpation of alien sanctuaries seems to have played 
an important part in the spread of Bektashism from the 
beginning. In the first place it is now generally recog- 
nized that the sect acquired its present name by such 
a usurpation. The Anatolian saint Haji Bektash has 
in reality nothing to do with the doctrines of the sect 
which bears his name. The real founder of the so- 
called Bektashi was a Persian mystic named Fadlullah, 
and the original name of the sect Hurufi. Shortly after 
Fadlullah's death his disciples introduced the Hurufi 
doctrines to the inmates of the convent of Haji Bek- 
tash (near Kirshehr in Asia Minor) as the hidden learn- 
ing of Haji Bektash himself, under the shelter of whose 
name the Hurufi henceforth disseminated their doc- 
trines, which are heretical and blasphemous to orthodox 
Moslems. 1 

The methods used by the Hurufi-Bektashi to appro- 
priate the sanctuary of Haji Bektash were evidently 
used by them elsewhere for the spread of their gospel. 
We may suppose that the persons administering tribal 
and other sanctuaries were won over, probably by more 
or less complete initiation into the secret learning of 
the Bektashi and the increase of power and prestige 
thereby afforded. The worshippers were satisfied by 
some apocryphal legend connecting their saint with 
Haji Bektash or a saint of his cycle, 2 and probably by an 

1 Above, p. 160. 

2 So in ancient Athens the newcomer Asklepios is foisted on the 

566 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda 

increased output of miracles ; the sanctuary with its 
clientele would be thenceforth affiliated to the Bektashi 
organization. In the case of the more or less anony- 
mous and untended saints' tombs or dedes, such as 
abound all over Turkey, the problem was still simpler. 
Such saints had only to be induced to reveal their true 
nature in dreams to Bektashi dervishes, and for the 
future their graves would be distinguished by Bektashi 

Crowfoot's researches among the Anatolian Shia tribes 
(Kizilbash) of Cappadocia have revealed the process of 
amalgamation in an intermediate stage. 1 At Haidar-es- 
Sultan, a Shia village near Angora, the eponymous saint 
Haidar, probably tribal in origin, 2 is identified quite 
irrationally under Bektashi auspices with Khoja Ahmed 
of Yasi, who figures in Bektashi legend as the spiritual 
master of Haji Bektash, and also with Kara] a Ahmed, 
a saintly prince of Persia, who, though himself probably 
in origin a tribal saint, has been adopted into the Bek- 
tashi cycle. 3 The tekke of Haidar-es-Sultan has close 
relations with the Bektashi. 

Similar cases of absorption by the Bektashi could 
probably be found without difficulty elsewhere. A 
probable case seems to be the great and rich convent 
with two hundred dervishes found by Lucas at Yatagan 4 
near Denizli 5 (vilayet of Aidin). Tsakyroglous' list of 
nomad Turkish tribes includes one named Tataganli, 

indigenous Amynos on the assumption that both were pupils of Chiron. 
In the case of Turkish tribal sanctuaries the propagation of such myths 
would be particularly easy : the tribes dimly remembered their immi- 
gration, as squatters and raiders, from the East, while the fictitious 
cycle of Bektashi tradition represented Haji Bektash and his companions 
as immigrant missionaries from the same quarter. 

1 J. R. Anthr. Inst. xxx (1900), pp. 305 ff. 

2 On Haidar-es-Sultan see above, pp. 52-3, 403. 

3 See above, p. 404 and n. 6. 

4 So Arundell, Asia Minor, ii, 142. 

5 Foy age fait en 1714,1, 171 : for the text see above, p. 508, n. 2. 

Bektashi Usurpations in Asia Minor 567 

which frequents the vilayet of Aidin. 1 The saint buried 
at Yatagan was in all probability the eponym of the 
tribe (Yatagan-Dede ?) later adopted, like Haidar, by 
the Bektashi. The tekke was one of the Bektashi con- 
vents ruined in 1826 ; it is now insignificant, though 
the tomb of Yatagan Baba survives. 

Such absorption of tribal saints, whose cults are often 
in the hands of more or less illiterate people, is compara- 
tively easy. The Bektashi, according to their enemies 
at least, were quite as successful in ousting rival religious 
orders. Haji Bektash himself is generally considered by 
the orthodox a saint of the Nakshbandi order, and since 
the suppression of the Bektashi in 1826 an orthodox 
mosque with a minaret has been built at the central 
tekke and a Nakshbandi sheikh quartered on the com- 
munity for the performance of services in it. 2 Simi- 
larly the Nakshbandi claimed that the Bektashi had 
unscrupulously usurped others of their saints' tombs, 
including those of Ramazan Baba at Brusa and of the 
saint buried in the tekke of Kasr-el-Aini at Cairo. 3 Such 
usurpations, if we may believe Assad Efendi, the his- 
torian of Sultan Mahmud's campaign against the Bek- 
tashi, were numerous : under the pretext that the 

titles baba and abdal denoted exclusivelv Bektashi 


saints, the Bektashi appropriated the chapels and 
sepulchral monuments of all the saints so entitled be- 
longing by right to the Nakshbandi, Kadri, and other 
orders. 4 

1 77e/H FiovpovKcw, 15 : see above, p. 477. 

* I have often found a mesjid or oratory in a Bektashi tekke ^ but never 
a mosque with proper establishment. Mesjids are built for the appear- 
ance of orthodoxy and for the accommodation of orthodox visitors. 
[At Asim Baba's tekke in Argyrokastro, Albania, the Nakshbandi taj 
with its four segments is still worn over the usual Bektashi headdress : 
see above, p. 541. M. M. H.]. 

3 For this saint, see above, pp. 229-30, 516. 

4 Assad Efendi, Destr. desjanissaires (1833), P- 3- The Albanian 
Bektashi seem to lay claim to such saints as Shems Tabrizi, Nasr-ed-din 

568 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda 


We have thus found evidence of Bektashi encroach- 
ments on tribal sanctuaries and on the holy places of 
other orders. More interesting is their procedure in 
the case of Christian churches and saints' tombs ; they 
have not only laid claim to Christian sanctuaries, but 
have also in return thrown open the doors of their own 
to Christians. 1 This is the more remarkable since Chris- 
tians in Turkish lands are much less protected by public 
opinion than are orthodox Moslem sects like the Naksh- 

The numerous points of contact between Bektashism 
and Christianity have been set forth at length by Jacob. 2 
The only historical evidence of overt propaganda among 
Christians is to be found in the accounts of the rebel- 
lion of Bedr-ed-din of Simav,3 in the early years of the 
fifteenth century, which can hardly have been uncon- 
nected with the Bektashi-Hurufi sect, though this is 
nowhere explicitly stated. The rebellion was partly a 
religious, partly a social movement : the programme in- 
cluded the Bektashi-Hurufi doctrines of religious fusion 
and community of goods. An enthusiastic welcome 
was extended to Christian proselytes and proclamation 
was made to the effect that any Turk who denied true 
religion in the Christians was himself irreligious. A 
special manifesto on these lines, carried by a dervish 
deputation to a Cretan monk resident in Chios, was 
successful in winning him to the cause. 4 The pro- 

Khoja of Akshehr, and Haji Bairam (founder of the Bairami order) of 
Angora (Degrand, Haute Albanie^ p. 230). 

1 Cf. de Vogue, Hist. Orient., p. 198. 2 Bektascbijje, pp. 29 ff. 

3 Ducas, p. 112 B ; Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. ii, 181 ff. 

4 The text is given by Ducas. The leader of the rebels sent to the 
Cretan, saying : /cdyco owaovojTTjs" aov t/xc, /cat rco dew a! Aarpcuets', 
Kivq> Kayoj rrjv irpoaKvvirjaw <f)paj. With this compare the con- 
duct of the Hurufi dervish met in Chios about the same time 
by George of Hungary, who ' intrabat ecclesiam christianorum, et 

Bektashi Propaganda 569 

Christian tendencies of the rebels were evidently recog- 
nized by the Turks in the punishment eventually meted 
out to their leader, who was crucified. 

Liberal theory, however, can have little real hold 
on the imagination of the masses. For the illiterate, 
whether Moslem or Christian, doctrine is important 
mainly as embodying a series of prohibitions : their 
vital and positive religion is bound up with the cult of 
the saints and demands concrete objects of worship, 
especially graves and relics, 1 and above all miracles, to 
sustain its faith. It is in the cult of the saints that the 
Bektashi propaganda amongst Christians has left most 
trace. The lines adopted are identical with, or parallel 
to, those followed, according to the theory propounded 
elsewhere,* by the Mevlevi order of dervishes at Konia 
in the Middle Ages for a similar purpose. On the one 
hand, Moslem sanctuaries are made ' ambiguous ', or 
accessible to Christians also, by the circulation of legends 
to the effect (i) that a saint worshipped by Moslems as 

signabat se signo crucis, et aspergebat se aqua benedicta, et dicebat 
manifesto, uestra lex est ita bona sicut nostra est ' (De Moribus Tur- 
corum, cap. xx). 

1 The enormous potency of graves and buried saints in popular 
religion is pointed out in regard to the Holy Places of Islam by 
Burckhardt. Though the visit to the Prophet's tomb at Medina is 
optional and the pilgrimage to the Kaaba at Mecca obligatory, the 
tomb of the Prophet inspires the people of Medina with much more 
respect than the Kaaba does those at Mecca, visitors crowd with more 
zeal and eagerness to the former shrine than the latter, and more 
decorum is observed in its precincts. At Mecca itself men will swear 
lightly by the Kaaba, but not by the grave of Abu Taleb (Arabia, 
i, 235 ; ii, 195, 197). A Mecca merchant said to Niebuhr (Voyage 
en Arable^ i, 350) that ' a Mochha je me fierois peu a un homme, qui 
affirme quelque chose en prenant le nom de Dieu a temoin : mais je 
puis compter sur la foi de celui, qui jure par le nom de Schaedeli, dont 
la moschee, et le tombeau, sont devant ses yeux '. Clermont- 
Ganneau, Pal. Inconnue, pp. 55-6, found men frequently broke their 
oath by God, their life, their head or yours, the Temple, or the Sakhra, 
but almost never their oath by the local saint. 

* Above, pp. 371 ff. 

3295.2 P 

570 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda 

a Moslem was secretly converted to Christianity, or (2) 
that the Moslem saint's mausoleum is shared by a Chris- 
tian. On the other hand, Christian sanctuaries are made 
accessible to Moslems by (3) the identification of the 
Christian saint with a Moslem. These three schemes 
may be called for brevity * conversion ? , * intrusion ', 
and ' identification ' : for the latter process use is often 
made on the Moslem side of a somewhat vague per- 
sonage at Konia Plato as a * lay-figure ' capable of 
assimilation to various Christian saints. 

In Turkey, particularly in parts where the average 
peasant intelligence and general culture are of a low 
order and the difference between Christian and Moslem 
is not acutely felt, it is usual for any sanctuary reputed 
for its miracles to be frequented by both religions. 1 
The ' conversion ', ' intrusion ', and ' identification ' 
schemes are devised to accentuate this natural point of 
contact between the two religions and to put it on 
a logical footing. The idea of metempsychosis, which 
is often implied by ' identification ', though foreign to 
Orthodox Christian thought, is widely current in the 
Shia forms of Islam. 2 

For Asia Minor the ' lay-figure ' saint of the Bektashi 
is possibly the protean Khidr. 3 Khidr is reverenced in 
a vague way by all Moslems, who often identify him 
with S. George. He has a special prominence among 
the Kizilbash of Asia Minor, 4 whose connexion with the 
Bektashi is obscure but well authenticated. The Kizil- 
bash Kurds of the Dersim recognize the Armenian saint 

1 In this assimilation language is an important factor. The pheno- 
mena here mentioned occur markedly in central Asia Minor, where all 
races speak Turkish, and in Albania, where all religions speak Albanian. 

* The Persian Shah Abbas held firmly that Ali, S. George, and S. 
James of Compostella were identical (P. della Valle, Viaggi, ii, 257 f.). 

3 For Khidr see above, pp. 319-36. 

4 White, Trans. Viet. Inst. xxxix (1907), p. 156 ; cf. Jerphanion in 
yz. Ztit. xx, 493. The same is true of the Nosairi (R. Dussaud, 
Nosairis, pp. 128-35). 

Religious Fusion 571 

Sergius as identical with Khidr x and make pilgrimage 
to Armenian churches of S. Sergius as to sanctuaries of 
Khidr. 2 Farther west, among Greek populations who 
holdS. Sergius of less importance than do the Armenians, 
the connexion generally admitted by Moslems between 
Khidr and S. George and S. Elias has probably served 
its turn. At the tekke of Sheikh Elwan in Pontus Khidr 
seems certainly to have supplanted S. Theodore,3 who, 
as a cavalier and a dragon-slayer, approximates to S, 
George. Though we cannot as yet definitely ascribe 
to the Bektashi this transference from Christianity to 
Islam, the locality falls well within the range of their 

The more ignorant the populations concerned, the 
farther such identifications can be pressed. The Kizil- 
bash Kurds, who possess in all probability a strong 
admixture of Armenian blood, equate Ali to Christ, 
the Twelve Imams to the Twelve Apostles, and Hasan 
and Husain to SS. Peter and Paul. 4 The conversion of 
illiterate Christians, always aided by material attrac- 
tions, becomes fatally easy under the influences of this 
accommodating form of Islam. 

Apparent examples of such religious fusion under 
Bektashi auspices are to be found in the following 
Anatolian cults. 

i. Haji Bektash Tekke^ near Kirshebr 

This, the central tekke of the Bektashi order, is frequented by 
Christians, who claim that the site was once occupied by a 
Christian monastery of S. Charalambos.5 On entering the 
mausoleum (turbe) where Haji Bektash lies buried Christians 

1 Grenard, Journ. Asiat. iii (1904), p. 518. 

z Molyneux Seel, Geog. Journ. xliv (1914), p. 66. The Armenians 
are said to confuse SS. Sergius and George (P. della Valle, Viaggi, 
ii, 258). 

3 Anderson, Stud. Pont, i, 9 ff. ; cf. iii, 207 ff. See further above, 
pp. 47 ff. 4 Molyneux Seel, loc. at. 

5 Levides, Moval rfjs KaTrTraSo/aW, see above, pp. 83-4. 

572 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda 

make the sign of the cross : they are said to identify the tomb 
with that of S. Charalambos, who, however, has no connexion 
with Cappadocia. The identification has taken firm hold, but 
it seems proved that it is not of great antiquity by the account 
of the archbishop Cyril (1815), who equates Haji Bektash, not 
to S. Charalambos, but to S. Eustathius, 1 probably on the 
ground of some stag story. 2 

The central Bektashi tekke is thus a holy place, not only for 
the heretical Mussulman sect which possesses and administers it, 
but for orthodox Mussulmans, who hold Haji Bektash for a 
Nakshbandi saint and venerate him accordingly, and for Chris- 
tians, who claim that site and tomb were originally Christian. 
This state of things is almost exactly paralleled at the central 
shrine of the Yezidi * devil-worshippers ' which contains the 
grave of their alleged founder, Sheikh Adi. Orthodox Mussul- 
mans abhor the religion of the Yezidi, but venerate the histori- 
cal Sheikh Adi, whom they regard as an orthodox saint of the 
sixth century of their era ; the local (Nestorian) Christians hold 
that the site of the Yezidi sanctuary was originally occupied by 
a Christian monastery of S. Addai (? or Addaeus of Edessene 
legend) and subsequently usurped by one Adi, a renegade monk, 
who is credited with evolving the religion actually practised by 
the modern Yezidi.3 

ii. Haidar-es-Sultan Tekke ^ near Angora 4 
Haidar, the Moslem saint buried here, is identified undei 
Bektashi auspices with Khoja Ahmed (Karaja Ahmed ?), a dis- 
ciple 5 of Haji Bektash, who is said to have settled here with his 
wife, a Christian woman, named Mene, from Caesarea. Local 
Moslem tradition holds that the tekke occupies the site of a 
Christian monastery. 6 The connexion with the Bektashi is 
obvious from the legend : the village is Kizilbash or Shia, and 
as such under their religious authority. 7 

1 See above, p. 84, 11.7. 2 See above, p. 85. 

3 W. B. Heard, in J. R. Antbr. Inst. xli, 202 f. : cf. Hume Griffith, 
Behind the Veil in Persia, p. 291. 

4 See above, pp. 52, 403. 

5 A local error, see above, p. 404. 

6 Crowfoot in J. R. Antbr. Inst. xxx (1900), pp. 305-20. 

7 On this point see further White in Trans. Viet. Inst. xl (1908), 
p. 235. For the Kizilbash see above, pp. 139 ff. 

Sidi Ghazi and Shamaspur 573 

iii. Tekke of Sidi Battal, near Eskishebr * 

This dervish convent, which has been in the hands of the 
Bektashi at least since the sixteenth century, 2 claims to possess 
the tomb of the Arab hero Sidi Battal Ghazi ; beside him re- 
poses his wife, who was, according to tradition, a Christian 
princess. 3 

iv. Shamaspur Tekke, Alaja (Paphlagonia) 

Local Moslems say of this (Bektashi) tekke that it was an old 
Greek monastery. 4 The saint buried there is Husain Ghazi, the 
father of Sidi Battal.5 The name of the tekke, however, seems 
to connect it also with Sbamas, who figures in Turkish legend as 
the governor of a castle near Kirshehr, slain in single combat by 
Sidi Battal : 6 this is a popular rendering and localization of an 
incident in the Romance of Sidi Battal, in which Scbamas, 
brother of the governor of Amorium, is slain by the hero. 7 In 
this same romance the hero converts to Islam a monk named 
Scbumas.* It is tempting to suppose that from these materials 
a Christian figure, somewhat analogous to the c monk ' or 
* bishop ' buried in the tekke of the Mevlevi at Konia, 9 has been 
manufactured and intruded on the Shamaspur tekke. 

1 For this tekke see below, pp. 705-10. 

* Here also there must for chronological reasons have been a usurpa- 
tion by the Bektashi if the traditional account of the discovery of Sidi 
Battal's remains by a Seljuk princess is allowed. A legend is told at 
the tekke of a visit of Haji Bektash to the place, and to confirm it, 
marks of his hands and teeth are shown on the walls of the buildings 
(Mordtmann, <2>tAoA. ZvXXoyos, /JapaprTj^a rov 6' rofiov, p. xv). 
Other Bektashi legends connecting the convent with Haji Bektash or his 
early followers are given by Jacob (Beitrdge, p. 13) from Evliya. 

3 See below, p. 706. 

4 Hamilton, Asia Minor, i, 402 f. : H. J. Ross, Letters from the East, 
p. 243 ; Wilson, in Murray's Asia Minor, p. 36. The tekke is also 
mentioned as a place of miraculous healing by Prof. White, Trans. 
Viet. Inst. xxxix, 159. 

5 For the latter see below, p. 709. 

6 Ainsworth, Travels, i, 157. 

7 Ethe, Fahrten des Sajjid Battkdl, \, 27 : cf. below, p. 711. 
s Ibid., p. 21 ; Shamas is the Arabic for deacon. 

9 See above, p. 86. 

574 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda 

v. Tekke of Nusr-ed-din, Zile (Pontus) 
This tekke is venerated by Christians, apparently as containing 
the tomb of the Forty Martyrs of Sebaste. It was formerly 
called Kirklar Tekke (' Convent of the Forty ') and is thought 
by Gregoire to have had a Christian past under that title. 1 The 
isolated position of the tekke in a strongly Shia district almost 
warrants the assumption that it is connected with the Bektashi. 

vi. S. Nerses, Rumkale 

This ancient Armenian church was occupied by Moham- 
medans in the latter part of the seventeenth century ' afin de 
donner a entendre par la qu'ils reverent les Saints, & que celuy 
auquel cette Eglise est dediee, estoit de leur party, & Musulman 
comme eux ? . 2 Rumkale is on the Upper Euphrates, not far 
from the country of the Kizilbash Kurds, who have, as already 
said, a religious connexion with the Bektashi. 

vii. Chapel at Adalia 

Savary de Breves found at Adalia a cave-chapel still retaining 
traces of Christian frescoes, in which was shown the tomb of a 
Christian hermit. The latter, according to the Turks, had on 
his death-bed confessed himself a Mussulman, and on this ac- 
count received from Mussulmans the honour due to one of their 
own saints. 3 The Bektashi order has at the present day an 
establishment at Adalia. 

viii. c Tomb of S. PolycarpJ Smyrna 
The history of this cult is discussed at length elsewhere. 4 It 
has been, as far back as it can be traced, Moslem in form, and 
appears first in Moslem hands. S. Polycarp was formerly 
claimed as a saint of their own by the dervishes in charge of the 
tomb, who are shown by the Bektashi headdress on an adjoining 
grave to have been at some time members of this order. A sup- 
posed mitre of the saint was shown to pilgrims. 5 

1 B.C.H., 1909, pp. 25 if. ; cf. above, pp. 49-50. 

2 M. Febvre, Theatre de la Turquie^Sz), p. 46 : see also above, p. 53. 

3 Voyages (Paris, 1628), p. 23 (quoted in full above, p. 74, n. 2). For 
a similar legendary conversion, but to Christianity, of an ambiguous 
saint, cf. above, p* 376. 

4 Above, pp. 406 if, (reprinted from B.S.A. xx, 80 ff.). 

5 Cf. no. xii below (Eski Baba). 

Bender egli and Mamasun 575 

ix. ' Tomb of S. Theodore? near Benderegli 
(Herakleia Pontica) 

A turbe (mausoleum) on a hill above Arapli, a few miles west 
of Benderegli, is visited yearly by Christians as containing the 
tomb of S. Theodore Stratelates. 1 

The turbe seems to be a humble wooden erection and contains 
two outwardly Turkish tombs,* attributed by the Greeks to S. 
Theodore and his disciple Varro,3 and by the Turks to a warrior 
saint named Ghazi Shahid Mustafa and his son. These are 
tended by a Turkish woman, who receives offerings from pil- 
grims of both religions in the shape of money and candles. 4 

The connexion of this ambiguous cult with the Bektashi cannot 
be pressed, but there is a village bearing the name Beteshler 
(interpreted by von Diest as Bektashler, ' the Bektashis ') in 
the vicinity. 5 

x. Mamasun Tekke (Ziaret Kilise) near Nevsbehr 
This sanctuary was discovered, apparently in the last century, 6 
by a series of ' miraculous ? accidents, in a barn belonging to an 

1 P. Makris, '//pa/cActa rov IJovrov, pp. 115 ff. See above, pp. 88-9. 

* Makris describes them as 8vo v\wa jajSoma azrep 6?ye (freperpa, 
adding ' Trpos TO /xepos T^S* /cc^aA^y ^epovcri KtSdpeis [turbans] /cat 
/zeya /co/i/JoAdytov [rosary].' 

3 c Varro ' (Ovdppwv) does not figure in the orthodox legend of S. 
Theodore : Makris speaks of an ancient inscription formerly kept at 
the site ; it possibly contained the name. 

4 A similar mixed cult of S. Theodore and * un santon dit " Gaghni " ' 
in Pontus was reported by Pere Girard to Cumont, but without 
details (Stud. Pont, ii, 143, note 3). 

5 Von Diest, Perg. zum Pontus, i, 81. Betesh or Petesb seems to be 
the original form of Bektasb. In George of Hungary's De Moribus 
Turcoru?n (cap. xv : see p. 496), written in the middle of the fifteenth 
century, the saint is called Hatschi Pettescb (translated adiutorius 
beregrinationis). The fdrm Bektash seems to depend on a false 
etymology from geubek (* navel ') and tash (' stone ') as Leake betrays : 
1 The Bektashli are so called from a Cappadocian sheikh who wore a 
itone upon his navel ' (N. Greece^ iv, 284). 

6 It is not mentioned in the Archbishop Cyril's 77e/Ky/>a<^} (1815) 
:>r indicated in his map (1812) which generally marks even purely 
Moslem tekkes of importance. For a full account of this sanctuary 
see above, pp. 43-5 : for the relevant texts see pp. 759-61. 

576 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektasbi Propaganda 

inhabitant of the (purely Turkish) village of Mamasun. The 
rock-cut Christian church discovered was attributed to S. 
Mamas, probably on account of the name of the village, and has 
been adapted for the ambiguous modern cult. At the east end 
is a Holy Table, at which itinerant Christian priests are allowed 
to officiate, and a picture of S. Mamas, while in the south wall is 
a niche (mihrab) giving the orientation of Mecca to Turkish 
pilgrims. There is no partition between Christian and Moslem 
worshippers, but the latter, while at their prayers, are allowed 
to turn the picture from them. The sanctuary is administered 
by dervishes. 

An analysis of these ten cases of ambiguous sanctu- 
aries in Asia Minor gives the following results : 

1 . Connexion with the Bektashi is established in five 
cases (i, ii, iii, iv, viii). The remainder of the sanc- 
tuaries are situated within the area of Bektashi activities 
and are not known to be in other hands. 

2. Christian saints are claimed as Moslem by the 
' conversion ? or analogous motifs in four, possibly five, 
cases (v ( ?), vi, vii, viii, x). 

3. Apparently Moslem saints are claimed as Chris- 
tian by c identification ? in two cases (i, ix). Moslem 
sanctuaries have a Christian side developed by c in- 
trusion ' in two, possibly three, cases (ii, iii (?), iv). 


The ' lay-figure ' of Bektashi propaganda amongst 
the Christians of Rumeli is Sari Saltik, 1 whose elaborate 
legend has been discussed elsewhere. 2 Sari Saltik, origin- 
ally, as I believe, a tribal saint, 3 is identified in a general 

1 Khidr [Khizr] also has an importance, at present ill-defined, for 
Albanian Bektashism (Durham, Burden of the Balkans, p. 208). 

2 B.S.d. xix, 203 if. : cf. above, pp. 429 ff. 

3 This idea, put forward tentatively in B.S.A. xix, gains weight 
from the following considerations : (l) Colour-adjectives (' black/ 
* white,* * red,' ' blue ') like Sari (' yellow ') are often prefixed to tribal 
names, possibly alluding to the distinctive colouring or marking of the 

Bektashi Propaganda in Europe 577 

way with S. Nicolas, and seems to have occupied a 
certain number of churches dedicated to that saint in 
eastern Turkey in Europe. These can all be brought into 
relation with the earliest cycle of the Sari Saltik myth, 
which concerns itself with his apocryphal adventures in 
Europe, and ends with his death and the miraculous 
transformation of his body into seven bodies, four of 
which were buried in Turkish territory (Thrace, Bul- 
garia, Rumania, Crimea ?) and three in Christian Europe 
(Bohemia, Danzig, Sweden). 1 In a variant version, 
from a manuscript discovered by Degrand at Tirana, 
forty bodies of Sari Saltik are found after his death ; one 
of these is singled out by a miracle as the genuine corpse 
and buried in a circle composed of the other thirty- 
nine. 2 This variant suggests that a pretext was needed 
for the usurpation of some cult of 'the Forty'. 3 In the 
western section, which appears to have been touched by 

herds of sections of a divided tribe. (2) A town in the Crimea named 
Baba Saltuk after a ' diviner 9 (i. e. a tribal holy man ?) is mentioned 
by Ibn Batuta (tr. Sanguinetti, ii, 416, 445), and Baba Dagh, the 
starting-point of the Sari Saltik of Bektashi tradition, was colonized 
by Tatars, probably from the Crimea. (3) Saltaklu appears as a village- 
name near Eski Baba in Thrace, and Saltik in Phrygia near Sandikli. 
(4) It is obvious that Saltik, like Betesh (above, p. 575, note 5), means 
nothing to the ordinary Turk, by the frequent attempts to produce 
an etymology for it. Sari Saltik is variously rendered c The Blond 
Apostle ' (Ippen, Skutari, p. 72) ; ' the Yellow Corpse ' (Ae^avov), 
which was the explanation offered me by the Abbot of S. Naum (see 
below, no. xx) ; * Yellow Pate ' (Bargrave, in Bodleian Cod. Rawlinson > 
C. 799, f. 50 vso.) ; ' Yellow Jacket ' was the translation offered me by 
a bey of Okhrida ; a still more complicated derivation, from salmak 
(' dismiss '), is given from a native source by Degrand (Haute Albanie, 
p. 240). 

* This version is set down by the seventeenth-century traveller 
Evliya Efendi on the authority of the dervishes of Kilgra (Travels, 
ii, 70-72 : see above, p. 429). 

2 Degrand, Haute Albanie, p. 242 : the MS. is said by Jacob to be 
the Vilayetnameb of Hajim Sultan (Beitrage, p. 2, n. 4). See further 
above, p. 437. 

3 On this point see above, p. 437, and n. 5. 

578 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda 

Bektashi propaganda a good deal later than the eastern 
and now contains in Albania the chief stronghold of the 
sect, Sari Saltik is identified with the Christian saints 
Naum and Spyridon. The corresponding cycle of the 
Sari Saltik myth now current in Albania makes that 
country the exclusive scene of the saint's activity. He 
appears at Kruya, where he slays a dragon, and in the 
sequel, to escape persecution, crosses miraculously to 
Corfu, where he dies. 1 To the date and bearing of this 
part of the legend we have already referred. 2 

The following ambiguous sanctuaries may be cited 
from the European area : 

xi. Tekke of Sari Saltik, Kilgra (Bulgaria) 
This Bektashi sanctuary (now abandoned), on the promontory 
of Kilgra (Kaliakra) in Bulgaria, was held by its former dervish 
occupants to have been the scene of Sari Saltik's fight with the 
dragon, and one of the seven places where he was buried. * 
Local Christians now hold that it contains the tomb of S. 
Nicolas, with whom it may have been associated in Byzantine 
times ; for the Turks the saint worshipped there is now known 
as Haji Baba. 4 

xii. Tekke at Eski Bab a (Thrace) 

The Bektashi in charge of this sanctuary in the seventeenth 
century identified the saint buried in it with their own Sari 
Saltik and the Christian S. Nicolas. 5 The tekke is said to be 
a former Christian church and is to this day frequented by 
Christians. 6 A mitre and other relics, alleged to have belonged 

1 Degrand, Haute Albanie, p. 240. 2 Above, p. 436. 

3 See above, p. 430. 

4 Jirecek, in Arch. Epigr. Mitth. x (1886), pp. 188 f. : * Am aussersten 
Ende gibt es neben dem Leuchtthurm vier kleinere, kiinstlich ausge- 
glattete und mit gemeisselten Sitzen versehene Hohlenraume, die wie 
Wohnzimmer untereinander verbunden sind. Eine mit einer niederen 
Umfassung zugemaucrte Ecke darin gilt den Christen als Grab des 
heil. Nikola, den Turken als das des " Hadji Baba ".' See also above, 
p. 51. 5 Above, pp. 54-6. 

6 M. Christodoulos, /Tcptypcu^ Eapavra 'EKKXrjmtov, p. 47 : To 
ovo/za dim/carecrr^ Sta rov arj^pov /c rov rdfiov T 

Eski Baba and Bunar Hisar 579 

to S. Nicolas, were formerly shown here, but were not accepted 
as genuine by the Christians. 1 

xiii. Tekke of Binbiroglu Ahmed Baba, Bunar 
Hisar (Thrace) 

Macintosh in 1836 found just east of Bunar Hisar c a cemetery 
distinguished by a tower-shaped building with a dome roof, said 
to be a remnant of an ancient Greek churchy dedicated to St. Nicho- 
las, but now the burying-place of a wealthy Turkish pro- 
prietor V Boue, who describes the already deserted tekke of 
this day (1837), speaks of the saint as a * general Achmed ' who 
was regarded as the conqueror of the country. 3 Bektashi saints 
in Rumeli are often represented as early ghazis. The full name 
of the saint, and that of the order to which the tekke belonged 
(Bektashi), are given by Jochmus, who visited the place in 
1847.4 The ' ambiguous * character of the sanctuary is betrayed, 
in the light of Albanian and other parallels/ by Macintosh's 

(Bafia) xaipovros viroXfjifjiv napa Tovpxois re 


a) rov *AyLov NtKoXdov eV a) Kal KarcpKei. I was told 
in 1907 that Christians still frequented the tekke ; see above, 
p. 55, n. 6. 

1 S. Gerlach, Tage-Buch, p. 5 : * Diese Waffen, sprechen die 
Tiircken, habe St. Niclaus gefiihret : Die Griechen aber sprechen, die 
Tiircken habeas nur liinein gehanget/ Cf. also Arsenij Cernojevic 
(A.D. 1683) in Bury, E. Roman Empire, p. 345. For a more detailed 
description see above, pp. 430 ff. and for relevant texts see below, 
pp. 761-3. 3 Military Tour, i, 73. 

3 Itineraries, \, 132: 'On n'y voit plus qu'un pays couvert de 
broussailles, au milieu duquel il y a une petite mosquee et vis-a-vis un 
batiment carre entoure d'une muraille. La mosquee n^est que le 
monument qui recele les restes du general Achmed, le conquerant de 
ce pays, et ceux de quelques uns de ses parents. Une natte entoure le 
tombeau afin qu'on puisse y prier. Un cimetiere est autour de cet 
edifice, qui est un lieu de pelerinage et le batiment carre sert a heberger 
alors les devots.' The tekke was probably one of those put down in 
1826, and is now a cbiftlik or farm. 

4 y.R.G.S. xxiv (1854), P- 44 5 f r *h e inscription in * Ancient 
Syrian * letters see above, p. 519, n. 4. 

5 Especially nos. xviii, xix, below. 

580 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda 

xiv. Tekke of Akyazili Baba, near Balchik 

Though it is nowhere distinctly stated, this tekke was in the 
hands of the Bektashi, as a Varna resident informed me, in 1914. 
The saint, who appears to have been purely Moslem in origin, 1 
developed a Christian side as S. Athanasius, who, under present 
conditions, seems in a fair way to usurp all the honours of the 
place. 2 

xv. S. Eusebia, Selymbria (Thrace) 

What seems, in the light of modern developments in Albania, 3 
to be a corresponding adoption of a Christian saint by the Bek- 
tashi is noted by Cantimir in Thrace, a former stronghold of the 
order. ' At Selymbria are preserved entire ', he says, ' the re- 
mains of S. Euphemia : the Turks call her Cadid, and visit her 
out of curiosity.' 4 The allusion is to the body of S. (ocna) Xene 
(in religion Eusebia) of Mylasa, which is still preserved in the 
church of the Virgin at Selymbria. 5 Here, as in Albania, if our 
supposition is correct, the Bektashi have selected an ancient 
church containing the tangible relics of a popular saint, whom 
they have re-named for the purposes of their propaganda. 

1 He was possibly tribal : a village named Akyazili formerly existed 
in Bulgaria (Jireek, in Arch. Epigr. Mitth. x (1886), p. 161), and there 
is a village Akyazi in Bithynia. 

2 Kanitz, Bulgarie, pp. 474 ff. ; Jirecek, Bulgarien, p. 533 : cf. 
Arch. Epigr. Mittb. x (1886), p. 182 ; J. Nikolaos, 'OSrjaao's, 
pp. 248-50. I was told by a local resident that during the last war 
the crescent on the turbe had been displaced in favour of a cross by the 
Bulgarian priest of the village. The development of this cult is 
discussed in detail above, p. 90-2 : original texts are given below, 
pp. 763 ff. 3 Below, nos. xx, xxi. 

4 Hist. Emp. Oth. i, 121. Turks or Greeks will of course frequent 
any miraculous shrine for cure irrespective of religion ; the renaming 
stamps this case as peculiar. Von Hammer (Hist. Emp. Ott. iii, 14) 
translates Cadid by momie, but I can find no authority for this. 

5 S. Xene figures in the Synaxaria of 24 Jan. Her relics at Selymbria 
are mentioned already in 1614 by Pietro della Valle (Fiaggi, i, 17) and 
in modern times are one of the attractions of a frequented Orthodox 
pilgrimage, cf. Prodikos, in QpaKiK^ *E7T-rqpis, i, 68 ; Anon., in Bzvo- 

, iii, 256, 322. A distaff and other belongings of the saint are 

Ainos 581 

xvi. Ainos (Thrace), Tekke of Yunuz* Baba 
A cruciform domed building, apparently of Christian origin, 
on the outskirts of Ainos is called by the Turks the tekke of 
Yunuz Baba and by the Christians the church of S. Euplous. 1 
Thrace was notoriously a stronghold of Bektashism down to the 
fall of the Janissaries (1826) and Ainos was a garrisoned fortress. 
Baba is the usual saint's title and Yunuz (' Jonas ') a favourite 
name among the Bektashi, perhaps on account of the famous 
Bektashi saint Emrem Yunuz. z 

S. Euplous, a Sicilian saint, though his memory is venerated 
by the Orthodox (i I Aug.) is a most unusual patron for a Greek 
church. We may possibly explain his presence at Ainos by the 
assumption that he is a derivative of Yunuz Baba. The (verbal) 
connexion of the name of S. Euplous with the sea is obvious, 
and Yunuz (Jonas) is equally easily so connected. 3 

In the western section of Turkey in Europe, which 
includes Albania, the great stronghold of Bektashism 
to-day, many ambiguous sanctuaries besides those here 
set down probably await discovery, since the Moslems 
of Albania represent to a very large extent Christian 
populations converted, some only nominally, at various 
dates. 4 They are generally considered lax Moham- 
medans, and share much of the superstition of their 
Christian compatriots. The Tosks are largely Shia. 5 

also shown ; such relics are comparatively rare in Orthodoxy, exceed- 
ingly common in popular Islam. 

1 Lambakis, in AeXrlov Xpicrr. *Apx<uoX. * Eraipeias , H, 28. 

2 It may be more than a coincidence that a Pasha named Yunuz 
conquered the town of Ainos for Mohammed II, but did not die there 
(Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. iii, 28). Here is quite sufficient 
foundation for a dervish legend of a ghazi saint. 

3 Cf. the case of Yunuz Baba at Constantinople, who is also called 
' Deniz Abdal ', * the fool (-saint) of the sea ', and is believed to have 
walked on the sea (Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de Constantinople, 

P- 135). 

4 For the conversion of Albania see above, p. 439. 

5 Ibrahim Manzour, Memoires, p. xvii. A false prophet, claiming 
to be an incarnation of Ali, appeared in Albania in 1607 (Ambassade de 
J. de Gontaut-Biron, Paris, 1889, p. 138). 

582 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda 

For Albanian Christians the material inducements to 
become at least nominally Mussulmans have always 
been great* A more promising field for Bektashi pro- 
paganda could hardly be found. 

The following ambiguous sanctuaries may be cited 
from the western area, all demonstrably depending on 
the propaganda of the Bektashi. The historical back- 
ground of their development will be discussed later. 

xvii. Tekke of Turbe All Sultan, Rini, near 
Felestino I (Thessaly) 

This, the last remaining Bektashi convent in * old * Greece, is 
visited by Christians as a sanctuary of S. George, and a f tra- 
dition ? is current that it occupies the site of a Christian monas- 
tery dedicated to that saint. There is no trace of previous 
Christian occupation.- 

xviii. Tekke of Sersem Ali, Kalkandelen 
The Bektashi saint supposed to be buried here is identified 
by local Christians with S. Elias, apparently on no other grounds 
than the similarity between the names AH and EliasJ> The 
history of the foundation will be discussed below. 

xix. Tekke of Karaja Ahmed, near Uskub 
This (Bektashi) tekke, near the present station of Alexandrovo 
(between Uskub and Kumanovo), has been described at some 
length by Evans, who notes that it was in Turkish times fre- 
quented by Christians on S. George's day. 4 The identification 
of Karaja Ahmed 5 with S. George has taken such hold on the 
Christian population that since the Balkan war and the Serbian 
conquest of the district the sanctuary has been formally claimed 
for Christianity by the erection of a cross, though the dervish in 
charge has not been evicted. 6 

1 South of the station Aivali, between Velestino and Pharsala : see 
above, p. 531. * F. W. H. 3 F. W. H. 

4 J.H.S. xxi, 202 ff. ; cf. Archaeologia, xlix, 1 10: cf. above, pp. 274-7. 

5 Karaja Ahmed is a regular Bektashi ' intrusion 9 figure of the same 
type as Sari Saltik : see above, p. 405. 

6 From a local Mohammedan informant (1914). 

S. Naum and S. Spyridon 583 

xx. Monastery of S. Naum on Lake Okhrida 

This monastery, containing the tomb of the saint, one of the 
seven apostles of the Slavs, is known to local Moslems generally 
as Sari Saltik, with whom the Christian saint is identified ; l 
the Bektashi of the adjoining (Koritza) district make pilgrimage 
to the tomb. Already in the twenties of the last century Walsh 
remarks that ' the Turks claim S. Naoum as a holy man of their 
religion V and von Hahn in the 'sixties found a prayer-carpet 
kept at the tomb for the benefit of Moslem pilgrims : 3 this 
carpet, not being a necessary, or even a usual, feature of a 
Moslem cult, was probably considered, or on its way to be con- 
sidered, a personal relic of the saint. While I was at S. Naum 
(1914), the Greek abbot, to whom I am indebted for informa- 
tion on the relations of the Bektashi with the monastery, told 
me that he had received a visit from the abbot of one of the 
Bektashi tekkes at Koritza, who told him that Sari Saltik, on a 
visit to the monastery, had, with the Christian abbot, miracu- 
lously crossed the lake to Okhrida on a straw-mat (i/jdOa). Such 
miraculous journeys, generally made on prayer-rugs, are a regu- 
lar motif of dervish stories. 4 The introduction of Okhrida may 
indicate the beginning of an adoption by the Bektashi of the 
church and tomb of S. Clement in the latter town. 

xxi. S. Spyridon, Corfu 

S. Spyridon, as we have said, is one of the Christian saints 
identified by the Bektashi with their own apostle Sari Saltik ; * 
this explains the introduction of Corfu, where S. Spyridon's 
body is preserved in the cathedral, into the Kruya cycle of Sari 

1 According to one Bektashi tradition, Sari Saltik settled at the 
monastery, converted, and eventually succeeded to, the Christian abbot. 
This is a mild edition of the earlier episode at Danzig (above, p. 429). 

3 Constantinople, ii, 376 ; cf.TL. Spencer, Travels, ii, 76. 

3 Drin und Wardar^ p. 108. 

4 The incident occurs in the * first edition ' of the Sari Saltik legend, 
where the saint and his companions cross in this way to Europe, and in 
a version of the Kruya-Corfu cycle told me by the sheikh at the tekke 
of Turbe Ali ; in this latter story the dervish's habit (pdaokbirka) 
was the vehicle. For the theme in Christian and other hagiologies see 
Saintyves, Saints Successors des Dieux^ p. 254, and above, pp. 285-7. 

5 See above, p. 436, n. 4. 

584 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda 

Saltik's adventures. 1 Albanian Bektashi are said to make pil- 
grimage to the saint in Corfu. a 

xxii. Athens, Tekke at Entrance to Acropolis 
A tekke immediately above the Odeum of Herodes is shewn 
in several early prints and existed down to the War of Inde- 
pendence : the dervish order to which it belonged is nowhere 
stated, but it seems probable that tekkes in this and similar 
positions with regard to garrisoned fortresses served as chapels 
or * lodges ' for the Janissaries during the connexion of the 
latter body with the Bektashi. 

Pittakys in 1835 writes of the tekke in question : * les habi- 
tants rapportent que la ou avant la revolution grecque etait 
une mosquee (re/ccs) existait auparavant une eglise consacree 
aux saints Anargyri '.3 A tekke containing two saints 5 graves, 
if it had a reputation for miracles of healing, might easily be 
identified by the Orthodox with a sanctuary of the doctor- 
saints, Cosmas and Damian, whether or not the site had 
originally been consecrated to them. 

An analysis of these twelve ambiguous sanctuaries in 
Europe gives the following results : 

1. Connexion with the Bektashi is established in 
nine cases (xi, xii, xiii, xvii, xviii, xix, xx, xxi, xxii). 

2. Bektashi sanctuaries are made accessible to Chris- 
tians by ' identification ' in six cases (xiii, xiv, xvi, xvii, 
xviii, xix). 

3. Christian sanctuaries are made accessible to Bek- 

1 See above, pp. 435 if. 

2 I am told by an English Corfiote of the older generation, Mr. Weale, 
that in his childhood many Albanian Moslems visited the cathedral 
at S. Spyridon's two festivals, and paid their respects to the saint's 
remains : they often brought with them offerings of candles and even 
of livestock. This has been abundantly confirmed by my own inquiries 
at Corfu. Lafont (Trois Mots en Albanie, p. 50) heard it said by some 
that the body was a woman's : this may be a faint echo of the tales in 
which bodies of Christians and Moslems are interchanged in their 
graves, for which see further above, pp. 446 ff . 

3 UAncienne Aihenes^ p. 224. Stuart and Revett seem also to have 
thought that a church had occupied the site. 

"Theory of Bektasbi Propaganda 585 

tashi by ' identification 9 in four, possibly five, cases (xi, 
xii, xv (?), xx, xxi). 

It will be noted that the mental attitude of Bektashi 
and Christians with regard to these ambiguous sanc- 
tuaries is somewhat different. The educated Bektashi, 
to whom the ideas of pantheism and metempsychosis 
are familiar, find it easy and natural to identify the 
Christian saints with their own ; for simpler souls, if 
indeed the efficacy of the miracles does not suffice them, 
fables like the ' disguise ' of Sari Saltik in the robes of 
* Svity Nikola ? x may be used to bridge the gap. Chris- 
tians, having before them numerous examples of churches 
usurped by the Moslem conqueror, accept rather the 
assumption that the Bektashi sanctuary occupies a site 
already consecrated by Christian tradition, though their 
act of worship is made in the actual tomb-chamber of 
the Moslem saint and conforms to the custom of the 
Moslem sanctuary. This leads in some cases to the 
belief that the buried saint himself was a Christian, and 
political changes may lead to the definite and official 
transference of the tekke to Christianity. 2 In the pro- 
mulgation and acceptance of these fictitious identifi- 
cations the material interests of the parties concerned 
have evidently played an important part. The occu- 
piers of the ambiguous sanctuary, be they Christian 
or Bektashi, find their clientele, and consequently their 
revenues, increased, while the frequenters receive the 
less tangible but not less appreciated benefits of miracu- 
lous healing and intercession. 

The concessions of Bektashism to Christianity and of 
Christianity to Bektashism seem at first sight exactly 
balanced. Christian churches adopt fictitious Bektashi 
traditions and receive Bektashi pilgrims : conversely, 
Bektashi tekkes adopt fictitious Christian legends and 
receive Christian pilgrims. But the apparent equality 

1 Above, p. 429. a Cf. nos. xiv, xix, above. 

3295-2 Q 

586 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda 

is only superficial. The ultimate aim of the Bektashi 
was not to amalgamate Christianity with Bektashism on 
equal terms, but to absorb Christianity in Bektashism. 
It may well be that the partial adoption by the Bek- 
tashi of such churches as S. Naum and S. Spyridon 
really represent intermediate stages in the process of 
transition from exclusive Christian ownership to com- 
plete Bektashi occupation. In Albania we can under- 
stand that the process was arrested by the revival of the 
Orthodox Church in the eighteenth century. In Thrace 
we seem to see in Eski Baba, where a Christian church 
has become completely Bektashi, an example of successful 
transference at a more favourable date. In Anatolia it 
is at least possible that the same methods were used 
earlier still, so early and with such complete success that 
no trace of the process remains : but we have always to 
bear in mind the possibility that supposed Christian 
* traditions ' are to be accounted for by false legends, 
circulated or countenanced from interested motives by 
the dervishes in charge, or on patriotic grounds by the 
local Christians. 


The propagation of such a religion as Bektashism is 
considerably aided if it can rely on the support or con- 
nivance of the civil power, especially as it is regarded by 
orthodox Moslems as heretical. In the case of the 
western (Albanian) group of ambiguous sanctuaries 
under Bektashi influence clear traces can be detected of 
a political combination, such as we have suggested in 
explanation of the analogous religious phenomena at 
medieval Konia. The spread of Bektashism in Albania 
is generally thought to be due to the support given to 
the propagandists by AH Pasha of Yannina (d. 1822) : I 

1 Brailsford, Macedonia, pp. 233, 244. This I have found generally 
admitted by south Albanian Bektashi, some of whom also connect 

Ali Pasha and the Bektashi 587 

this idea will be found to be well grounded, and there 
are hints that Ali's relations with the Bektashi were 
paralleled by those of other Albanian and Rumeliote 
potentates. It is still strongly held in Tepelen, the 
birthplace of Ali, that his connexion with dervishes was 
an important factor of his success. 1 One tradition says 
his father was a dervish. 2 All himself believed devoutly 
in dervishes, and not without reason. It is said that, 
while still a poor and insignificant boy, he was pointed 
out by a wandering holy man, to whom he and his 
mother had, despite their poverty, offered shelter and 
hospitality, as one that had a great future. 3 This same 
holy man gave him a ' lucky 3 ring, which he wore even 
at the end of his life. 4 His superstitious belief in pro- 
phecy was enhanced by his contact with the Greek monk 
and evangelist Cosmas (afterwards canonized), who fore- 
told to him, already in 1778, that he should prevail over 
the pasha of Berat, become vizir of Epirus, fight with 
the Sultan, and go to Constantinople ' with a red 
beard * 5 all of which eventually came to pass. 

It was apparently in his later life that Ali ' got 
religion ' ; naturally it was not the strict observance of 
Sunni puritans that attracted him, but rather the 
licence and superstition of the less reputable members 
of the dervish orders, and their potential political 

Omer Vrioni of Berat and Mahmud Bey of Avlona, both contemporaries 
of Ali, with the movement. 

1 Durham, Burden of the Balkans, p. 239. 

2 For the family of Ali see Lamprides, 'AXfj Ilaaods, pp. 15 ff., who 
says his grandfather was an Anatolian dervish of Kutahia. 

3 Durham, loc. cit. A similar tale is told by Aravantinos, 'AXfj Tlaard, 
p. 422. 

4 Ibrahim Manzour, Memoir es, p. 271 (the author was a French 
renegade who spent some years (1816-19) at All's court) : a similar 
story was told to Miss Durham at Tepelen. 

5 Zotos, A^LKOV TOJV 'AyltDV^ s.v. Kocrfj,d$, p. 621 ; cf* Sathas, 
JVeocAA. 0tAoAoyi'a, p. 491. It should be noted that a very similar 
prophecy is attributed by the Bektashi to three of their own saints, 
Sheikh Mimi, Sheikh Ali, and Nasibi. 

Q 2 

588 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda 

importance. * In his younger years \ writes Hobhouse in 
1809, * AH was not a very strict Mahometan ; but he 
has lately become religious, and entertains several Der- 
vishes at his court V I was told definitely by a Bektashi 
sheikh that Ali was admitted to their order by the 
celebrated sheikh Mimi of Bokhara, who was certainly 
alive in 1807.* This is probably the change to which 
Hobhouse refers. 

Towards the end of his life the Pasha was much 
addicted to the society of dervishes, and Yannina be- 
came notorious as the haunt of the most disreputable of 
them. 3 Ibrahim Manzur enumerates no fewer than 
seven prominent sheikhs of his own time who received 
special favours from Ali, 4 being provided with endowed 
tekkes or other establishment. One of them Ali used 
regularly as his diplomatic agent ; another toured in 
Albania, collecting contributions for the order, and, 
doubtless, information for his master also. The sheikh 
of a tekke at Skutari (Constantinople) visited the court 
of Yannina regularly once a year. 5 The local (Epirote) 
Bektashi with whom I have conversed on the subject 
did not recognize the names of the sheikhs enumerated 
by Ibrahim Manzur as belonging to their sect : the one 
possible exception was Sheikh Hasan, who is probably 
identical with the Bektashi saint Hasan Baba Sheret, 
buried outside Yannina. 6 My informants were agreed 

1 Albania^ i, 124. 

- See below, p. 590. Aravantinos (*A\rj /7aaa, p. 417) says that 
Ali boasted that he was a Bektashi, but cf. below, p. 589, n. I. The 
headstone of the tomb of Ali at Yannina was formerly marked by the 
twelve-sided headdress (taj) of the order, as is shown in a drawing in 
Allom and Walsh's Constantinople. The headstone has been removed 
within living memory. 

3 Leake N. Greece, iv, 285 : * There is no place in Greece where in 
consequence of this encouragement these wandering or mendicant 
Musulman monks are so numerous as at loannina.' Ibrahim Manzur 
says the same of his own time. 4 Memoir es, p. 21 1. 5 Ibid., p. 291 . 

6 Of the others I was able to trace only Sheikh Brusalu, whose tomb 
is still to be seen in Preveza : he is regarded as an orthodox saint. 

AH Pasha and the Bektashi 589 

that their order had never possessed a tekke in Yannina 
or south of it, on account of the fanatical orthodoxy of 
local Moslems. Ali himself did not openly admit his 
connexion with the heretical sect. 1 It is, of course, 
possible that some of the apparently orthodox dervishes 
in his pay were either secret adherents of the Bektashi 
or (to use no harsher word) latitudinarian in their 
beliefs. 2 

All's connexion with the Bektashi was mainly, per- 
haps, a matter of policy, 3 but his personal religion, such 
as it was, shows the mixture of atheism tempered by 
superstition, and tolerance towards other sects, espe- 
cially Christians, which is characteristic of the lower 
forms of Bektashism. ' At the time that Christianity 
was out of favour in France/ says Leake, c he was in the 
habit of ridiculing religion and the immortality of the 
soul with his French prisoners ; and he lately remarked 
to me, speaking of Mahomet, /cat eycu ef/xac TTpo^ijrr)^ crra 
'Iwavviva and I too am a prophet at loannina. 9 4 But with 
all this he had a deep-rooted belief in charms, magic,and 
prophecy. As regards his tolerant attitude towards 
Christians he may have been influenced by the prophecy 

1 Ibrahim Manzour, Memoires, p. xix, but cf. Aravantinos, above, 
p. 588, n. 2 : one of Ali's sons, Mukhtar Pasha, openly avowed 
himself Shia ; Selim, another son by a slave wife, is said to have become 
a dervish sheikh (North, Essay on Ancient and Modern Greeks, p. 191). 

* The distinctions between the Bektashi and other orders are not 
rigid. I have heard of two recent cases of the conversion of sheikhs of 
other orders to Bektashism. 

3 Leake, N. Greece, iv, 285 : ' Although no practical encourager of 
liberty and equality, he finds the religious doctrines of the Bektashi 
exactly suited to him/ . . . ' Aly takes from every body and gives only 
to the dervishes, whom he undoubtedly finds politically useful/ cf. 
ibid, i, 407. Pouqueville (Hist. Regener. Grece, i, 59) gives a still more 
cynical account as follows : * Musulman avec les Turcs, il caressait les 
plus fanatiques . . . pantheiste avec les bektadgis, il professait le materia- 
lisme quand il etait dans leur compagnie ; et chretien lorsq'il s'enivrait 
avec les Grecs, il buvait a la sante de la bonne Vierge : 9 cf. also i, 273. 

4 N. Greece, iv, 285. 

590 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda 

of Cosmas, whose memory he perpetuated by the erec- 
tion of a monastery to enshrine his remains. 1 His Greek 
wife was allowed an Orthodox chapel in his palace at 
Yannina, 2 and many Christian churches were built by 
his permission, 3 a concession exceptional, if not illegal, 
in his time : on the other hand, he is said never to have 
built a mosque. 4 In his courts Christians were rather 
favoured than otherwise. 5 Here, as in his alliance with 
the Bektashi, which was of the nature of a compact in 
the interest of both parties, we must not lose sight of the 
political motive : to conciliate the Christians was to 
bid for the support of an important minority which 
might otherwise give trouble. 

So much for All's connexion with the Bektashi and 
the activities of the latter in Yannina itself. Leake, who 
already recognized the Pasha's predilection for the Bek- 
tashi, noted in Thessaly, then one of his dependencies, 
tekkes at Trikkala and at Aidinli (near Agia) built at his 
expense. 6 Kruya, which was in the pashalik of Sku- 
tari and is now the great stronghold of Bektashism in 
northern Albania, was for some years the residence of 
Sheikh Mimi, who had admitted Ali to the order. 
Mimi's missionary work at Kruya was conspicuously 
successful. He founded a tekke there in 1807, appa- 
rently beside an existing (or reputed) saint's grave, but 
eventually fell a victim to his intrigues against the civil 
governor. 7 It is possibly in connexion with this incident 
that the Pasha of Skutari banished from his capital all 
Bektashi dervishes as emissaries of Ali. 8 

We have thus direct evidence of All's connexion and 

1 Zotos, loc. cit. 2 Beauchamp, Fie d* Ali Pacha, p. 182. 

3 Juchereau, Empire Ottoman, iii, 65. 

4 Miller, Ottoman Empire, p. 64, but the statement needs modifica- 
tion ; cf. Holland, Travels, i, 412 ; Leake, N. Greece, i, 152. 

5 Beauchamp, loc. cit. 6 Above, p. 534. 

7 Degrand, Haute Albanie, p. 209: cf. 245. Sec above, p. 550. 

8 Ippen, Skutari, p. 36. 

Ali Pasha and the Bektashi 591 

collaboration with the Bektashi in Thessaly, which 
formed part of his satrapy, and in the province of 
Skutari outside it. It thus seems probable that the 
same combination was responsible for much of the 
recent conversion of the southern (Tosk) Albanians in 
the districts north of Yannina (Argyrokastro, Premet, 
Konitza, Leskovik, Kolonia, Koritza), which are at the 
present day strongly Bektashi. 1 Patsch, speaking of the 
district of Berat, remarks significantly that all Tosk and 
Lap Albanians who first converted under AH Pasha, 
though they outwardly conform, are in fact but indif- 
ferent Mussulmans, caring little for mosques or prayers. 2 

The claims of the Bektashi to the Christian saint 
Naum, buried near Koritza, may possibly be traced to 
the period and influences of All's supremacy. The 
monastery of S. Naum was rebuilt in i8o6, 3 and Leake, 
who visited it in 1809, remarks the special favour shown 
to it by AH. 4 Von Hahn was told in the sixties that the 
fame of the monastery was relatively recent, and that 
it was under the official protection of a local Moslem 
(Bektashi ?) family : 5 the reverence shown by the Turks 
for S. Naum is mentioned about the time of Ali's death 
by Walsh. 6 

As to the Sari Saltik-S. Spyridon equation, it occurs 
first in the Kruya cycle of the Sari Saltik legend, the 
whole of which is foreign to the earlier version given 
by Evliya : the adventures of the saint at Kruya may 
well have been adapted from the original legend for 
local consumption by Ali's agent there, the missionary 
Sheikh Mimi. One of All's great political ambitions was 
to add the Ionian islands to his dominions, and especially 
S. Mavra and Corfu, as being opposite respectively to 

1 This is admitted both by Christians and Bektashi. 

2 Berat> p. 53. 

3 H. Gelzer, in Ath. Mitth. xxvii, 440. 4 N. Greece, iv, 149. 

5 Drin and Wardar^ p. 108. 

6 Constantinople^ ii, 376 (quoted above). 

5 92 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda 

Preveza and Sayada and SS. Quaranta, the ports of his 
capital Yannina. 1 S. Mavra he nearly succeeded in 
taking : * Corfu had been prophetically promised him 
by a dervish named Sheikh Ali (d. 1817) in whom he 
implicitly believed. 3 The alleged tomb of Sari Saltik 
would form in Corfu just such a religious bait to his 
followers as had been provided by the earlier version of 
the legend at certain points in Christian Europe. 4 

The tekke at Kalkandelen 5 offers a similar example of 
retrospective legend. It was built, according to in- 
formation collected on the spot, by a certain Riza Pasha 
at the instance of a Bektashi dervish named Muharrebe 
Baba, to whom was revealed at Constantinople (presum- 
ably by a vision) the site of the grave of a great Bektashi 
saint, Sersem Ali, at Kalkandelen. The tekke at Kalkan- 
delen now contains amongst others the graves of Sersem 
Ali and of the two founders, Muharrebe Baba and Riza 
Pasha. Sersem Ali is supposed to have died in the 
middle of the sixteenth century, 6 and has, beyond this 
reputed grave, no connexion with Albania. Riza Pasha's 
tomb is dated A. H. 1238 ( = A. D. 1822-3). It thus seems 
fairly clear that the tomb of Sersem Ali is not authentic, 
and that the dervish's ' vision ' was part of the Bektashi 
propaganda in Albania. To judge by the date of Riza 
Pasha's death (the same as that of Ali) the tekke may 
well belong to the series dating from the period of Ali's 

Both at Kruya and at Kalkandelen fabricated evidence 
of earlier Bektashi occupation seems to have been made 
the pretext or justification for the founding of Bektashi 

1 Beauchamp, Vie Ali Pacha, pp. 163, 194 : Holland, Travels, 
i> 45, 450, &c. 

2 Leake, N. Greece, iii, 13. In Leake's time the fort, still called 
Tekke, on the mainland opposite S. Mavra was actually a dervish 

3 Ibrahim Manzour, op. cit., p. 234. Sheikh Ali is claimed by the 
Bektashi. 4 Cf. above, p. 433. 

5 Above, no. xviii. 6 Jacob, Bektaschijje, p. 27. 

Hasan Pehlivan and Pasvanoglu 593 

tekkes, in the former case by a known emissary of Ali 
Pasha, in the latter probably independently of his in- 
fluence. Kalkandelen seems at this period to have been 
subject with Uskub to hereditary pashas of old standing, 1 
of whom Riza was probably one. 

Other local pashas in Rumeli were manifestly in touch 
with the Bektashi movement at about the same date. 
Hasan Pehlivan Baba, pasha of Rustchuk, founded the 
tekke of Demir Baba, a saint supposed to have lived 
' four hundred years ago V This tekke seems certainly 
to have been Bektashi, as it suffered under Mahmud 11,3 
the notorious persecutor of the sect ; the pasha himself 
appears to have been loyal to the Sultan, though his 
title of c Baba ' seems to indicate that he held a high 
position in the Bektashi hierarchy. Another contem- 
porary governor who may reasonably be suspected of 
Bektashi leanings is the notorious Pasvanoglu, whose 
successful rebellion (1799) against Selim III brought 
him the pashalik of Vidin. 4 He seems to have been a 
strong partisan of the Janissaries (who were backed by 
the Bektashi) and of the ancien regime J> and his fief of 
Kirja or Kirja Ali, whence his ferocious irregulars, the 
4 Kirjali 5 were recruited, 6 has been in its time an im- 
portant Bektashi centre as containing the tomb of the 
saint Said Ali. 7 

1 Grisebach, Reise dnrcb Rumelien (1839), "> 2 3 ^* 

2 Jirecek, Eulgarien^ p. 411 ; cf. Kanitz, Bulgarie, p. 535, for a 
description and legends of the tekke. Pehlivan Baba is mentioned in 
contemporary history (Jorga, Gescb. d. Osman. Reiches, v, 190, &c.) 
and in legend becomes inextricably involved in the fantastic adventures 
of the saint of the tekke : see above, pp. 296 f. 3 Kanitz, loc. cit. 

4 On Pasvanoglu see Ranke, Servia, p. 487 ; Jorga, op. cit. v, 119, &c. 

5 For the politico-religious combinations of this period see below, 
pp. 618 ff. 

6 Most contemporary travellers in Rumeli mention the devastations 
of the ' Kirjali ' bands in the district of Adrianople and elsewhere. 

7 F. W. H. It would not be surprising to hear that the tomb of Said 
Ali was 4 discovered ' by a dervish in Pasvanoglu's time. 

594 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektasbi Propaganda 

In the present connexion the relations of Pasvanoglu 
with the Greek patriot Rhigas of Pherae (1757-98) 
have a special interest. 1 Rhigas, inspired by the ideas 
of the French revolution, was one of the prime movers 
in a comprehensive conspiracy based on a combination 
of the ' liberal 9 (or discontented) elements in the Tur- 
kish empire. This conspiracy, which was encouraged by 
Napoleon, aimed not only at the liberation of the Greeks 
as such, but at the general emancipation of the sultan's 
subjects, irrespective of creed or race, from the yoke of 
a tyrant. 

Before this ambitious scheme was inaugurated, while 
Rhigas was in the service of the hospodar Mavroyenis, 
it so happened that he received orders to arrest and 
hand over to his master Pasvanoglu, the future tyrant 
of Vidin. Rhigas carried out the first part of his in- 
structions but befriended his prisoner and released him 
secretly, providing him with a disguise. After the 
death of Mavroyenis (1790), Rhigas made use of this 
incident to persuade Pasvanoglu into his conspiracy. 
His arguments, as recorded by his friend Perrhaibos, 
show the widest toleration in matters of religion. He 
insists on the Brotherhood of all men, irrespective of 
creed ; it is impertinence for either Mussulman or 
Christian to insist on the superiority of his own creed, 
since no man is competent to decide such high matters 
and all men have one Creator and Father. 3 This is of 
course Bektashi doctrine and could make no appeal to 
an orthodox Mussulman. 

Rhigas seems further to have had secret relations 
with the Albanian beys, including AH Pasha, who, like 

1 The chief source for the life of Rhigas seems to be the Bioypacfria 
by his contemporary and friend Perrhaibos. A summary of his life 
is given by Sathas, ]VWAA. $iAoAoyia, pp. 529 ff : see also the recent 
pamphlet of Lambros, * ATTOKaXvtycis irepl rov p,aprvpiov rov 

cf. also his *AveK?>ora "Eyypa<f>a rrepi 'Ptfya. 

2 Quoted from Perrhaibos by Sathas, p. 531. 

Rhigas and the Bektashi 595 

Pasvanoglu, made considerable, though unsuccessful, 
efforts to rescue him during his captivity (1798). When 
we hear that Rhigas carried on his intrigues in Rumeli 
disguised as a dervish, 1 we suspect some combination 
with the Bektashi group. Either (which is not impos- 
sible a ) Rhigas was himself affiliated to the sect and 
bound by a vow to help a brother Bektashi in trouble, 
which would explain his early intervention on Pasvano- 
glu's behalf, 3 or at least his conspiracy had some such 
secret relations with the Bektashi organization as seem 
recently to have existed between the latter and the 
Young Turkish party. 

Turning back to the Asiatic side of the Aegean, we 
find no clear evidence of similar combinations between 
dervish orders and local beys, though they may be sus- 
pected. In western Asia Minor, as in European Turkey, 
the concentration of power in the hands of a few leading 
families at the end of the eighteenth century has long 
been remarked. The chief of these families were the 
Karaosmanoglu, the Ellezoglu, and the Chapanoglu. 
The dominions of the Karaosmanoglu 4 included a large 
portion of the present Aidin (Smyrna) vilayet, their 
capital being at Magnesia, which is only second to 
Konia as a centre of the Mevlevi order of dervishes ; 5 
the territory of the Ellezoglu marched with theirs on 
the south, occupying the present sanjak of Mentesh 

1 A. Kalevras, 'jBTncrroAat, p. 8 : o 'P^ya? . . . TTepiijXOev a>? 
arravra^ov rfjs TovpKLas VTTO TO Trpocr^Tj/za SiSaovcaAou TTJ? 


cri /zero, rov NoTToXeovros Iva vTrocrrrjpi^r) avrovs ets* 
zTravdaracnv rov SovXrav ZeA^/r^ Kal avao^L^ avrovs piKpovs 
Tjyc/xova? dve^apTTjToi;?. z Cf. above, p. 594* 

3 The attempts of Ali, a known Bektashi, and Pasvanoglu to rescue 
Rhigas may be assigned to the same cause. On the other hand, both 
may have feared detrimental revelations at his examination. 

4 For their rise, see below, pp. 597 ff. 

5 Garnett, Women of Turkey > ii, 438. Magnesia was also a Bektashi 
stronghold down to 1826. 

596 Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektasbi Propaganda 

down to Budrum (Halicarnassus) ; x while the Chapan- 
oglu, farther east, with their capital at Yuzgat, governed 
an extensive territory, inhabited largely by semi-nomad 
Turkoman tribes, and including the central tekke of the 
Bektashi, in the vilayets of Sivas and Angora. The 
relations of these semi-independent feudatories were 
harmonious and their rule strict but enlightened, notably 
in the treatment of Christians, who throve conspicuously 
under all three dynasties. 3 The power of the three 
governing families was broken by the centralizing policy 
of Mahmud II, in spite of their proved loyalty, 3 to the 
great detriment of the country. 

It is tempting to suppose that at the back of this 
harmonious, tolerant, and (for Turkey) stable baronial 
government, developed simultaneously over large dis- 
tricts of Asia Minor, lay a secret religious organization 4 
with liberal principles such as those of the Mevlevi, or 
such as Bektashism might have become under more intel- 
ligent and far-sighted rulers than AH Pasha of Yannina. 

1 Spectateur Oriental, no. 297 (8 Dec. 1827) : cf. Forbin, Travels, 
pp. 20-1. 

2 This is a commonplace in the case of the Karaosmanoglu (see 
especially Keppel, Journey across the Balcan, ii, 323). For the treat- 
ment of Christians by the Ellezoglu see Cockerell, 1 ravels, p. 162 ; 
W. Turner, Tour in the Levant, iii, 10 ; Tschihatscheff's Reisen, ed. 
Kiepert, p. 23 ; for the similar tendencies of Turkish beys of the Mylasa 
district, see Koutoulis, in Sevo^dvrjs, iii, 452 : Turner, op. cit. iii, 67. 
For the condition of Christians under the Chapanoglu see Perrot, Sou- 
venirs, p. 386 : the best account of them is in Kinneir's^^n//?); through 
Asia Minor (pp. 85 ff.). 

3 It is noteworthy that in 1808, when Mahmud II came to the throne 
by the deposition of Mustafa IV (a creature of the Janissary-Bektashi 
combination), he had the support of the Karaosmanoglu and the 
Chapanoglu (Times, Nov. 15, 1808 ; cf. Juchereau, Hist. Emp. Ott. 
ii, 247). 

4 Such a combination certainly existed among the Turkomans of 
the Angora district in the fourteenth century (Karabashek, in Num. 

it. 1877, p. 213 ; cf. Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 214). 


6 We Moslem little reck of blood 

But yet the line of Karasman 
Unchanged, unchangeable hath stood 
First of the bold Timariot bands 
That won and well can keep their lands.' 

BYRON, Bride of Abydos (1813), vii. 


THE Karaosmanoglu dynasty, which during the 
eighteenth century and part of the nineteenth 
ruled the province of Sarukhan (Magnesia) in Asia 
Minor, stands almost alone in Turkish history as an 
example of a family which not only won and retained 
a wide local supremacy, but was conspicuous for family 
solidarity and wise administration throughout its tenure 
of power. Of the numerous pretenders to independence 
who disputed the sultans 5 sway during the centuries in 
question, few were able to make their claims hereditary, 
and none could justly boast, as could the Karaosmano- 
glu, that their administration had raised their dominions 
from poverty and disorder to a degree of prosperity 
unknown probably since the Roman empire. 

The history, real and mythical, of this great Turkish 
family affords an interesting illustration of the growth 
of folk-traditon and its relation to historical fact, since 
we have here the rare advantage of being able to com- 
pare and contrast fact and fiction, and even to trace the 
growth of the myth. Less than a hundred and fifty 
years from the rise of the family, which is not extinct at 
the present day, its real origin is completely obscured ; 
its actual history is supplanted by a purely legendary 
set of incidents and associations by which the family 
gains in prestige no less than in antiquity. 
1 Reprinted from B.S.A. xix, 198 ff. 

598 The Rise of the Karaosmanoglu 

. 2 

Historically the foundations of the Karaosmanoglu 
fortunes were laid about the close of the seventeenth 
century by successful brigandage on a large scale. Hey- 
mann, a pastor of the Dutch community at Smyrna, 
visited Aidin probably in 1707 r and there found the 
original Karaosmanoglu established as governor of the 
province. ' This Pacha ', he says, * is called Osman 
Ouglou y and is the same who some years since made all 
Natolia tremble, as captain of a corps of Banditti, con- 
sisting of four thousand horsemen, with which he over- 
run the country, raising contributions from persons of 
fortune, and committing all manner of violences. The 
Grand Signior, however, at length, pardoned him, 
possibly more out of fear, than any other motive, and 
conferred on him this post which is very considerable.' 2 
The same story with minor variations and a slightly 
more heroic setting is told by Choiseul-Gouffier. ' About 
sixty years ago ' Kara Osman, a private soldier in the 
service of a local agha, formed an army and a party, 
seized Pergamon, and eventually the whole province. 
Despite his success he was executed by the Sultan, but 
his wealth was so used by his sons as to assure the per- 
manence of the dynasty, and his brother bought the 
aghalik of Pergamon. 3 

The local variation in these two stories need not 
surprise us. Every brigand on a large scale in this 
district made it his aim to c hold up ' the two great 

1 For the difficulty of dating exactly incidents mentioned in Hey- 
mann's travels owing to the fusion of two later travellers 5 accounts with 
his own, see the note in Vivien de S. Martin's bibliography of Asia Minor, 
no. 91 (in Asie Mineure, ii) and Jocher's Gelehrtenlexikon, Fortsetz. s. v. 
He appears from G. Cuper's Lettres to have been pastor at Smyrna by 
1706 (p. 362) and as late as 1717 (p. 398) : he was at Damascus in 1708 
(p. 194). 

2 Egmont and Heymann, Travels (London, 1759), i> 132 : the passage 
is quoted in full by Arundell, Asia Minor, ii, 220. 

3 Voyage Pittoresque, ii (1809), p. 37 : he travelled in 1776. 

Brigandage 5 99 

caravan-routes leading to Smyrna the valleys of the 
Hermus and the Maeander using as his base (and if 
necessary his refuge) the mountains between them. It 
is with the Hermus valley that the Karaosmanoglu were 
chiefly associated, Magnesia being their capital and Per- 
gamon the second town of their district. The discrep- 
ancy as to the fate of the first Karaosmanolgu is possibly 
due to a confusion on the part of Choiseul-Gouffier, 
or his informant, between the rebellion of Karaosman- 
oglu and that of Gedik Mohammed Pasha in I689- 1 

The discrepancy in date is hardly more serious, since 
neither authority is at all precise.* In any case we can 
place the rise of the first Karaosmanoglu pretty certainly 
about 1697. Edmund Chishull, travelling through 
Magnesia in 1699, mentions prisoners sent into that 
town by ' Osmanogli ' as a matter of course, 3 implying 
that he had been established in the district (at Per- 
gamon ?) 4 for some time. Contemporary newsletters 
from Turkey speak of a serious rebellion in Asia Minor 
during 1696 and 1697, when the war on the European 
frontier made it impossible for the Porte to detach 
troops to Asia Minor. In the latter year the troubles 
were to some extent appeased by giving the leader of 
the rebels, who is never mentioned by name, a com- 
mand at the front. 5 The war ended with the peace of 

1 For this see Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xii, 274-6 ; Rycaut, 
Hist, of the Turks, s.a. 1689, iii, 333 ff. ; Pococke, Descr. of the East, II, 

2 Egmont's book, which did not appear till 1757, may be Choiseul- 
Gouffier's source. 3 Travels, p. 9. 

4 The inhabitants of Pergamon were notorious for brigandage and 
the town was fast declining when Rycaut visited the place (Greek and 
Armenian Churches, p. 65). To employ an old brigand as policeman is 
no strange thing even in modern Turkey. 

5 Mercure Historique, 16972, p. 264 : the troubles in Asia Minor are 
mentioned in various letters between June 1696 and July 1697. Cf. 
also Rycaut's Hist, of the Turks, iii, 548 f. ; Hammer-Hellert, xii, 397 
(rebellion quelled in 1695). 

600 The Rise of the Karaosmanoglu 

Carlowitz in 1699, the year in which Chishull at Mag- 
nesia speaks of * Osmanogli '. 


In 1671, probably before the name of Karaosmanoglu 
had been heard of, Thomas Smith, then chaplain at 
Constantinople, made the tour of the Seven Churches. 
In a bath-house at Pergamon he saw a large marble vase 
decorated with a frieze of horsemen in relief. 1 This 
vase was eventually (1837) acquired by the French 
government 2 and is now in the Louvre. 3 A few years 
before its transference (1828) it was seen, still in the 
bath-house, by MacFarlane, who was told the following 
story by the owner of the bath : 

' The tradition in my family states, that our ancestor, to 
whom we are indebted for this vase, found five others with it : 
each contained a quantity of coins in gold and silver, amounting 
together to an immense sum. According to our laws, all hidden 
treasures thus found in the earth, belong of right to the Sultan, 
and consequently my ancestor, like an honest man and a good 
Osmanli, remitted into the hands of government an exact ac- 
count of all that he had so discovered. Instructions came from 
Stambool, that he was to deliver up five of the vases, and keep 
the sixth for himself; and as in the donation of the sixth vase, 
no mention had been made of the coins, he took also those of the 
sixth and added them to the rest. The sultan, who intended he 
should keep the treasure with the vase, was so pleased at this, 
that he gave my ancestor a small estate, and the office, to be 
transmitted moreover to his successors, of collecting the govern- 
ment tithe on the grain growth in a neighbouring district. Now 
if I were to make away with this vase, it would be destroying 
a bond by which I hold my little estate and privileges. 5 4 

1 Septem Ecclesiarum Notitia, p. 15. The vase seems to have been 
discovered a year earlier by Rycaut (cf. Spon's Voyage, i, 261) ; for the 
date of Rycaut's journey see my footnote in B.S.d. xii, 210. 

2 Texier, Asie Mineure, ii, 232. 

3 Reinach, Repertoire de la Statuaire, i, 78 : Cat. Som. des Marbres, 

4 C. MacFarlane, Constantinople in 1828,1, 311. Turner (Tour in 

Pergamene Vases 60 1 

This tale is already suspiciously like folk-lore in some 
details. The Pergamon vase, for instance, which mea- 
sures I -67 m. in diameter, is hardly a likely receptacle 
for buried treasure, though no treasure story is too 
extravagant to gain credence in the Levant. The just 
prince and the virtuous subject are also, unhappily, 
commoner figures in myth than in real life. 

The final edition of the story, told, and half believed, 
by Texier on the authority of the owner of the bath, 
has advanced much farther on the same road. It not 
only supplies the name of the sultan concerned, but 
explains the origin of the greatness of the Karaosmanoglu 
by means of the treasure. 

* The prince of Karassi, whose seat was at Pergamon/ runs 
Texier's version, * had been killed and dispossessed of Pergamon 
by Sultan Orkhan [132660], but at this period the Ottoman 
Sultans could not easily annihilate the great feudatories of the 
growing empire. One of the descendants of Karassi, named 
Kara Osman, was living in retirement on a fief in the neighbour- 
hood of Pergamon (where his family had still partisans) when 
he discovered three marble vases of colossal dimensions, filled, 
the story goes, with gold pieces. Murad I [1360-89] was then 
on the throne. Kara Osman sent the two largest vases to the 
Sultan, who gave him in return the fief of Pergamon. This is 
the origin of the Karaosmanoglou who down to recent times 
governed the pashaliks of Pergamon and Guzel-hisar. The 
two vases of the Sultan were without ornament : they were de- 
posited in the mosque of S. Sophia at Constantinople where I 
have seen them. . . . Their height is a little above i8o m. The 
third vase, being ornamented with human figures and animals 
which are forbidden to Islam, could not be put to a religious 
use. Kara Osman gave it to one of his most faithful servants 

the Levant^ iii, 277) was told that seven vases full of money had been 
found : the sultan took six and left the seventh to the owner of the 
bath as an heirloom. For the theme cf. Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folk- 
lore de Constantinople, p. 182, where three marble vases of treasure are 
said to have been found at Constantinople in the early nineteenth 
century ; the sultan took two, the finder the third ; all are in the 
mosque built by the finder. 

3295.2 R 

602 The Rise of the Karaosmanoglu 

with the bath in which it was placed, and it was for his descen- 
dants a title of possession. 5 x 

This final version shows the illogical syncretism of 
folk- tradition at work : it connects, without prejudice 
to the owner of the bath, the remarkable local family 
with the remarkable vase at Pergamon and with the two 
remarkable, but quite dissimilar, vases at S. Sophia. 

In actual fact, however, the Pergamon vase is un- 
doubtedly Hellenistic ; the S. Sophia vases have been 
declared Byzantine by Lethaby 2 and are said by Hafiz 
Husain 3 to have been given by Murad III (1574-95). 
The latter, like many Turkish sultans, resided at Mag- 
nesia before he came to the throne ; but the connexion 
between the Pergamon vase and the S. Sophia vases does 
not appear before Texier brought his tale to Constan- 
tinople. 4 

As to the name of the sultan, all sultans in Anatolian 

1 Asie Mineure, ii, 231. A similar story placing the discovery of the 
vases c shortly after the fall of Constantinople ' (Turkish for * a very 
long while ago ') was told of an ancestor of his own by c a distinguished 
Turk ' to von Prokesch-Osten in 1826 (Denkwiirdigkeiten, iii, 327). A 
variant as regards the vases (four found, one of which is at Pergamon, 
one in S. Sophia, one at Brusa) is given by C. B. Elliott (1838, Travels, 
ii, 128). 

3 5. Sophia, p. 84 : the vases should be compared with the jars called 
zir made at Cairo for the purposes of ablution (Migeon, Art Musulman, 
ii, 69) and furnished, like those at S. Sophia, with taps in the lower part. 
This form, used in Byzantine times, as Lethaby's parallels show, for 
ablutions and called KoAu/zjSiov (Neale, E. Church, i, 214), is quite 
different from that of the Pergamon vase, which in its method of use 
was probably analogous to the kraters on high stands seen on some 
stelae of the ' funeral banquet ' type (e.g. the Thasian stele described 
by Rodenwaldt in Jahrbuch, xxviii, pi. 26.) 

3 Jar din des Mosquees (eighteenth century), tr. Hammer-Heller t, 
Hist. Emp. Ott. xviii, i, where the word given is bassin. Paspates 
(Bv. MeAerat, p. 343), who had already the Texier tradition, translates 
irldoi. The vases at S. Sophia are first noticed, according to Lethaby, 
in 1595. 

4 It is mentioned by Paspates (loc. cit.} and Fossati (ap. Lethaby, loc. 
cit.) who repaired S. Sophia in 1847. 

Karasman 603 

tradition tend to be named Murad (except in the radius 
of Konia, where they are Ala-ed-din) on account of the 
impression made by Murad IV's (1623-40) marches 
through Asia Minor to his Persian wars. 1 In the district 
of Sarukhan the name has a double chance, since the 
two royal mosques at Magnesia were built by Murad 
III 2 and bear his name. 

Murad the first (1360-89) is probably preferred by 
Texier as the hero of the story on account of his date, 
which is not far removed from that of the extinction 
of the house of Karasi (c. 1355). The likeness between 
the name of Kara Osman and that of the princely house 
of Karaman has resulted in the false form Karasman 
(from which to Karasi is an easy step), and has deceived 
Byron and other writers into crediting the Karaosman- 
oglu family with extreme antiquity. But the founder 
of the family, as we have seen, was plain Osmanoglu 
and still alive in 1699. 

When the final version of the story comes to us the 
Karaosmanoglu were no longer a reigning house, having 
been deprived of their power by the reforming sultan 
Mahmud II : had the dynasty lasted a few years longer, 
the treasure-jars might have figured as the deposit of 
one of their ancestors in the time of the ' idolaters before 
Constantine ' or even in the still more remote period of 
the * Genoese ? . 3 

1 For him (probably) at Aleppo, cf. Cahun, Excursions sur les Bords 
tie rEupbrate y p. 147. So, too, Ibrahim Pasha has become a mytho- 
logical hero since his occupation of Cilicia in the thirties : he is now 
held responsible for ' almost every building or work of any consequence 
along the road', in the neighbourhood of the Cilician Gates (Ramsay, in 
Geog. Journ. xxii (1903), p. 371, &c.). S. Peter is the inevitable 
founder of churches (Gregorovius, Wanderjahre, v, 136). 

3 Hammer-Hellert, Hist.Emp. Ott. ii, 315 ; Cuinet, Turquie cTAsie, 

iii, 537- 

3 The c Jineviz ' (lit. c Genoese ') in Turkish folk-legend, owing pro- 
bably to their apparent connexion with the jinn, arc what the genera- 
tions before the Trojan war were to the Greeks. 

R 2 



O ceremonial of the Turkish court makes a stronger 
appeal to the imagination than the Girding of the 
Sultan at Eyyub, which takes the place of our corona- 
tion. The scene of the ceremony is for Moslems the 
holiest spot in Constantinople : the Mosque of Eyyub, 
set amongst ancient cypresses on the shore of the Golden 
Horn, marks the grave of an Arab warrior-saint, re- 
vealed, so legend says, while the army of Mohammed 
the Conqueror, not yet victorious, still camped about 
the beleaguered city. To these traditions are added 
others of a yet older past which link the history of the 
Ottomans with that of their forerunners, the Seljuks of 
Rum. From Konia, capital of Rum, comes the vener- 
ated Sheikh of the Mevlevi (' dancing ') dervishes the 
supreme head of his order, and hereditary successor of 
its founder who plays the chief part in the investiture 
of the Sultan; it is he who, before the tomb-chamber of 
the saint, girds about the new monarch the sword with 
which Osman, first of the royal line which bears his 
name, was invested by his liege-lord of Konia. Such 
are the memories the ceremony of the Girding is meant 
to keep alive. 

i. The 'Traditional Origin of the Girding Ceremony 

It is the purpose of the present paper to investigate 
the latter part of the tradition the connexion of the 
ceremony of the Girding with the Seljuk sultans of 
Rum and especially the privilege of the Konia sheikhs. 

1 This chapter appeared in an inferior form in B.S.A. xix, 208 ff. 

Traditional Origin 605 

The traditions popularly current in our own day are 
given as follows by Sir Charles Eliot : 

* When Osman was beginning his conquests, and had taken 
Broussa and other towns from the Greeks, he sent a polite em- 
bassy to Sultan Alau-'d-Din, who was then the most consider- 
able Turkish sovereign in Asia, to explain his proceedings and 
his desire to remain on good terms with the greatest chieftain 
of his race. Alau-'d-Din replied that he had no objection to 
the Osmanlis taking from the Greeks whatever they could get, 
and, as a proof of his goodwill, sent the celebrated Jelalu-'d-Din 
[Founder of the Mevlevi Order of dervishes] to give Osman a 
sword of honour, a ceremony slightly suggesting the investiture 
of a vassal. But this story presents difficulties. According to 
the ordinary chronology, Alau-'d-Din reigned from 1219 to 
1236; Jelalu-'d-Din was born in 1202 and died in 1273; 
Osman reigned from 1288 to 1328.' * 

We need not lay too much stress on the anachronisms 
implied by the association of Jelal-ed-din with Osman, 
since later Superiors of the Mevlevi order have borne 
their founder's name : the difficulty is moreover avoided 
in the Konia version of the story set down by Cuinet. 
According to this, Sultan Ala-ed-din the third of Konia 
during his lifetime chose as his successor the Ottoman 
chieftain Ertoghrul, who predeceased him. At the 
death of Ala-ed-din (1307) the then Sheikh of the Mev- 
levi wrote as his representative to Osman, the successor 
of Ertoghrul, to come and assume the government. 
Osman, being busy fighting, allowed the Sheikh to re- 
present him at Konia till a more convenient season, and 
was eventually invested by the Sheikh in the traditional 
way. 2 

This picturesque story is unfortunately quite without 
historical basis. It was evidently devised to represent 
the acquisition of Karamania by the Ottomans as a 
peaceful and legitimate succession dating back to the 
earliest period of Ottoman power, whereas in fact the 

1 Turkey in Europe, p. 183. * Cuinet, Turquie d'Asie, i, 828 f. 

606 The Girding of the Sultan 

province in question was added to their dominions 
by conquest from the Karamanoglu, successors of the 
Seljuk dynasty, under Bayezid I in 1392.* At the same 
time the part taken by the Sheikh in the story is calcu- 
lated to enhance the prestige of the Mevlevi order. 

Two historical facts have been used in the fabrication 
of the legend, (i) When Bayezid I, the actual con- 
queror of Karamania, had been officially recognized as 
sultan of Rum by the caliph, he is said to have granted 
the privilege of girding on his sword when he went to 
war to his son-in-law Sheikh Bokhara, surnamed Emir 
Sultan. 2 Emir Sultan is said to be one of the titles of 
the Sheikh of the Mevlevi. 3 (2) In 1435, when the 
vassal prince of Karamania revolted and Konia was 
taken by Murad II, the eventual agreement was signed 
on behalf of the prince, who had fled to Cilicia, by the 
then Sheikh of the Mevlevi, who bore the name of the 
founder of the Order, his ancestor, Jelal-ed-din. 4 

But popular imagination carries the tradition still 
farther. The Sheikh of the Mevlevi, who in history 
represents the Karamanian prince of Konia, becomes in 
tradition first the legitimate successor by blood of the 
Seljuk dynasty 5 and finally the real caliph ! Sir Charles 
Eliot was once told that 'when the Chelebi [i.e. the 
Sheikh of the Konia Mevlevi] proceeds to Constanti- 
nople to gird on the sword, he does not go farther than 
Scutari himself . . . because, if he were to set foot in 
Constantinople, he would, ipso facto, become Sultan 
and Caliph.' 6 The sultans of Konia had of course no 

1 Hammer-Hcllert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 308. 

2 Ibid, i, 321-3 : Hammer already connects this episode with the 
later Girding ceremony. 

3 Ibid, i, 40. 

4 Ibid, ii, 287 f. and note (491). 

5 Cuinet, loc. cit. ; Byzantios, KaivaravTwovTroXis, iii, 575, quoted 
below ; a garbled version in [Blunt] People of Turkey, ii, 267. 

6 Turkey in Europe, pp. 183 f. ; cj. Slade, Travels in Turkey, p. 376, 
quoted below, p. 615 : cf. Melek Hanum, Trente Ans dans les Harems, 

Traditional Origin 607 

pretensions to the Caliphate, but and this may be the 
exiguous foundation of the legend Ala-ed-din I in 
1219 received the title of representative of the Caliph in 
Rum. 1 

The whole of this cycle of legend is fictitious : it was 
evidently composed to increase the prestige of the Otto- 
man house in Asia Minor, where Ala-ed-din is still a 
popular hero of legend, and of the Mevlevi order in 
Constantinople. It is based first and foremost on the 
traditional right of the Mevlevi Sheikh to gird the new 
sultan with the so-called sword of Osman. Now this 
traditional right is entirely unknown to writers on Turk- 
ish history and institutions so recent and so thorough 
as d'Ohsson and von Hammer. Both these authorities 
state that the girding ceremony was performed by the 
Mufti assisted by the Chief of the Emirs or Descendants 
of the Prophet (Nakib-el-Ashraf] and the Esquire of the 
Sultan (Silihdar). Certain high officials, the two Kazi- 
askers, the Vizir, and the Agha of Janissaries, were ad- 
mitted to the almost secret ceremony. 2 When and how 
did the Sheikh of the Mevlevi acquire his privilege ? 

2. The History of the Girding Ceremony 

We must first attempt to investigate the history as 
opposed to the legend of the Girding ceremony. The 
mosque of Eyyub, where it takes place, commemorates 
the discovery of the grave of the Arab ghazi Eyyub who 
fell before the walls of Constantinople in the siege of 
670. His tomb was miraculously revealed to the sheikh 
Ak-Shems-ed-din, according to some writers actually 
during the Turkish siege of 1453 : the best authorities, 

p. 181. Stern (Die Moderne Tiirkei, p. 118) says that Abdul Hamid 
suspected the Chelebi as a possible rival and had him spied upon. 

1 Sarre, Reise in Kleinasien, p. 40. 

2 D'Ohsson, Tableau, ii, 258, 277, iii, 125 ; von Hammer, Staatsver- 
fassung, i, 484 and 486 (official account of the accession of Suleiman II 
in 1687). 

608 The Girding of the Sultan 

however, place the discovery after the siege. 1 The mos- 
>que, built by Mohammed the Conqueror, bears the 
date 1458.* According to the tradition current in 
d'Ohsson's time, Sultan Mohammed II instituted the 
ceremony of the Girding and was himself girded by 
Ak-Shems-ed-din, the discoverer of the tomb, who held 
no official position but was simply a greatly venerated 
mystic in the immediate entourage of the Conqueror. 3 
The first contemporary mention I can find of Eyyub in 
connexion with the accession of a sultan is Gerlach's 
reference to it at the time of the accession of Murad III 
(1574), who is said to have visited the mosque more 
maiorum : the Girding is not mentioned. 4 On general 
grounds it seems probable that the ceremony was a 
counterpart of the Girding of Bayezid I, i.e. that it 
commemorated the recognition of Mohammed IPs new 
position by the Caliph. For this there is a still earlier 
precedent in the girding of Melik Mensur, sultan of Egypt, 
on his accession in 1342 by the Caliph Ahmed IX.5 The 
extraordinary importance attached by Mohammedans 
generally to the capture of Constantinople, owing to 
the traditional dictum of the Prophet, is well known. 6 
Girding as a symbolic rite of investiture seems to be 
of very ancient origin in the East. The^w, or tradi- 
tional patrons, of Turkish trade-guilds are all said to 
have been appointed in this way by famous saints,? and 
till recently apprentices were girded as the outward 

1 See fully below, p. 715. 

3 Jar din des Mosquees in Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Etnp. Ott. xviii, 57. 

3 D'Ohsson, Tableau, i, 305. 4 Ap. Crusius, Turco-Graecia y p. 67. 

5 D'Ohsson, Tableau, i, 305. Similarly, Toghrul Beg, grandson of 
Seljuk, is said to have been girded with two swords by the Caliph, when 
he received from the latter the title of Emir of Emirs in recognition of 
his conquests (Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 13). Cf. the Tatar 
khans of the Crimea, who also were girt with a sword at their investiture 
(Hammer-Hellert, op, cit. xii, 145). 

6 Hammer-Hellert, op. cit. ii, 393 f. : cf. the inscription in S. Sophia's 
given in Museum Worsleyanum, ii, 50. 7 Evliya, Travels, I, ii, 94. 

The Ceremony 609 

symbol of their admission to the degree of master. 1 
Girding plays a similar part in the admission of novices 
to dervish orders. 2 

It seems at least certain that the Girding ceremony 
was by the seventeenth century a regular part of the 
sultans' investiture, and the official historians down to 
d'Ohsson and von Hammer, as we have seen, regularly 
assign its performance to the Mufti, with the assistance 
of the Nakib and the Silihdar* 

The ceremony was performed in the open air on a 
platform supported by marble pillars standing in the 
middle of the inner court between the mosque and the 
tomb of the saint. 4 The mosque and its surroundings 
were of extraordinary sanctity and till recently inacces- 
sible at any time to ' Franks '. Very few persons, even 
of the officials, are admitted to the Girding ceremony. 
As to the sword used in the ceremony, it is regularly 
spoken of as the Sword of the Prophet. 5 But among 
the official relics of the Prophet at Constantinople 6 a 

1 W. Turner, Tour in the Levant, iii, 217 ; Lane, Mod. Egyptians, 
ii, 240. 

2 Evliya, op. cit. I, ii, 104. Brides and young men are girt by their 
fathers according to Melek Hanum, T rente Ans dans les H ar 'ems d 'Orient, 
p. 271. 

3 For the Mufti as the ordinary protagonist see Sandys (1610), 
Travels, p. 29 ; Du Loir, Voyages, p. 64 ; d'Arvieux, Memoires, iv, 463 ; 
Wheler, Journey into Greece, p. 200 ; Veryard (1701), Choice Remarks, 
p. 346 ; Tournefort, Voyage, letter xi ; Pococke, Descr. of the East, 
II, ii, 128. 

4 Sandys, loc. cit. ; Du Loir, loc. cit. The Girding at the present 
day takes place in the court opposite the main door of the mosque and 
in front of the tomb-chamber. 

5 Von Hammer, Staatsverfassung, i, 484 ; Hammer-Hellert, Hist. 
Emp. Ott. xvi, 6 ; de la Mottraye, cited below, p. 6n, n. 2 ; Dallaway 
(1794-6), Constantinople, p. 118, Evliya (Travels, I, i, 120) says that 
Murad IV was girded in 1623 with two swords, those of the Prophet 
and of Sultan Selim, adding that i no monarch was ever girt in this 
manner '. 

6 These, which comprise the standard, mantle, teeth, beard, and 
footprint, are described by d'Ohsson, Tableau, i, 261 : the footprint 

6io The Girding of the Sultan 

sword is never mentioned. We may venture a guess 
that the sword at Eyyub was originally attributed to 
another Mohammed, the Conqueror himself. 1 

3. The Intrusion of the Mevlevi 

In spite of the unanimity of the historians there have 
been occasions when the Girding ceremony was not 
performed by the Mufti and his assistants the Nakib 
and the Silihdar. The first hint of the intrusion of the 
Mevlevi is the tradition recorded by Rycaut : 

* Ottoman, first of the Mahommedan kings . . . out of devo- 
tion to their [the Mevlevi's] Religion once placed their Su- 
periour in his Royal Throne, because having been his Tutour, 
and he who girted on his Sword (which is the principal Cere- 
mony of Coronation) he granted him and his Successours ample 
Authority and Rule over all others of the same Profession. 5 * 

The reigning sultan during the whole of Rycaut's 
residence in Turkey was Mohammed IV (1648-87). 
There arc indications that the Mevlevi were influential 
at the court of the preceding sultan, Ibrahim (1640-8), 3 
who was deposed in favour of his son by a plot, in which 
the Mufti, the Agha of the Janissaries, and the Vizir 
( c Mevlevi Dervish ' Mohammed) 4 were all implicated. 
At the investiture of Mohammed IV, a child of six, the 
Vizir marched in the procession to Eyyub in the habit 
of the Mevlevi order. 5 Many highly placed officials 
were at this period affiliated to the Mevlevi. It is at 
least possible that some political combination turning 

was deposited at Eyyub by Sultan Mahmud I (Jardin des Mosquees in 
Hammer-Hellert, op. cit. xviii, 57), the rest are kept in the old Seraglio. 

1 For a similar confusion between the two Mohammeds see above, 
p. 186. 

2 Ottoman Empire, p. 67 : copied ( ?) by Le Bruyn, Voyage, i, 390. 

3 Monconys, Voyages, i, 390 : * Nous vismes passer les Deruis avec 
leur Supefieur monte sur vn cheual blanc, qui alloient danser deuant 
le Grand Seigneur qui les enuoyait querir souuent le soir/ 

4 Vizir 1648-9 (Evliya, I, ii, 152). 

5 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. x, 187. 

Intrigues of the Janissaries 6n 

on * Dervish Mohammed's ' support secured to the 
order in 1648 the privilege of the Girding of the sultan. 
Half a century later, and again after an abnormal 
accession, appears a third competitor for the privilege 
of Girding. In 1703 Ahmed III came to the throne 
owing to a rebellion of the Janissaries, directed chiefly 
against the Mufti and resulting in his deposition in 
favour of a creature of the Janissaries. According to 
the official account the new sultan was girded by the 
Silihdar, the Nakib, and the Agha of the Janissaries. 1 
Here the exceptional circumstances of Ahmed's succes- 
sion go far to explain the latter officer's presence at the 
ceremony. But de la Mottraye's version, derived, as 
he tells us, from a renegade present by special favour at 
the ceremony, shows that it was the Agha of Janissaries 
who played the chief part. 2 When we remember that 
the Janissaries were at this date already closely, and even 
officially, connected with the Bektashi order of der- 
vishes, 3 we suspect an attempt on the part of this order 

1 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xiii, 135. Ahmed's predecessor, 
Mustafa II (1695), was girded according to Cantimir (ii, 242) by the 
' Sheikh of the Jami (Mosque) ', probably a mistake for the Sheikh- 
ul-Islam or Mufti. 

2 Travels, i, 246, cf. p. 247 : 'They keep in it [the mosque of Eyyub] 
an old Sabre, which (they say) was Mabomefs . . . the Ceremony of 
the Coronation consists particularly in girding this Sabre about the 
Emperor ; and the Turks say, instead of crowning, girding the Sabre 
of the Prophet : 'tis the Office and Privilege of the Adgi Becktasse, 
who ought to be (according to some Turks) always a Descendant 
of that Tup : for Job [read " Eyyub or Job "], who by some Glorious 
Action deserv'd the Sirname of the Father of the Janizaries.' The 
French text (Voyages, La Haye, 1727, i, 334) adds some details : c Les 
Turcs, au lieu de couronner, disent, ceindre le Sabre. Ce Sabre de 
Mahomet est une vieille sorte d'armes Arabes. UAdgi Bectasse, qui 
en fait Poffice, est, dit-on, un descendant tfEiub ou Job, qui selon les 
Annales ou la Tradition des Turcs, etoit un grand Capitaine & un zele 
MusulmanS ' Adgi Bectasse ' is of course Haji Bektash, on whom see 
above, pp. 488 ff. The passage on the following page of de la Mot tray e 
shows that the Mufti was on this occasion also present. 

3 See especially Rycaut, Ottoman Empire, p. 65. 

612 The Girding of the Sultan 

to seize the privilege and prestige of girding the sultans, 1 
and possibly to take possession of the mosque of Eyyub. 
The political significance of this step is obvious. It was 
a cynical indication that the elevation of sultans was in 
the power of the Janissary-Bektashi combination, which 
had been to some extent kept in check during the pre- 
vious half-century by the strong vizirs of the Kuprulu 

In the decadent eighteenth century what evidence 
we have points to the conclusion that a compromise was 
arrived at with regard to the Girding by the parties 
concerned ; the chief part in the ceremony was given 
to the Nakibf probably as being a politically insignifi- 
cant figure. But we have still hints of competition for 
the honour between the Mevlevi and Bektashi. Carsten 
Niebuhr, in the reign of Mustafa III, says he was in- 
formed by a Mevlevi dervish at Constantinople that, 
while a member of the latter order had the privilege of 
girding the sultan, the sword itself was attached by a 
member of the Bektashi.3 The story then told by the 
Mevlevi was that their founder had actually reigned at 
Konia as successor to Ala-ed-din, whose daughter he had 
married, but had been dispossessed by Osman. 4 

1 I was told by a Bektashi dervish of Constantinople that his sect 
claimed for their founder, Haji Bektash, the original privilege of 
girding the sultan and regarded the Mevlevi as usurpers of their right. 
The mystical importance attaching to the girdle in Bektashi doctrine 
(Jacob, Beitrdge, pp. 50 f.) could easily be used in support of their claim. 

* This is stated of the accessions of Mahmud I in 1730 (Hammer- 
Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xiv, 235), Osman III in 1754 (Hammer-Hellert, 
op. cit. xv, 272 ; d'Ohsson, Tableau, iii, 125), and Mustafa III in 1757 
(Hammer-Hellert, xvi, 5-6 : both Mufti zndNakib are here mentioned). 
It is the Nakib alone who seems to be the recognized protagonist at 
the end of the century (Juchereau, Revol. de Constantinople, i, 252 ; 
Emp. Ott. ii, 238). 

3 Reisebesckreibung, iii, 116: the symbolism would appear to be 
that the Mevlevi consecrated the ruler and the Janissaries conferred 
on him the command of the Ottoman army. 

4 Ibid., p. 115 : this was told Niebuhr at Konia. 

Intrusion of the Mevlevi 613 

The century closes with the reign of Selim III 
(1788 to 1807), notable for the sultan's vigorous at- 
tempts at reform, especially army reform, which excited 
the jealous hostility of the Janissaries. In 1807 this 
hostility found vent and Mustafa IV was placed on the 
throne by a Janissary rising. The revolution was en- 
gineered on their own confession by the Bektashi sect. 1 
Mustafa was deposed in the following year by a counter- 
revolution, which brought to the throne Mahmud II, 
a reformer like his cousin Selim. 

It is about this date that we begin again to hear from 
unofficial sources of the Girding as the exclusive and 
old-established privilege of the Mevlevi Sheikhs. Al- 
ready in the reign of Selim III we find current at 
Constantinople a form of the modern legend. The 
sword is girded, according to Comidas, by the deputy 
of the Chief of the Mevlevi dervishes, called Mollah 
Hunkiar, who resides in Konia and as a descendant of 
Ala-ed-din has the privilege of investing the Ottoman 
sultans. * When the Deputy of the Mollah Hunkiar is 
not in Constantinople, his office is performed by the 
NakibS 2 The last sentence interprets favourably to 
the Mevlevi the intrusion of the Nakib at recent acces- 
sions, and perhaps implies that the sultan then reigning 
(Selim III) was not girded by the Sheikh of the Mevlevi 
though the Order had asserted its claims, 3 

1 Assad Efendi, Destr. des Janissaries, p. 305. 

2 Comidas, Deer, di Costant. p. 43 : this is evidently the source of 
Byzantios, KaivaravTWovTroXis, iii (1869), p. 575, who elsewhere 
(i, 602) says the ceremony was performed by the Mufti. 

3 In an exactly similar way we find a Mevlevi legend associating 
their Order with the Janissaries just before the latter began their 
official connexion with the Bektashi (1591, d'Ohsson, Tableau, iii, 325 f. : 
* L'institutione della beretta Uschiuff (la qual' e ben nota fra i Capi de j 
Janizzari) e stata inventata da Suleiman Bassa Guerriero Conquistatore 
de Bullair, e fu portata per segno di grand 5 amore e divotione, che 
portavano a San Gelladino Greco 5 [Jelal-ed-din Rumi, the founder of 
the Mevlevi]. This is the version given by Saad-ed-din (tr. Bratutti, 

614 The Girding of the Sultan 

The Girding of Mahmud II in 1808 was accompanied 
by an innovation which caused great comment at the 
time. The Vizir, the same Bairakdar who had put the 
new sultan on his throne, marched in the procession 
with a guard of three hundred well-armed Albanians^ 
though the custom was that no arms should be borne. 1 
As to the ceremony itself many sources point to its 
having been performed by the Sheikh of the Mevlevi 
instead of by the Mufti : the anomaly mentioned above 
may have been a precautionary measure in view of a 
possible riot. 

Many contemporary authorities state or imply that 
Mahmud II was girded by the Mevlevi Sheikh. Andre- 
ossi, who as ambassador at Constantinople from 1812 

i, 40 : cf. W. Seaman, Orcban, p. 27, cf. p. 77) of a legend connecting 
Suleiman Pasha, son of Orkhan, with the Mevlevi, given also with 
slight variations by d'Ohsson (Tableau, ii, 313) and von Hammer 
(Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 210). For the likeness between the uskiuffas worn 
by the Janissaries and the felt cap of the Mevlevi see d'Ohsson (loc. cit.) 
and C. White (Constantinople, iii, 354). The Bektashi, on the other 
hand, connected the peculiar headdress of the Janissaries with the 
blessing of the new troops by their own founder, Haji Bektash (Jacob, 
Beitrage, p. 3, &c.) ; of this legend I find the earliest mention in Leun- 
clavius (Annales, p. 313 P. s.a. 1328) just before the Bektashi were 
officially quartered in the barracks of the Janissaries. Similarly, the 
Mevlevi legend that Ertoghrul visited Jelal-ed-din at Konia and 
recommended his son Osman to the saint's prayers (Browne (1802) in 
Walpole's Travels, p. 121 ; a variant version substituting Suleiman 
Pasha for Osman in d'Ohsson, Tableau, ii, 312) corresponds to the 
Bektashi legend that Orkhan brought his new levies to be blessed by 
Haji Bektash. The detail of this legend, which connects the flap on 
the headdress of the Janissaries with the sleeve of the saint who blessed 
them, is again paralleled by a Mevlevi tradition referring the same 
peculiarity in the headdress of court officials to the blessing of Orkhan 
by their founder (von Hammer, Staatsverfassung ii, 409). All these 
legends alike seem aetiological inventions designed to increase the 
prestige of the orders concerned and sometimes to pave their way to 
a new claim. 

1 Jouannin, Turquie, p. 379. Armed janissaries had escorted 
Mahmud I in the same way at his accession in 1730, which also was due 
to a Janissary rising (Perry, View of the Levant, p. 80). 

Intrusion of the Mevlevi 615 

till 1814 had every opportunity of knowing the truth, 
without referring to the Girding of Mahmud II in 
particular, represents the Mevlevi Sheikh as the regular 
protagonist in the ceremony. 1 Von Hammer, knowing 
the passage in Andreossi, categorically denies his state- 
ment, 2 evidently on the authority of d'Ohsson and 
earlier writers. But Andreossi is confirmed by Frank- 
land 3 (1827-8) on the authority of his landlord, who 
was in service for fourteen years in the Seraglio, by 
Marmont 4 (1834), by Texier (i834), 5 by Pardoe, 6 and 
by Slade (1827-8), who is so circumstantial as to be 
worth quoting in full. The passage runs as follows : 

' The investiture (with the Sword of Othman) is given by 
the Scheick of the Mevlevi Dervishes, called Mollah Hunkiar, 
who resides at Cogni, enjoying the office by right of his family, 
which, as being descended collaterally from the Abbasides . . . 
claims spiritual preeminence over the Othmans, no one of whom 
would be considered reigning de jure in the eyes of the nation 
unless girded by the Mollah Hunkiar. The present Mollah 
succeeded to the office in 1803, when two years old, by the death 
of his father, the old Scheick, and, when seven years old, was 
brought to Constantinople to invest the present Sultan, Mah- 
mud II.' 7 

1 Constantinople (1828), p. 2, quoted in full by Frankland, 
Constantinople, i, 199 : * Le cinquieme ou le sixieme jour de son 
avenement au trone, le Sultan . . . se rend dans la mosquee d'Eioub . . . ; 
c'est la que le Cbe'ikh des Mevlevi) ou son delegue, lui ceint le sabre 
d'Osman.' Pertusier makes the Mufti the protagonist, naming as his 
assistants the Nakib and the Sheikh of the Konia Mevlevi (Promenades 
dans Constantinople (1815), ii, 215). 

a Hist. Emp. Ott. xvi, 5. Juchereau similarly seems to state that 
Mahmud was girded by the Nakib, but is really only inferring it, as 
Hammer did, from precedent (Emp. Ott. ii, 238, ef. RevoL de Con- 
stantinople, i, 252). 

3 Constantinople, i, 147 : 'it is customary with the Sultans, upon 
the ceremony of their inauguration to receive the sword of the Caliphs 
at the hand of the Sheik Dervish.' 4 Turkish Empire, p. 1 1 8. 

5 Asie Mineure^ ii, 144. 6 City of the Sultans, i, 52. 

7 Slade, Travels in Turkey (2nd ed.), pp. 376 f. 

616 The Girding of the Sultan 

It is evident that by 1828 the girding by the Sheikh of 
the Mevlevi was regarded as an institution and that the 
explanatory legend was being developed. 

Abdul Mejid, the son and successor of Mahmud, at 
his accession in 1839, was a g a * n girded by the Sheikh of 
the Mevlevi. 1 The Mufti was induced with great diffi- 
culty to be present at the ceremony : he pleaded that 
the wearing of the fez by the sultan on this occasion was 
repugnant to his religious scruples.* 

From this time onwards the Girding of the sultan 
seems to have been the acknowledged right of the Mev- 
levi Sheikh. 3 

Meanwhile the * Sword of the Prophet 5 , in accor- 
dance with the new legend, has become the ' Sword 
of the Caliphs ' 4 or more generally the ' Sword of 

1 Lesur, Annuaire Ristorique, 1839, App. P- *82 ; the actual 
ceremony at Eyyub seems as usual to have been kept very private. 
Wilkinson (Modern Egypt, i, 285) refers to the privilege of the Mevlevi 
in this reign. * Juchereau, Emp. Ott. iv, 228. 

3 The Bektashi have a special tradition regarding the Girding which 
seems worth putting on record. They claim not only to have been the 
first holders of the privilege (cj. above, p. 612, n. i) but to have possessed 
it till the destruction of the Janissaries by Sultan Mahmud II, when it 
devolved upon the Mevlevi Sheikh, the latter being a Crypto-Bektashi. 
We have seen that the Girding was in the hands of the Bektashi in 
1703. It is quite possible that they resumed it at the accession of 
Mustafa IV, which was entirely due to their intrigues. 

4 Frankland, Constantinople^ i, 147, quoted above, p. 615, n. 3. A 
sword purporting to be the sword of Osman's investiture, kept in the 
Imperial treasury, is known to Hammer (Hist. Emp. Ott. i, 105), as 
is a sword of the caliph Osman (ibid, ii, 20). Were these identical ? 
Further, a * sword of the caliph Omar ', kept in the Seraglio, is mentioned 
by Ta vernier (ReL of the Seraglio, 1677, p. 75) ; Mohammed IV, 
before undertaking the Cretan War (1645), was twice girt by the Mufti 
with the sword of Omar * in anticipation of victory ' (Evliya, ii, 76) ; 
and I was told in 1913 by one of the imams of the Eyyub mosque that 
the sword now used in the Girding ceremony was that of the caliph 
Omar. It is possibly the same ' sword of the caliphs ' which the later 
(Mevlevi) tradition has preferred to associate first with the caliph 
Osman and next, by an easy transition, with the Ottoman sultan of 

Intrusion of the Mevlevi 617 

Osman '.* The earliest reference to the story now cur- 
rent of the investiture of Osman by the complimentary 
present of a sword from his suzerain Ala-ed-din comes 
from Brusa : this version does not acknowledge the part 
played in the ceremony by the Mevlevi Sheikh. 2 

The privilege of the Sheikh of the Mevlevi has, how- 
ever, lapsed and been resumed even since 1839. Abdul 
Aziz, a strongly orthodox 3 sultan, was girded on 4 July, 
1 86 1, by the Nakib, acting as the representative of the 
Mevlevi Sheikh,* an arrangement evidently devised to 
save the face both of the Ulema and of the Mevlevi. 

Murad V, who came to the throne after the deposi- 
tion of Abdul Aziz in the troubled year 1876, was cer- 
tainly never invested in the traditional manner. 5 All 
preparations were made for the ceremony and proces- 
sion by the end of May, but the investiture was put off 

the same name. The Times of July 15, 1861, describing the girding 01 
Abdul Aziz, says : ' The Sultan is girt with the sword of Othman, or one 
of the other leading champions of the Crescent, for it appears that a 
choice of sabre is allowed him.' 

1 So in Comtesse Agenor de Gasparin's Constantinople, p. 194, in 
the modern versions cited above, and in Marmont's Turkish Empire 
(pp. 59, 1 18) ; also in Baedeker's Konstantinopel (1914), p. 219. The first 
mention of the ' sword of Osman ' in this connexion seems to be in 
Veryard, Choice Remarks (1701), p. 346. If the Mevlevi Sheikh, as 
we have suggested, girded Mohammed IV in 1648, the variation is 

* Sestini, Letter e Odeporiche, i, no. 

3 In this connexion it is interesting to note that Abdul Aziz built 
a royal mosque in Konia, as did the bigoted Sunni Selim I. The 
mosque of the latter stands immediately in front of the tekke of the 
Mevlevi. Both foundations were evidently intended as a Sunni 
counterpoise to the suspected influence of these dervishes, to whose 
enormous local influence Niebuhr (Reisebeschreibung, iii, 118) and 
others testify. 

* Times, July 15 : jBuavriV, 20 May (O.S.) : Fvajarov on TO 
rrpovofjiiov rov TrcptjSaAAetv rov veov SovXrdvov rrjv aTraOrjv rov 'Oa- 
/xav fccfCTTjrcu ot/coyevcia rt? e *lKovlov tepav e\;oucra /carayouyrp, 
tf$ 6 avrnrpoacoTTOS NaKovTT *Ecrp(f> t ouAejLtds" vi/jrfXov paOfJiov, Sta- 
fj,Vi cv ra> refJiVi Tov *Eyiov7T. 5 Times, 13 Sept. 

3*95-* s 

618 The Girding of the Sultan 

on the pretext that the Khedive wished to be present. 
A few days later the sultan underwent an operation. 1 
He was deposed on 6 August in favour of Abdul Hamid 
on the ground of insanity. 

Abdul Hamid was girded on 7 September, apparently 
by the Mevlevi Sheikh ; 2 the same was certainly the 
case at the Girding of Mohammed V, 3 who was uni- 
versally admitted to be a member of the Mevlevi order. 
The details of the ceremony on this occasion attracted 
some attention on account of the political circumstances 
which led to the change of rulers. Ramsay *s narrative 
shows that there was no doubt in Constantinople before 
the ceremony as to who would officiate : even a boat- 
man was well informed on the point. 4 Nevertheless 
a Greek writer in 1907,5 and Ramsay himself in 1909, 
looked on the participation of the Mevlevi Sheikh as the 
revival of an ancient custom which had fallen into 

4. Political Combination under Mahmud II 

So far, we have arrived at the conclusions (i) that the 
privilege of the Mevlevi Sheikh is not an ancient institu- 
tion but a comparatively recent innovation, and (2) 

that there is a good deal of evidence to show that it 


1 NeoAoyos*, June I, June 23, June 26 (O.S.). 

2 Cutts, Christians under the Crescent, p. 334; Times > 13 Sept.; 
JVcoAdyos*, 27 Aug. The procession is fully described but not the 
ceremony. The Times account says : c there lives at Konieh an old 
Sheriff or Imam, the descendant of an ancient sovereign race who 
waive their rights to the throne in favour of the house of Osman.' 
The JVeoAoyos- gives the following note : Tre/ot^ceWurai TO ^0? o 
rov laXafjiicrfjiov dp^jyos 1 vrro rov StaSo^ou TOJV crcAraou/aSajv rov 
*lKOviov(MoX\aXovvKiap) cSv 6 yevdpx^ T0)v 'OafJiaviSiov vrrypgev 
viTOT\7J$ rjycjjLCJv. This is the later popular legend mentioned by 
Eliot and Cuinet. 

3 Ramsay, Revolution in Turkey, p. 202. 4 Ibid. p. 154. 

5 Antonopoulos, MiKpa, 'Aala, p. 217 : so also I. Valavanis, MiKpa- 
a (1891), p. 112. 

Repression of the Janissaries 619 

became regular only after the accession of Mahmud II 
in 1808. What was the cause of the innovation ? 

Mahmud II, continuing the policy of Selim III, was 
pre-eminently a reforming sultan. He aimed particu- 
larly at the remodelling of the army, which involved the 
abolition of the Janissaries. The latter were already 
hateful to him as responsible for the deposition of Selim, 
to whom he was attached, and for the death of his own 
vizir, Bairakdar, who had brought him to the throne. 
The Janissaries were backed by the great dervish organi- 
zation of the Bektashi. Mahmud first tried to amalga- 
mate them with his new army, offering a pension to 
those who refused. 1 These conciliatory tactics proved 
unsuccessful. In 1814-16 small bodies of Janissaries 
were being secretly .made away with. 2 By the drastic 
action of 1826 the sultan rid himself of the Janissaries 
and crippled the Bektashi organization. 3 Any reformer 
had, further, to reckon with the party of the Mufti and 
Ulema, which on religious grounds has always been 
solid for reaction. 4 The Ulema party stood particularly 
for the political and legal superiority of Mussulmans to 
Christians, which in the latter part of his reign Mahmud 
made some attempt to abolish. 5 The Mevlevi more 
than any Mohammedan religious body in Turkey have 
stood for tolerance and enlightenment : 6 Mahmud 

1 T*Wf,Nov. 15, 1808. 

2 W. Turner, Tour in the Levant, iii, 390 if., cf. p. 385. 

3 See particularly Assad Efendi, Destr. desjanissaires, pp. 298 if. 

* For the obstructive policy of the Ulema under Mahmud II see 
particularly Walsh, Constantinople, ii, 300 f. ; cf. also H. Southgate, 
Travels (1840), ii, 173, and Holland, quoted below. Keppel (Journey 
across the Balcan, i, 96 if.) considers the ' unholy alliance ' between 
the Ulema and Janissaries as of much older standing. 

5 Ubicini (Turquie, i, 447) says that Mahmud was not outwardly for 
reform till 1826, but we have seen that his hatred of the Janissaries 
can be traced much earlier than its overt manifestation. His action 
on behalf of the Christians begins after 1830 (Ubicini, ii, in), resulting 
in the edict of Gulhane published some months after his death. 

6 Eliot, Turkey in Europe, pp. 185 f. As to their relations with 


620 The Girding of the Sultan 

enlisted them as his allies. By some he was said himself 
to have been a lay member of their Order, 1 which is not 
impossible. 2 Certainly his minister Halid Efendi 3 was 
in close touch with them : it was he who rebuilt the 
convent of the Mevlevi in Galata, 4 where his own head 
was for a time buried. 5 Further, Halid was an un- 
scrupulous enemy of the Janissary-Bektashi combina- 

local Christians, Sir Charles Eliot heard on good authority that during 
the Armenian massacres of 1895-6 the Christians of Konia owed their 
immunity largely to the influence of the Mevlevi ; this is confirmed 
by a Greek author (Antonopoulos, MiKpa 'Acria, p. 214). The same 
was said at the time of the Adana massacres (Ramsay, Revolution in 
Turkey, pp. 202, 207, confirmed to me by Dr. Post of Konia). On 
the early relations of the Mevlevi with local Christians see above, p. 370 
ff. Since 1634 ^ e Order has had an official position with regard to 
them, since the revenues derived from the ray ah population of Konia 
were conferred on them by Murad IV (d'Ohsson, Tableau, ii, 309). 
1 Pardoe, City of the Sultans, i, 55, ii, 62 ; J. P. Brown, Dervishes, 

P- 34 6 - 

* Abdul Hamid is variously said to have belonged to the Bektashi 

(Eliot, Turkey in Europe, p. 182) and the Rifai (White, in Trans. Viet. 
Inst. xi (1908), p. ^35, Ramsay, Impressions of Turkey, p. 149) Orders. 
The latter seems to be the correct version. The Rifai claim that Abdul 
Hamid was converted by a dream in which, seeing himself attacked by 
a snake, he called for help on the founder of the Order. The snake 
vanished and the Sultan at once sent for a Rifai sheikh and was admitted 
to the Order. To this circumstance may be attributed his selection of 
the Rifai Ebul Huda as an adviser (Jacob, Beitrdge, p. 47, n. 2). I am 
told by a former consul at Mosul that the Young Turks at the beginning 
of their regime made an attempt to destroy the tomb of Ahmed Rifai 
near that place. The Bektashi, on the other hand, I am told on good 
authority, voted solid for the Young Turks, though Abdul Hamid did 
not persecute them. 

3 Halid Efendi, the nishanji of Mahmud, was at the height of his 
power in 1820 (Ubicini, op. cit. ii, 102) and lost his head over the ill- 
success of the Greek War, which he had advised for purposes of his own. 
The story of his fall is told in Walsh's Journey, pp. 70 ff. ; he was over- 
taken by the Sultan's courier while on his way to seek refuge with the 
Mevlevi at Konia. 

4 R. Walsh, Journey, p. 70 ; Burgess, Greece and the Levant, 
ii, 223. 

5 Pardoe, op. cit. i, 53 ; Frankland, Constantinople, i, 133. 

Advancement of the Mevlevi 621 

tion, 1 and advocated the war with All Pasha,* whose 
power seems to have been bound up with the Bektashi 
of Albania. 3 

Sultan Abdul Mejid, a reformer like his father, also 
favoured the Mevlevi. 4 Of the head of the Mevlevi at 
Galata in his reign Rolland says : * il est en effet Fune 
des bonnes tetes de Pempire . . . Ami de Mahmoud, le 
chef actuel des Tourneurs fut au nombre de ces instru- 
ments ignores mais efficaces, qui travaillerent le plus 
puissamment au triomphe de la Reforme. Personne 
autant que lui n'aida le defunt empereur a dejouer 
^opposition de PUlema, a percer par la voie des inter- 
pretations theologiques les obstacles du Koran.' 5 The 
passage probably refers to the same person who repre- 
sented the Mevlevi on the religious council which con- 
demned the Bektashi in i826. 6 

We may thus claim to have made out a case for the 
political combination of the sultan with the Mevlevi 
order against (i) the Janissaries and their allies the 
Bektashi dervishes, and (2) the party of the Ulema. 

The Mevlevi order carried off a trophy from each of 
these antagonists. Whereas hitherto the Superior of 
the Bektashi had held the official rank of colonel in the 

1 Walsh, Constantinople, ii, 92, Journey, p. 72 ; MacFarlane, 
Constantinople in 1828, ii, 131 ff. 

2 Walsh, Journey, p. 70. 

3 AH boasted that he was a Bektashi and for political ends favoured 
and made use of the Order : see above, pp. 377-8. 

4 MacFarlane, Turkey and its Destiny, ii, 229 ft*. Cf. i, 200 ; also 
W. F. Lynch, Expedition to the Jordan, p. 89. 

5 C. Rolland, La Turquie Contemporaine (1854), P- 22 3 : t ^e informa- 
tion came from Prince Ghika. 

6 Assad Efendi, Destr. des Janissaires, p. 315. The Galata tekke 
of the Mevlevi takes precedence of all their foundations in the capital 
and is supposed to be a foundation of Mohammed II. It was built in 
1491-2 and rebuilt in 1795-6 by Selim III (Mordtmann in EncycL oj 
Islam, sv, Constantinople 9 p. 875). For a striking account of this tekke 
and the power of its head see Osman Bey, Les I mans et les Derviches, 
p. 100. 

622 The Girding of the Sultan 

ninety-ninth oda of Janissaries, 1 the Superior of the 
Mevlevi received from Mahmud II the grade of marshal 
(musbir) in the newly organized army. 2 Similarly, the 
privilege of the Mufti at the Girding of the sultan was 
transferred to the Superior of the Mevlevi. 

The secret history of the Girding of Mahmud II will 
probably never be known ; in all probability the then 
Mufti, from fear or interest, refused to officiate at the 
ceremony and the highest dignitary of the Mevlevi order 
was called in to take his place in consequence. The story 
of the reluctance of the Mufti to be present, while his 
successful rival girded Abdul Mejid, seems to show that 
the situation was still strained in 1839. But t ^ ie P r i v i~ 
lege of the Mevlevi has continued to our own day to 
perpetuate no misty connexion with the Seljuk house 
of Rum, but the victory gained by Mahmud II with 
their help over the reactionary ecclesiastical party, just 
as the military grade of their Superior may be held to 
commemorate the part taken by their order against the 
military party of reaction represented by the Janissaries 
and Bektashi. 

1 D'Ohsson, Tableau^ ii, 312. 

2 Cuinet, Turquie d Asie, i, 829 ; Jacob, Beitrage, p. 9. 


NO self-respecting Cairene dragoman omits to point 
out to his clients among the curiosities of the 
mosque of Amr at Fostat two columns near the south 
door, which are endowed, according to popular super- 
stition, with the miraculous power of discriminating 
between true Moslems and Unbelievers. 2 Placed at 
such a short distance apart (some ten inches) that the 
passage between them can with difficulty be negotiated 
by a man of average build, the columns none the less 
allow a true Moslem, however stout, to pass between 
them, while an Unbeliever, however slim, finds passage 
impossible. In other words, the space is supernaturally 
widened if necessary to accommodate the former and 
contracted to exclude the latter class. 

The columns actually used for this purpose at Cairo 
do not seem long to have been associated with the 
superstition. Visitors to the mosque in the sixties do 
not mention it, though they refer to the companion 
marvel of the column miraculously transported from 
Mecca. 3 The superstition itself, however, is of great 
antiquity and relatively well documented. The purpose 
of the rite, a spiritual test, distinguishes it sharply from 
the many similar ' passing through ' rituals universally 
current and generally considered ' lucky ' acts practised 
with a view to the healing of disease, &c. 4 Its symbolism, 
as we shall see, suggests a Christian origin. A study of 

1 This chapter is reprinted from B.S.A. xxiv, 68 ff. 

2 Murray, Egypt (1900), pp. 380-1 ; Sladen, Orient. Cairo, p. 183, 
and Queer Things about Egypt, p. 198 ; Goldziher, Culte des Saints . . . 
Musulmans, in Rev. Hist. Relig. ii (1880), p. 345. 

3 See, e.g. Petermann, Reisen im Orient, ii, 384. 

4 See above, pp. 

624 Columns of Ordeal 

its developments or ramifications into various parts both 
of the Christian and Mohammedan worlds may there- 
fore be attempted with more than usual accuracy and is 
thus of considerable interest and value for the study of 
kindred phenomena. 

A more appropriate place of origin for a superstition 
so distinctly theological in character and shared by the 
two great religions of the eastern Mediterranean could 
not be found than Jerusalem ; and we shall not go far 
astray if we accept it hypothetically as such. Certainly 
it is from Jerusalem that the earliest record comes to 
us of the ordeal of passage, and at Jerusalem that the 
rite continued to be practised, though on varying holy 
sites, almost to our own day. In 723 S. Willibald, on 
pilgrimage to the Holy City, visited on his round the 
church of the Ascension on the Mount of Olives. Here, 
he says, stood two columns ' within the church, against 
the north wall and the south wall, in memory of the 
two men who said, " Men of Galilee, why stand ye 
gazing up into heaven ? " x And the man who can creep 
between the wall and the columns will have remission 
of his sins.' 2 

It does not seem possible, with the knowledge at our 
disposal, to refine on WillibakPs account as to the posi- 
tion of the columns. The point of the ordeal was 
certainly, as at Cairo, that the aperture, here between 
the columns and the wall, was narrow, and we may 
perhaps assume from this the fairly usual Byzantine 

1 Acts, i, II. 

3 Ed. Wright, p. 19. The original text runs : * ilia ecclesia est 
desuper patula et sine tecto ; et ibi stant duae columnae intus in 
Ecclesia contra parietem Aquilonis, et contra parietem meridionalis 
plagae. Illae sunt ibi in memoriam et in signum duorum virorum qui 
dixerunt : Viri Galilaei, quid statis adspicientes in coelum ? Et ille 
homo, qui ibi potest inter parietem et columnas repere, liber est a 
peccatis suis ' (Willibaldus, Vita sen Hodoeporicon, p. 376, in Mabillon, 
Ada SS. Ord. Bened., Saec. Ill, pt. ii, pp. 365 if. ; also in Camisii 
Thesaurus, ed. Basnage, ii, 1 1 1-12, quoted by Tobler, Siloabq.,pp. 94-5). 

In the Ascension Church 625 

arrangement of a column facing an anti-pilaster in the 
adjoining wall. The symbolism of the * Men of Galilee 5 
seems certainly no more than an ingenuity : that of the 
rite itself seems to depend on the texts of S. Matthew, 
which use the image of a narrow passage to illustrate the 
difficulty of salvation. 1 At the same time we may bear 
in mind the special significance in the church of the 
Ascension, marking the spot where Christ entered into 
heaven, of two texts frequently displayed in Greek 
churches. These are (i) ' this is none other than the 
House of God, this is the gate of heaven ?2 and (2) ' this 
is the gate of the Lord : the righteous shall enter into it ? . 3 
And it is not impossible that these were written over, 
or in close proximity to, the two narrow openings 
through which it was customary in Willibald's time for 
pilgrims to pass as a test of grace. 4 

As to the exact meaning of Willibald's liber est a 
peccatis suis, it is perhaps impossible to dogmatize, but 
some light may be thrown on the subject by the parallel 
of Mount Sinai. Here the ascent of the holy mountain 
was restricted to pilgrims who had been duly confessed, 
and a certificate of confession was required of them at 
the beginning of the ascent, which was marked by a 
gateway. The restriction was justified by the text, 
' Who shall go up to the holy hill of the Lord and who 
shall stand in His holy place ? He that hath clean hands 

1 Matt, vii, 13-14 (' Enter ye in at the strait gate . : . strait is the 
gate and narrow is the way which leadeth unto life '), and xix, 24 
(' It is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle than for a 
rich man to enter into the kingdom of God '). Cf. Mark x, 25 ; 
Luke xviii, 25. 

3 Gen. xxviii, 17. 

3 Ps. cxviii, 20 : Burckhardt notes the presence of this text over a 
door in the village of Shmerrin (Syria, p. 105). 

4 Similarly, on the way from Mecca to Arafat there are two pillars 
of whitewashed stones, called el Alameyn, about 80-100 paces apart ; 
pilgrims must pass between them on their way to, and still more from, 
Arafat (Burckhardt, Arabia, i, 113). 

626 Columns of Ordeal 

and a pure heart/ I Felix Fabri informs us * that Jews, 
who according to medieval ideas were vicariously guilty 
of Christ's blood and therefore could not have ritually 
clean hands, were supernaturally prevented from pass- 
ing the gate. 3 It may have been the custom to confess 
pilgrims before admitting them to the sanctuary of the 
holy hill of Olivet. 4 

What appears to be a variant of the same rite in the 
church of the Ascension, due probably to structural 
alterations involving the removal or modification of the 
original passages,* is described by Felix Fabri as prac- 
tised in his time by oriental Christians. This rite con- 
sisted in embracing a certain column of the church. 
If the pilgrim could span it so as to make his fingers 
touch, it was welcomed as a happy omen, 6 but of what 

1 Ps. xxiv, 3-4. My authority is E. H. Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, 
p. 105, quoting R. Clayton's Journey to Mt. Sinai by the Prefetto of 
Egypt (1722). According to G. Ebers (Durch Gosen, pp. 313 f.) a 
second paper was also given to them at the convent to be given up at 
the second gate. 2 Evagat. ii, 455. 

3 Similar cases of supernatural intervention for religious reasons are 
given by Petachia, Tour du Monde, in Nouv. Jour. As. viii (1831), 
pp. 296-300 (tomb of Ezechiel surrounded by a wall without a gate and 
with only a hole through which Jews crawl : on the Feast of Taber- 
nacles, however, it enlarges so that a man on a camel may pass through), 
and by Mandeville, ed. Wright, p. 199 (Mohammed's entry into a small 
low hermit's chapel in the desert of Arabia caused the low entrance to 
become ' so great, and so large, and so high, as though it had been of 
a great minster, or the gate of a palace '). 

4 Near the tombs of Hillel and Shammai at Meron there was a stone 
basin found full of water by pious persons, but empty by the impious, 
though the basin had no outlet (Petachia, loc. cit. y p. 392, quoted by 
Carmoly, Itineraires, p. 311). The pious could pass under the 
suspended coffin of Daniel at Susa, but not the impious (Petachia, 

oc. cit.j p. 366). 

5 In the interval between the two accounts the church had been re- 
built by the Crusaders and destroyed by Saladin (Tobler, Siloabq., p. 97). 

6 * Putant autem illi superstitiosi orientales, quod ille, qui id facere 
potest, sit magis fortunatus, et quod sit signum cujusdam magni 
boni ' (Fabri, Evagat^ ii, 134). 

In the Crypt of S. Pelagia 627 

Fabri does not know or contemptuously declines to 
state. We shall see, however, that the ritual has a place 
in the story of the ' Columns of Ordeal '. 

In the crypt containing the tomb of S. Pelagia, 1 
which is in the immediate vicinity of the church of the 
Ascension, the rite described by Willibald seems to have 
survived in a slightly modified form. It is described by 
two Greek pilgrims of (approximately) 1185 and 1250,* 
and again by Felix Fabri 3 in 1489. All the accounts 
are substantially in accord. It was customary for 
penitents to squeeze through the narrow passage be- 
tween the tomb and the wall of the crypt, their ability 
to do this being considered as proof that they were in 
a state of grace : if their previous confession had been 
defective, they were unable to pass. Here again the 
reminiscence of Sinai is strong. It is curious to note 
that Saint Pelagia is known to Mohammedans as the 
daughter of Hasan el Masri, 4 and that the tomb of 
Hasan el Basri has a similar peculiarity to hers.* 

The seventeenth century sees a reappearance of the 
same superstition, again in a slightly modified form, in 
yet another Christian building, the church of the Holy 

1 Her cell and tomb are traceable back to 600 A.D. (Antoninus of 
Piacenza) according to Tobler, Siloabq., p. 126. 

3 Anon. Allatii, p. 87, de locis Hierosol. (in L. Allatius, Zi^i/ii/cra 
vol. i), c. 1185 (Tobler, Siloahq., p. 130, puts the Anon. c. 1400), and 
Perdiccas (in L. Allatius, 27u/i^t/cra, i, 72) c. 1250. 

3 Evagat. i, 398 : cf. Grethenius in Khitrovo, I tin. Russes > p. 180. 

4 < Rabahet Bent Hassan el Masri' (Tobler, Siloahq., p. 126). 
Pelagia's tomb was sometimes confounded with that of S. Mary of 
Egypt (el Masri), her history being similar to the Magdalene's (Tobler, 
Siloahq., p. 133). It became difficult of access for Christians about 
1500, according to Tobler, Siloabq., p. 131, when a mosque was built 
over it. Mejir-ed-din (p. 132) at this date says it was much visited 
by pilgrims, but he does not mention the grave. 

5 Niebuhr, Voyage en Arable, ii, 181 (Old Basra). His kubbe fell 
twice, whereupon he appeared and said he wished nokubbe but a tower, 
his tomb to be against the wall to prevent circumambulation. See 
Hasluck, Letter s y p. 189, for his connexion with S. Pelagia. 

628 Columns of Ordeal 

Sepulchre. It seems indeed as if Moslem encroach- 
ments were continually driving it to new surroundings. 

Near the chapel of Christ's Prison, Doubdan, 1 in 1652, 
notices two small columns between which and the wall 
pilgrims squeezed their way, confident that a successful 
passage was an index, not of remission of sins, but of 
legitimacy. The same superstition is described by Nau 
in 1674,* who, however, makes the passage between the 
two columns themselves. To the complete change in 
the object of the ritual we shall return in the discussion 
of the Moslem variants. Side by side with it was cur- 
rent, as we see from Le Bruyn's account, 3 the idea of 
proving that the penitent was in a state of grace. 

Of the chapel of S. Longinus in the Sepulchre church 
Kelly says : 4 

* Beneath one of the altars lies a stone having a hole through it, 
and placed in a short trough, so that it seems impossible for 
anything but a spectre to pass through the hole. Nevertheless 
the achievement was a customary penance among the Greeks, 
and called by them " Purgatory " ; until a lady, enceinte, in 
labouring to drag herself through it, came to some mischief ; 
and ever since that accident, the Turks have in mercy guarded 
the stone by an iron grating.' 

This concludes the record of the columns of ordeal in 
Christian sanctuaries at Jerusalem, unless we include as 
such the unsatisfactory mention of a similar rite, of 
which the purpose is not stated, practised in the church 
of Mount Zion in Crusading times : 

Ante Chorum quaedam pretiosi marmoris columna juxta 
murum posita est, quam simplices homines circummigrare 
solent. 5 

1 Terrc Sainte 1651-2, p. 75. 2 M. Nau, Terre Sainte, pp. 193 f. 

3 Voyage (1683), ii, 258 ff. 

4 Kelly, Syria, p. 367, quoting Vere Monro, Summer Ramble in 
Syria [1835], pp. 216-17. A similar story is cited from d'Estourmel, 
Journal, ii, 93 [1832], by Tobler (Golgatba [1851], p. 337), in whose 
time the tradition seems to have been forgotten. 

5 Theodericus, De Locis Sanctis (c. 1172), ed. Tobler, p. 56. 

Christian Ordeals Summarized 629 

Summing up, we may distinguish two modifications 
of the oldest form of the rite (passing between column 
and wall) and a complete bifurcation of its purpose : 

(a) At S. Pelagians, passage is not between column and 
wall but between tomb and wall. 

() In the Holy Sepulchre church, passage is between 
column and wall or between two columns. 

(c) In the later ritual of the Ascension church, passage 
of any sort is abandoned in favour of embracing the 
single column used for the rite. The original symbolism 
is lost, but it must be noted that the object of the later 
rite is not stated. 

The first record of the practice by Moslems of the 
column ordeal is no earlier than the middle of the 
seventeenth century. The place is Jerusalem and the 
building the Dome of the Rock. It is of course unsafe 
to infer that the practice is not earlier, particularly as 
the whole Haram area, and especially the interior of 
the Dome of the Rock, was rigorously forbidden to 
non-Moslems down to our own time. But the silence 
of both Crusaders and Moslem writers on the subject, 
and the warning of one of the latter (Mejir-ed~Din) I 
against the superstitious practice of the Christians on 
the Mount of Olives makes it likely that the column 
ordeal in the Dome of the Rock is not much more 
ancient than our first records. It will be further noted 
that the Dome of the Rock, whence Mohammed took 
his miraculous flight to heaven, makes the rite appro- 
priate in the same sense as it is appropriate for Chris- 
tians in the church of the Ascension : and that the 
traditional identification of the Rock as Bethel, 2 the 
scene of Jacob's vision, 3 makes it a second time a sym- 
bolical entry to heaven. Further, that the text Matthew 

1 A.D. 1495, quoted by Tobler, Siloabq., p. 124. Cf. the long and 
explicit description of the building given by Frater Philippus de 
Aversa, for which see Z.D.P.F. i, 210 ff. 

* Lubomirski, Jerusalem, p. 272. 3 Gen. xxviii, 17. 

630 Columns of Ordeal 

xix, 24, is familiar to Moslems from its adaptation in the 
Koran, 1 which says that unbelievers shall not ' enter 
into paradise, until a camel pass through the eye of 
a needle \ Finally, we must point out, as at least an 
extraordinary series of coincidences, that the crypt of 
the Dome of the Rock passed for the place where Christ 
forgave the adulterous woman, and was thence known in 
Frankish times as confessio? exactly as the cave below 
the church of the Ascension, in which the ex-harlot 
Pelagia passed her days of penitence, was known as 

The two accounts of the column ordeal as practised* 
in the middle seventeenth century by Moslems in the 
Dome of the Rock, refer to an identical pair of columns, 
distinct from those of the structure itself, and placed 
near the western entrance. Brother Eugene Roger 
(1653) says that it was commonly said of them that any 
one who could pass easily between them was predestined 
for the Moslem paradise, and that if a Christian made 
the attempt he would inevitably be crushed by them. 3 
D'Arvieux (1660), our second authority, says that they 
were used as an oracle of legitimacy and that bastards 
were unable to make the passage, at least not without 
great difficulty. 4 The practice of the ordeal on the 
Dome of the Rock is not cited by any subsequent writer. 
The association of the two ideas, (i) fitness for heaven 
and (2) legitimacy, has already met us at the Holy 
Sepulchre and will meet us again later. What is the 
point of contact between the two ideas ? 

A possible answer may be found in the fact that in 
Moslem, and to a certain extent also in Jewish, theology 

1 vii, 38 (Sale's ed., p. 108). 

2 Tobler, Topogr. von Jerusalem, i, 544 : cf. Theodericus, De Locis 
Sanctis, pp. 43, 123. 

3 Chateaubriand, Itiner. ii, 376. 

4 Memoir es, ii, 210 f., retailing information gathered from monks 
employed in repairing the windows of the mosque. 

In the Mosque of El Aksa 631 

the relation of the soul to the Creator is habitually 
figured by that of a wife to her husband. As the chief 
virtue of a man is faithfulness to God, so that of a 
woman is faithfulness to her husband : infidelity is in 
either case the cardinal sin. 1 On the fidelity of the wife 
depends the legitimacy of her offspring, and both would 
be satisfactorily tested if a pregnant woman passed 
successfully between the miraculous columns. The 
passage of pregnant women is indeed several times 
mentioned, though it is obvious that the rite was shared 
by others (possibly at first babies) with the object of 
proving their own legitimacy. 2 

The ordeal of the columns is found a second time 
under Moslem auspices in Jerusalem at the mosque El 
Aksa in the Haram. Here it is mentioned by numerous 
authors of the seventies, 3 and Conder tells us that it was 
forbidden in 1 88 1, when the space between the columns 
was blocked by an iron bar to prevent the passage. The 
purpose of the rite seems to have been exclusively to 
test the suppliant's fitness for heaven. 

1 For the same collocation of ideas note that in judging the markings 
of Arab horses a star on the shank is held to presage that the animal's 
owner will be of doubtful orthodoxy as a Mussulman, and that his 
wife will be unfaithful (Kelly, Syria, p. 446). 

2 Predestination includes a wide range of ideas among which are 
(l) virtue, (2) freedom from mortal sin, (3) state of grace, (4) belief (for 
Moslems), the central idea being fitness for heaven. It is not the same 
ideajbr Moslems as legitimacy, although Islam allows special privileges 
to ' founders' kin ', the legitimacy of whose descent from the Prophet 
might reasonably be supposed to be tested by any given test of grace. 
Jews and Mohammedans both accept proselytes, it will be remembered. 

3 Conder, Jerusalem, p. 232 ; Lady Burton, Inner Life of Syria, 
P- 379 9 J- A. Bost, Souvenirs d' Orient (1874) Pierotti, Legendes 
Racontees, pp. 33 f. (he says they are verd- antique in colour and taper) : 
Lubomirski, Jerusalem (1878), p. 277. De Vogue, Syrie, pp. 202 f., 
gives an amusing description of the ceremony. Tobler, in his Topogr. 
von Jerusalem (1853), does not mention the superstition : it will be 
remembered that access to the Haram was still in his time almost 

632 Columns of Ordeal 

Outside Jerusalem the rite has been copied (appa- 
rently) at Urfa (Edessa) in the Jacobite crypt of S. 
Ephraem under the Armenian monastery of S. Sergius, 
though no definite purpose is attributed to it by our 
single authority, 1 who says, c Before the grave is a rock- 
hewn column near the wall, between which and the 
wall everyone tries to pass '. 

What seems a certain case of plagiarism from the rite 
of S. Pelagians church is found at Hassa Keui in Cappa- 
docia, the alleged place of burial of S. Makrina, sister of 
S. Gregory. Pilgrims to the tomb ordinarily circum- 
ambulate it, but if they have made a vow to the saint 
which they have failed to fulfil, they are arrested by a 
supernatural force at a place where a corner of the 
sarcophagus approaches to within a few inches of the 
wall. 2 

Another derivative from the original rite of the 
Ascension church, very possibly dating from the Cru- 
sades, 3 is at Nivelles in Belgium, where, in the church of 
S. Gertrude, ' dans une chapelle . . . un pilier mono- 
lithe de i m 3O de hauteur et de diametre environ, 
sans utilite speciale dans la batisse, est appuye sur une 
base reliee au mur et distancee du sol par deux marches. 

1 H. Petermann, Reisen im Orient, ii, 354. 

* Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad, de VAsie Mineure, p. 206. For 
analogies see above, p. 627. 

3 Similarly, the legend of S. Hubert spread from Rome to Belgium 
because many relics had been carried there, see above, p. 464. Secular 
counterparts of the dispersion of stories of the saints are found in two 
legends related by Baring Gould (Curious Myths, 2nd series, pp. 206 ff., 
314 ff.). The first is the legend of Melusine, the fairy ancestress of the 
Lusignans of Poitou, the second tells how an ancestor of the Belgian 
Godefroi de Bouillon met Beatrice, a mysterious woman, near a 
fountain, and eventually married her. That is, two Persian-coloured 
tales of fairy ancestors were told in Poitou and Belgium of noble 
houses which became conspicuously famous in the Crusades. Trou- 
badours were the main agents in the circulation of such stories, but 
another important factor was the settlement of Crusaders in their 
newly conquered lands in the East ; see Hasluck, Letters, pp. 117-18. 

In Mosques at Damietta and Kairuan 633 

Le peuple pretend que toute personne qui n'est pas en 
etat de grace ne peut passer entre le mur et le pilier : 
Pespacement est environ de 30 centimetres. 5 x 

On the Moslem side the three examples from northern 
Africa which follow are quite clearly derivatives from 
the Jerusalem prototypes, all having in common both 
the form of the rite, passage between columns, and its 
main object, proof of orthodox religious sentiments. 

To the Columns of Ordeal in the mosque of Amr at 
Fostat (Old Cairo) we have already referred. Though 
the main purpose of the ordeal here is as above stated, 
Douglas Sladen, in his Queer Things about Egypt* hints 
that they are also used as a test of women's chastity. 
We have already remarked that the practice does not 
seem here to be ancient, probably deriving directly 
from the Aksa mosque at Jerusalem. Similar Columns 
of Ordeal are mentioned as existing in the mosque of 
Amr at Damietta. The space between them may be 
traversed only by ' the virtuous ? , presumably, here as 
elsewhere, persons in a state of grace or believers. 3 At 
the mosque of Sidi Okba in the holy city of Kairuan in 
Tunisia are likewise a pair of such columns : 4 they are 
of red porphyry and are used as a test of Moslem ortho- 
doxy or as a cure for rheumatism ! Like those of El 
Aksa, they taper towards the top, so that with a little 
chicanery a tall man stands a better chance of passing 
than a shorter patient of like build. 

Vaujany speaks of the Columns of Ordeal as a not 
infrequent feature in Egyptian mosques. Considering 
the importance of the mosques of Amr and Sidi Okba, it 

1 Sebillot, Folk-Lore de France, iv, 157, quoting O. Colson in 
Wallonia, iii, 15. Sebillot's very thorough work gives no parallel in 
the French area. S. Gertrude's is a Benedictine abbey church founded 
by S. Gertrude in 645. 

* P. 198 : cf. his Orient. Cairo, p. 183. 

3 Vaujany, Alexandric, p. 205. For another column of predestina- 
tion, this time at Bethlehem, see Tobler, Bethlehem, p.. 90. 

4 Poire, Tunisie Fran$aise, Paris, 1892, pp. 187-8. 
3*95'* T 

634 Columns of Ordeal 

would not be surprising to find them widely distributed 
in North Africa. 

Two cases of an ordeal involving passage between 
natural rocks as a test of spiritual acceptability may be 
here cited, (i) At Haji Bektash, the chief seat of the 
(Shia) Bektashi sect, pilgrims make the passage of a 
natural rock tunnel with a view to proving their sin- 
cerity of purpose. The aperture is narrow, and it is 
customary for the pilgrim to remove his arms before 
making the attempt : with arms, passage is reputed im- 
possible, though, according to my informants, a certain 
Albanian bey, who refused to conform to the rule, passed 
successfully ; he was rewarded for his presumption by 
an early death. 1 (2) Of a closely similar rite in Morocco 
I am informed by a friend long resident in Fez, whose 
words I quote. 

* An eyewitness here, credible, informs me that there is at a 
mountain sanctuary called Mulai Abdslam bel Meshish, a well- 
known place in the mountains south of Tetuan, just outside the 
shrine, a sort of cave, with a narrow entrance between two 
rocks. Only one who is " murda " can pass in. If not " murda ", 
the rocks would crush you. " Murda " is a technical word 
meaning " acceptable " with special reference to God and your 
parents. The local tradition in this place seems to know no- 
thing of bastardy : it is morals of which it is the touchstone.' 3 

The close resemblance of these two instances may be 
merely fortuitous, or both may alike depend on a proto- 
type unknown to us, possibly in the Shia holy places. 
Their ultimate relation with the Jerusalem group must 
be regarded as * not proven ' pending further evidence 
or indication. 

Two instances of embracing a column for oracular 
purposes, as in the second phase of the Ascension church 
ritual, may or may not be connected with our series. 

1 From AH Kemal Bey Klissura, and his brother, Fadil Bey. 

2 From Mr. J. M. Dawkins. 

For Oracles 635 

The embracing ritual in itself is early and obviously 
derives from the enthusiastic salutation of the venerated 
object by pilgrims. It is mentioned in connexion with 
the column of Flagellation on Mount Zion by Anto- 
ninus of Piacenza. 1 

The first of these instances is at Kufa, one of the 
great holy places of Shia Islam, where there is a piece 
of a column, reputed brought thither by Ali himself. 
This is used as an oracle of legitimacy, bastards being 
unable to make their fingers meet round it.* The 
second is at Alexandrovo in Serbian Macedonia, where 
the tekke of the Bektashi dervishes contains a miracu- 
lous square pillar, which, supposedly brought there by 
a Bosnian saint, is embraced by pilgrims. If they can 
make the fingers of their two hands meet round the 
pillar, their prayer is granted. 3 

The connexion of the two Shia rites seems obvious, 
the generalization of the purpose of the ordeal in the 
derivative at Alexandrovo being characteristic. It would 
be dangerous without further evidence to connect them 
with the second ritual of the Ascension church, though 
it will be remarked that the purpose of the latter has 
not come down to us. 

1 Ed. Toblcr, xxii, p. 24 ; Kelly, Syria , p. 366. 

2 Niebuhr, Voyage en Arable ', ii, 216. 

3 Evans in J.H.S. xxi, 203 : sec further above, p. 277. 




A,L early drawings of the Olympieum at Athens, 
from Carrey's downwards, 1 show on part of the 
architrave a rubble building of peculiar form, which has 
been removed only in comparatively recent years. 2 So 
many writers allude to this building as the dwelling of 
a Stylite hermit that the statement has passed unques- 
tioned into Gregorovius' standard work on Athens in 
the Middle Ages. 3 A closer examination of our sources, 
however, makes it abundantly clear that the Stylite 
hermit of the Olympieum is a product of the imagina- 
tion alone and had no historical existence. We will 
examine first the testimony of our authors as to the 
hermit, and secondly the nature of his supposed cell. 

The first allusion to the hermit is no earlier than 
1739. Pococke, after his description of the rubble build- 
ing on the architrave (to which we shall return), con- 
tinues sceptically : * some imagine that the palace of 
Adrian was built on those high pillars, but this wall 
[i. e. the supposed cell] appears to be modern . . . and 
they pretend to say, that some hermit lived in that airy 
building.' 4 Chandler's testimony is similar : * you are 
told it has been the habitation of a hermit, doubtless of 

1 Omont, Athene* au XFII e Siecle, pi. xxii. 

3 Apparently in the seventies : cf. Transfeldts in Ath. Mitth. \ 
(1870), p. 112, n. i. 

3 Gregorovius, Stadt Atben, i, 68 : cf. Julliard, Voyages Incoherent*, 
pp. 301 f., who mentions this as a fact and with details so late as the 
beginning of this century. 

4 Descr. of the East, II, ii, 166. Before this date most took it for 
remains of Hadrian's palace (e.g. Randolph, Morea, p. 22). 

Grozuth of the Legend 637 

a Stylites V Dodwell, in 1 805, says 'it is supposed to have 
been the aerial residence of a Stylites hermit V Hob- 
house, in 1809, that ' Greeks and Turks declare it to have 
been the habitation of a Saint'. 3 Turner, in 1814, 'was 
told ' quite a different legend, viz. that c on a piece of 
the architrave between two of them [i. e. the columns] 
a Greek, in the time of a terrible plague that infested 
Athens, built a small chamber of brick, to which he 
ascended with cords, drawing them up after him '.* 
The discrepancy need not trouble us, since none of these 
traditions have more truth in them than the frankly 
supernatural story told by an old Albanian woman to 
Dodwell, that the so-called Stylite's Cell was full of 
treasure and guarded by an Arab who made his abode 
there and by night jumped from column to column. 5 

As the century goes on the Stylite story becomes 
accepted and grows more detailed and explicit, but the 
only author whose account can be construed as the 
record of an eyewitness is Frankland, who is ambiguous : 
6 a Fakir, or Dervish, had contrived to ensconce himself 
upon the remains of the Epistylia in one angle of the 
colonnade/ 6 Lacour, in 1832, has the story with more 
detail : c de nos jours, unErmite a vecu pendant dix-huit 
ans sur 1'architrave des cinquieme et sixieme colonnes 
de la face orientale ; c'est au moyen d'une echelle de 
corde, qu'on lui envoyait les provisions de la semaine ; 
il y resta six annees sans en descendre.' 7 Baird was told 
by an Athenian friend in the fifties a similar story of 
a hermit who lived ' many years ago '. 8 

1 Travels in Greece, ii, 87. 

2 Tour through Greece, i, 389 : his companion, Pomardi, gives the 
talc with more detail, qualifying his statements with the phrase * al 
dire de' naturali ' (Viaggio nella Grecia, i, 150). 

3 Albania, i, 322. * Tour in the Levant, i, 379. 
5 Op. cit., i, 390. 6 Constantinople, i, 302. 

7 Excursions en Grece, p. 185. 

8 Modern Greece, 1856, p. 52 : cf. Byzantios, who, in a footnote to 

638 The Stylite Hermit of the Olympieum 

As we have said, no author, with the possible excep- 
tion of Frankland, claims to have seen the hermit. Lady 
Craven, in 1786, says vaguely that he was long since 
dead, 1 as do Laurent 2 and Trant 3 ; Michaud that he 
died a few years ago, 4 d'Estourmel that he lived in the 
last century ; 5 Lacour dates him, as we have seen, ' in 
our own times \ 

To sum up, the tale is first told in the first half of the 
eighteenth century. Pococke, Chandler, Dodwell, and 
Hobhouse do not believe it. Subsequent writers at 
short intervals accept the tradition, but date the hermit 
at various periods, all before their own visits to Athens, 
with the solitary exception of Frankland (1827). The 
latter's visit falls between those of Laurent (1818) and 
Trant (1830), both of whom knew of the hermit as long 
since dead. It seems quite evident that Frankland's 
notice, ambiguous at best, cannot be accepted as an 
eyewitness's account. 

When we turn to examine the supposed Stylite's cell 
itself, it is obvious that it was ill-adapted for a human 
dwelling-place. Pococke describes it as c a wall built 
with three passages in it, one over another, and open- 
ings in it one over another, and openings at the side 
like windows and doors ? . 6 It is so represented in the 
drawings, of which the most exact are Stuart and 
Revett's. 7 What purpose could such a perforated wall, 
perched on columns sixty feet high, have served ? 

The system of water-conduits generally employed in 
Turkey substitutes for the continuous arcaded aque- 
ducts of Roman times a series of detached towers (su 

his KajvoravTivoviToXis, (ii (1862), p. 94), mentions the OIKICFKOS . . . 
eV a) ecTTuAojSarei JepjSienjs' TIS> KaOa Aeyoucw, CTU TovpKOKparlas. 

1 Journey to Constantinople (1786), p. 259. 

2 Classical Tour, p. 96. 

3 Journey through Greece (1830), p. 265. 

4 Corresp. d'Orient (1833-5), * *6i (1830). 

5 7(wrw*/(i844),i,97. 

6 Loc. cit. i Ant. of Athens, III, ii, pi. i ; III, iii, pi. i. 

A Suggested Explanation 639 

terazi or c water balances '), placed at suitable intervals, 
which serve the double purpose of checking an over- 
rapid flow of the water (and so easing the strain on the 
pipes), and facilitating the inspection and repair of the 

' Upon the side nearest to the channel of supply they are fur- 
nished with earthen pipes, through which the fluid, ascending 
by its own impulse, mounts to the summit. Here the ascending 
pipes terminate, and discharge their contents into a small 
moos sink (water gauge or cistern) lined with k harass an and 
lukium. 1 Upon the opposite side are one or more orifices, from 
two to three inches lower than the supplying tubes. After cir- 
culating, and being exposed to the pressure and renovating 
action of the atmosphere, the water departs through these 
orifices, and descends through pipes communicating with un- 
derground channels, which convey it to the next Souteraxy . . . 
or distribute it to lateral tanks. 5 * 

The height of such water-towers is of course condi- 
tioned ultimately by that of the fountain-head serving 
the aqueduct : some are as high as ninety feet. 3 The 
cistern on top is generally open to the air. 

It seems possible that in the rubble building on the 
architrave of the Olympieum we have the remains of 
a triple series of cisterns or clearing-chambers from a 
Turkish aqueduct, the already existing columns of the 
Olympieum being utilized to avoid the expense of build- 
ing a water-tower. The ventilation of the lower two 
cisterns was secured by openings in the side-walls. 

An aqueduct was brought into Turkish Athens in 
1506-7 as the following note 4 from the ' Chronicle of 
Athens ' testifies : 

*Ev Ti &' Avyovarov K&' apxurev TO Kowriro rfjs 'AOijvas 
r/ fipvais rov ^E^e^a^pov /cat dveKcuvtaOr) rj 

* Kinds of cement (F. W. H.). 

2 C. White, Constantinople, ii, 28. 

3 Forchheimer and Strzygowski, Byz. Wasserbehalter, p. 24. 

4 Ed. Lambros in 'AOyvatov, vi (1877), p. 441. 

640 The Stylite Hermit of the Olympieum 

TTJ$ %a)pa$ Sta avvSpofifjs rov OKtvrep aov^Traarf rov *AXifJL7raaa 
/cat Sta e6Sov rov Koo/iou eaefiv] TO vtpov 'ArrpiXiov KTJ' r)[jLpa. 
As to levels, if we assume that the water supply re- 
ferred to entered the city from above the ' Kolonnaki ' 
square (JTAareta rfjs C^tAt/c^ 'Eraipeias) by the ancient 
aqueduct which still serves Athens, 1 we find that the 
drop from ' Kolonnaki ' (134*1 m.) 2 to the Olympieum 
site (80-8 m.) is great, and water flowing thence could 
easily ascend the extra sixty feet afforded by the 
columns of the Olympieum serving as a water-tower. 
The purpose of bringing a conduit so far away from 
the town was obviously the supply of water to the 
citadel, in the outer works of which the Odeum 
(97-70 m. abov.e sea-level) was then incorporated. 

1 Ziller in Ath. Mitth. ii, 120. 

2 These figures are from Cordelias' Al 'AOfjvai e^ra^o/ie^at VTTO 
v8pavXiKr)V erroifjiv, p. 1 8. 



A JOURNEY ', says a Tradition of the Prophet, ' is 
a Fragment of Hell.' The western love of travel 
for travel's sake is a perpetual enigma to the eastern 
peasant. Travelling is both expensive and troublesome : 
sensible people only consent to expense and trouble as 
a means to an end, material or spiritual. The merchant 
who travels for ultimate gain, is understood : so is the 
pilgrim who visits Jerusalem or Mecca for the good of 
his soul. A man who confesses to travelling without 
a definite aim, or in search of knowledge, is either a 
madman or a very clever person masquerading as a 
madman. Consequently, elaborate explanations are 
sometimes brought forward to account for the curiosity 
of the * Franks ' concerning eastern countries. One 
such explanation is to the effect that westerns who die 
in the East are re-incarnated as young children x and 
are thus enabled to begin their lives over again. Gener- 
ally, however, a more material view is taken, ' Franks ' 
are known to have curious knowledge. ' The Franks 
are devils, they know everything,' was the (wholly ad- 
miring) comment of a Turkish peasant, when I produced 
a map showing the lake beside which his village was 
built. Further, hazy recollections and oft-repeated 
stories of Franks who appeared from nowhere and 
distributed quinine and pills to ailing villagers give 
colour to the belief that all Franks are doctors, 2 and, 

1 Turner, Tour in the Levant, iii, 512. 

3 A certain British Consul at Samsun in Asia Minor was constantly 
worried for remedies for fever by the natives. In despair, and hoping 
to end the nuisance, he gave them impressions of the consular seal on 

642 Western Travellers through Eastern Eyes 

disease being the work ofjinns, medicine and magic in 
the East go together. 

Thus, people who are doctors and use maps, who 
even know the name of a village before they have seen 
it, are magicians or little short of it. An archaeologist 
is perhaps beyond all others marked out as a dabbler in 
the occult. His interest in the crops is feeble : he has 
nothing to sell : his religion (if Franks have any, which 
is more than doubtful) is some sort of Christianity, so 
his objective in a Mohammedan country can hardly be 
a pilgrimage. On the other hand, he will part with 
good money to be shown such things as ruins and in- 
scriptions. Everybody knows that ruins are likely places 
for buried treasure and that inscriptions are directions 
for locating it. Everybody, again, knows that treasures 
are guarded by spirits and that ordinary people cannot 
read ancient inscriptions, which are written in ' Pran- 
kish ' characters, probably cryptic at that. The infer- 
ence is obvious. The affected interest of the archaeo- 
logist in things ancient merely masks a treasure hunter I 
specially qualified by knowledge of the occult. Marvel- 
lous stories are current and implicitly believed, ex- 
emplifying the Frank's proverbial knowledge of his 
subject. Near Pergamon, so I was told by an otherwise 
shrewd Mytilenean, there was a village shop-keeper who 
owned an ' antica ' in the shape of a marble owl, which 
he kept in his shop. One evening a mysterious Frank 
arrived in the village, sat down at the shop, and made 
himself very agreeable, spending money right royally 
as much as three and sixpence, some said. In considera- 
tion of his custom, the shop-keeper allowed him at his 
own request to spend the night, not in the best room, 

paper. The patients drank the talisman soaked in water and found it 
so effective that the clamour for it became general (Van Lennep, 
Travels in Asia Minor , i, 285.) 

1 Miss Durham found herself suspected of this (High Albania, 
p. 56) : r/". Doughty, Arabia, ed. Garnett, i, 114. 

Treasure-Hunters 643 

which was offered and refused, but in the shop. . . . When 
his host came to wake him in the morning, the Frank 
had gone, the marble owl had been unscrewed, and its 
two halves, which were hollow, lay on the counter, and 
by them a gold coin. This told its own tale. The Frank 
had evidently got wind of the existence of the marble 
owl beforehand by the aid of his books, and had made 
his descent on the village with the express intention of 
securing the treasure concealed in it. If he left, out of 
gratitude to his host as was supposed, one gold piece on 
the counter, how many more must not the owl have 
yielded ? 

The books of the Franks are credited with contain- 
ing all sorts of occult information on inscriptions and 
treasures. This idea is confirmed by the fact that an 
archaeologist often does know of an inscription before 
he has seen it, but of course from quite prosaic archaeo- 
logical publications. Given the inscription, the treasure 
is easily found. The methods used by the Franks for 
carrying it off are various. They may remove the in- 
scribed stone bodily and extract the treasure at their 
leisure. Some think the procedure is to bewitch the 
treasure so that the coins of which it is composed turn 
into flies, 1 and then to conjure the flies to betake them- 
selves into the country of the Franks, where they can be 
re-transformed into coins. This method, though elabor- 
ate, has the advantage of avoiding the expense of carriage. 

The boundary line between the adventures even of 
particular Franks and pure fairy story is slight indeed. 
The following story, told to Hamilton in 1836 by guides 
from Everek near Caesarea, shows the machinery of the 
folk-story unfettered by any consideration of prob- 

' A traveller once came from Frangistan, in search of a rare 

1 Turner, op. cit., iii, 513. In North Africa insects fly out to attack 
those who would rob the tomb of the Christian woman near Algiers 
(Berbrugger, Tombeau de la Chretienne, pp. 36-8). 

644 Western "Travellers through Eastern Eyes 

plant which grew only on the summit of Argaeus, having ten 
leaves round its stalk and a flower in the centre. The plant was 
guarded by a watchful serpent, which only slept one hour out 
of the four-and- twenty. The traveller in vain tried to persuade 
some of the natives to accompany him, and point out the way ; 
none of them would venture, and at length he made the ascent 
alone. Failing, however, in his attempt to surprise the dragon, 
he was himself destroyed. He was afterwards discovered, 
transformed into a book, which was taken to Caesarea, and thence 
found its way back to Frangistan. 5 J 

This astounding rigmarole affords a fine example of 
the atmosphere of magic and mystery which surrounds 
the wandering Frank : and it is some consolation to the 
western traveller, who often enough feels himself but 
a commonplace person in the East, to realize that he 
also may become in the mouths of the people the hero 
of such a fantastic, if ill-starred, Odyssey. 

As a matter of fact, the hero of the Everek tale was 
real enough. Near the village is a modest gravestone 2 
with the inscription c Nathan Gridley, American Mis- 
sionary from the United States, born in Farmington, 
Connecticut, 31 years and 35 days old, died 1827, 
Sept: 28 ' ; then the same in Greek and Armenian. 

Deceased was a medical missionary who lived here 
several years, serving alike all the inhabitants of Caesarea 
and making himself respected even by the fanatical 
Turks. Having paid a visit to Everek, he made up his 
mind to be the first of moderns to ascend the mountain 
on foot, as was his regular practice, trusting to his 
immense physical strength. He was at first accom- 
panied by four Greeks, but he tired them out in the 
first four hours. Despite their warnings, he continued 
the ascent alone, till he sank, worn out, to the ground. 
It was only next morning that he was able to crawl 
painfully back with bleeding feet to Everek. He was 
put on a horse and taken to his own house at Erdenlik, 

1 Hamilton, Asia Minor, ii, 275. 2 Tschihatscheff, Reisen, p. 38. 

Seekers of the Gold Plant 645 

where he died in three days from the effects of his 
exhaustion. Les Grecs restaient convaincus qu'il etait 
mort etouffe par le manque d'air. 1 

The plant was evidently the magic flower lampedona 
(AoftTreSdi/a), which is only to be distinguished at night 
by its luminosity and has the property of turning all it 
touches into gold. It grows habitually on the tops of 
mountains and Franks know of it and make gold with it.* 

1 Texier, Asie Mineure (1834), ii, 62. For a brief bibliography of 
Gridley see Memoirs of American Missionaries formerly connected with 
the Society of Enquiry respecting Missions in the Andover Theological 
Seminary, pp. 127-34. I have to thank Mr. L. D. Caskey for an 
extract from this publication, as also for a reference to Leonard 
Worcester, A Sermon delivered at the Ordination of the Rev. Elmathan 
Gridley, Boston (Crocker and Brews ter), 1825. 

2 A Cretan monk inquired about it from Sieber (Kreta, i, 544) in 
the early part of last century. The existence of this flower is a widely 
spread superstition common to Greece and other countries of the 
Nearer East (Polites, /TapaSocrct?, nos. 318 , and note on no. 318, 
which gives a full bibliography on the subject). For its existence in 
Palestine see Hanauer, Folk-Lore of the Holy Land, p. 289 (also called 
* tortoise herb ') ; for it in Egypt see Amelineau, Conies de V&gypte 
Chretienne, i, 149 (the c morceau de bois qui change les creatures * 
made the Queen of Sheba's goat-foot human) ; for it on a mountain of 
the Soudan see G. J. H., Blackwood^s Magazine, March, 1918, p. 406 ; 
in Arabia see Dorys, La Femme Turque, p. 173 (herb of youth and beauty 
on mountain near Mecca, but long ago) ; in Persia see Mrs. Bishop, 
Journeys in Persia y i, 321 (the authoress was thought to have come in 
search of it) ; in Crete see, besides the references quoted by Polites 
(supra), Dandini, Voyage du Mont Liban, pp. 17-18 (where it grows on 
Mt. Ida and turns the teeth of the animals that browse on it yellow) ; 
in Albania, on Mt. Tomor, see Berati in UAlbanie, April 1918. It is 
in some way related to a plant which is of the highest value to alchemy. 
Lane heard of it in Egypt as growing on a mountain (Thousand and One 
Nights, pp. 341-2, where, however, the connexion is fraudulent). 
Carsten Niebuhr (Voyage en Arabie, en Suisse, ii, 307, cf. 393) heard 
it grew on a mountain of the Yemen, where it yellowed the teeth of 
goats which fed on it. Mejir-ed-din (died 927 A. H.) mentions plants 
on the Sakhra rock at Jerusalem which turn silver to gold and gold to 
silver (ed. v. Hammer in Mines de POrient, ii, 94). Farther east, in 
Persia, Villotte (Voyages, p. 483) heard of a plant whose root turns 
quicksilver into silver. 



THE story of the Rhodian knight Dieudonne de 
Gozon and the slaying of the great dragon of Mal- 
passo is, largely owing to Schiller's adoption of the theme 
in a ballad, 2 one of the best-known legends of its type. 3 
It is one of several instances in which an historical 
personage figures as the hero of this quite mythical 
adventure. 4 

Dieudonne de Gozon, a member of the Provencal 
langue, was the third Grand Master of the Knights of 
S. John at Rhodes, ruling from 1346 to 1353. He is 
represented as a simple knight at the time of his great 
adventure. As might be expected, no contemporary, 
or nearly contemporary, authority mentions the dragon 
fight of de Gozon. 5 But so early as Mandeville and 
Schiltberger we find anonymous Rhodian knights figur- 
ing as the heroes of current folk-tales of the chivalric 
type. 6 

1 An earlier version of this chapter appeared in B.S.A. xx, 70 ff. 
a Der Kampf mit dem Drachen (1799). 

3 For dragon-legends in folk-literature see Hartland's Perseus, 
Cosquin's Conies de Lorraine, i, 60 ff. and Frazer's note on Pausanias, 

ix > 2<5 > 7 ' 

4 Other historical personages credited with dragon-fights are Sire 

Gilles de Chin (d. 1127) anc * ne of the Counts of Mansfeld (Hart- 
land, Perseus, iii, 46). The Russian saint Alexander Nevski is repre- 
sented as a horseman and dragon-slayer, but was really an historical 
Grand Duke of the thirteenth century (Bouillet, Dictionnaire, s. ^.). 

5 On this point see Raybaud, Hist, des Grands Prieurs de 5. Gilles, 
ii, 300. 

6 So in Mandeville (ed. Wright, p. 139) a Rhodian knight has adven- 
tures with the enchanted daughter of Ypocras in Kos; in Schiltberger 

Early Accounts 647 

The earliest form of the de Gozon story known to us 
is the version set down by a noble pilgrim who visited 
Rhodes on his way to the Holy Land in 1521.* He was 
there told that between the city of Rhodes and the 
castle of Phileremo was a church of Our Lady called 
Malapasson, so named because years ago the spot had 
been rendered impassable to travellers by a monstrous 
dragon which did great damage to the countryside. 
A French knight asked the Grand Master's leave to 
attack it, but the latter forbade him on the ground that 
the enterprise was too dangerous. Not content with 
this refusal, the knight went back to France and trained 
his horse and two dogs to face the dragon by setting 
them at a dummy monster made by covering a calf with 
a dragon's skin. 2 Having trained the animals, he re- 
turned to Rhodes and attacked and killed the dragon 
with their help, cutting off a piece of its tongue as 
evidence, but telling no one of his exploit. Some days 
after the encounter a Greek found the dragon's carcase 
and claimed to have killed it himself. The false claim 
was refuted by the knight, who produced his trophy as 
evidence, 3 but, so far from receiving honours or reward, 

(ed. Hakluyt Society, p. 42) a Rhodian knight attempts the enchanted 
c Castle of the Sparrow-Hawk 9 ; and later in Rhodes itself a Rhodian 
knight takes the castle of Phileremo by one of the regular strategies of 
folk-lore (Rohricht and Meisner, Deutsche Pilgerrcisen^ p. 371 ; Torr, 
Rhodes, p. 91). All these are well-known folk stories to which local 
colour has been given by the characterization of the heroes. 

1 Pfalzgraf Ottheinreich, in Rohricht and Meisner's Deutsche 
Pilgerreisen, pp. 392-4. The learned editors recognize in this the 
earliest record of the de Gozon legend. 

* This rather unconvincing stratagem, much elaborated in the 
canonized version, may have been suggested by the local legend of 
Phileremo alluded to above, in which the castle is taken by a similar 
trick, the hero and his companions disguising themselves in ox-skins 
(Deutsche Pilgerreiscn, p. 371 ; Torr, Rhodes^ p. 91). 

3 The episode of the false claim, discarded in the later canonized 
version of the story, is a feature common to many folk-tales of this 
type (see above, p. 430, and note i). 

648 Dieudonne de Gozon and the Dragon of Rhodes 

was imprisoned by the Grand Master on the score of 
disobedience. He eventually became Grand Master 
himself, either the third or fourth. From this last it is 
clear that the legend of 1521 was already associated with 
de Gozon, not with an anonymous knightly hero. 

If we consider the number of earlier voyages, all 
teeming with marvels retailed to pilgrims by the way, 
which have come down to us, it seems improbable that 
the story of Dieudonne de Gozon and the dragon was 
current in Rhodes much before 1521, a hundred and 
seventy years after its hero's death, when we first hear 
of it. On the other hand, we find in Kos, like Rhodes 
a possession of the Knights, a simple legend of a dragon- 
slaying with an anonymous hero current as early as 
I42O, 1 and in the preceding century a tradition of the 
bewitched daughter of Hippocrates appearing in dragon 
form in the same island. 2 Any country at all in touch 
with the East was likely to develop these folk-themes 
with a local setting. In the de Gozon legend it is the 
choice of the hero and the details of his stratagem which 
are of special interst. 

To Bosio, the historian of the Order of S. John, who 
wrote some seventy years later, /. e. after the departure 
of the Knights from Rhodes, is due the general currency 

1 Buondelmonti, Liber Insularum, 45 : ' non diu est quod serpens 
maximus devorans apparuit armenta, et territi omnes fugam arripiebant. 
Tune strenuus vir pro salute populi duellum inceptat, dum inter 
bestias mere vellet. Quod cum hoc serpens percepisset, equum 
morsibus illico in terram prostratum occidit ; iuvenis autem, acriter 
pugnans, tandem viperam interfecit.' Folk-legends of fights with 
dragons in Greek lands, sometimes dated more or less exactly, are given 
by Biliotti and Cottret, Rhodes, p. 154 (Rhodes, ' no years ago '), and 
Polites, /JapaSoCTet?, nos. 375 (Mykonos,) 381 (Skopelos) 383 (1509, 
Cephalonia, cf. Ansted, Ionian Islands, p. 342), 387 (1891, Rapsani). 
With these it is interesting to compare the crocodile story from Egypt 
told by Lucas (Voyage au Levant (1705), i, 83 if.). 

2 Mandeville, ed. Wright, p. 138 : for the obscure connexion 
between this dragon and the devastating monster mentioned above 
see note in Warner's edition. 

Bosio's Version 649 

of the legend. His account is very detailed, though it 
seems to be given with some reserve. 1 

The dragon lived in a cave, from which a spring 
flowed, at the roots of S. Stephen's hill, some two miles 
from the city, at a place called Malpasso. Every one was 
forbidden to fight with it. De Gozon, however, re- 
solved to defy the prohibition. He retired to the castle 
of Gozon in Gascony, where his elder brother ruled, and 
made a dummy dragon of canvas stuffed with tow, 
resembling the real dragon in every particular, and so 
deyised that it could be moved mechanically, making 
hideous noises as it did so. Having trained his horse and 
dogs to attack the dummy monster, he returned to 
Rhodes and set out to Malpasso by a roundabout route, 
sending his dogs with the servants to wait for him at the 
church of S. Stephen. Thence he made his attack on the 
dragon's cave and after a terrific combat, slew it by 
a stroke in the under part of its body. In its last agonies 
it fell on him and he was with difficulty rescued from 
under it by his servants. 

The incident of the Greek and the false claim is 
omitted in Bosio's version. De Gozon for his disobedi- 
ence was deprived of his habit by the Grand Master 
(de Villeneuve), who, however, afterwards relented and 
reinstated him. In course of time the dragon-slayer 
became Grand Master. At his death he was buried in 
the conventual church of S. John, his tomb being 
signalized by a representation of his heroic achievement 
and the words DRACONIS EXTINCTOR. 

Later historians of the Order, Boissat, 2 Marulli, 3 
Vertot, 4 and Paoli,* draw largely, if not exclusively, on 

1 G. Bosio, Istoria della S. Religione di S. Giovanni, pt. ii, pp. 45 ff. 

2 Histoire de VOrdre de Sainctjean (1612), pp. 120 ff. 

3 Vite di Gran Maestri della S. Religione di S. Giovanni (1636), 
pp. 300 ff. 

* Histoire des Chevaliers de S.Jean (1726), ii, 22. 

5 Codict Diplomatic del Ordine Gerosolimitano (1733-7), ii> 464 : 

3*95-* U 

650 Dieudonne de Gozon and the Dragon of Rhodes 

this account. The traveller de Breves gives a slightly 
different version, making the gallant deed of de Gozon 
not the cause of his degradation, but an attempt to 
rehabilitate himself. 1 

The characteristic points of the dragon-legend re- 
lated of de Gozon are : (i) the difficulty of obtaining 
permission to fight the dragon, and (2) the training of 
the dogs with a dummy dragon. These are, so far as 
I know, peculiar to the de Gozon legend and that of 
Sire Gilles de Chin, of which the details in question 
have been shown to be of seventeenth-century origin and 
therefore probably derived from the de Gozon legend. 2 


Down to quite recent times writers of otherwise un- 
impeached sanity have laboured to prove that de Gozon's 
exploit was, at least in essentials, historical. A certain 
amount of tangible corroborative evidence has been 
brought forward to this end, but none of it bears 

Paoli is the first to associate the legend of de Gozon with that of 
Phorbas, as does in our own times C. Torr (Rhodes, p. 94). 

1 Voyages (1628), p. 18 : this is curiously paralleled by a western 
type of dragon-legend in which the hero is a condemned criminal or a 
deserter (cf. Salverte, Sciences Occultes, 3 ed., p. 477). 

a C. Liegeois, Gilles de Chin (1903), p. 124. Supernatural dogs are 
introduced in some folk-stories of the dragon-fight (cf. Hartland, 
Perseus y i, 29 f.) as assistants of the hero, but their setting and importance 
are wholly different. There is in Zotos Molottos' AZJ-LKQV rwv *Aylwv 
a curious account of S. George and the Dragon, which is copied almost 
exactly from the Dieudonne de Gozon story, the scene of the fight 
being at Adalia. Zotos Molottos says the MS. of the legend is in a 
Leipzig library: it cannot be of any antiquity as it mentions vmpTrvpa 
Xpucra, a coin used in the East in the later Middle Ages, but not 
earlier. Dieudonn^'s exploit is very rarely attributed to S. George, 
so that its attribution to him in the Adalia legend is perhaps due to 
the proximity of that town to Rhodes, especially as de Gozon's memory 
was perpetuated there by the preservation till c. 1830 of the dragon's 
head. In the Adalia story S. George has an attendant Lupus, who 
figures in other martyrologies. 

Corroborative Evidence 651 

(1) The cave in which the dragon lived was shown in 
Rhodes. 1 Such evidence is fairly easy to find. We may 
here note the possible contribution to the legend afforded 
by the existence in the early part of the fifteenth cen- 
tury of a rich Rhodian, apparently not a knight, named 
(or nicknamed) // Dracone, who had a villa and garden 
at some distance from the city.* In Greek lands old 
proprietors' names are very apt to cling to their estates, 
and a place originally named after // Dracone would 
afford plausible evidence to later generations for the 
location of a dragon-fight. 

Palerne, in the early years of the seventeenth century, 
seems to be the first traveller who claims to have seen 
the cave of the dragon ; he adds that ' the story [of de 
Gozon's exploit] was engraved in the rock. 5 3 In this 
detail he is confirmed a hundred years later by Egmont 
and Heymann, 4 who give the text of the inscription as 
follows : 

FR. DEODATUS DE GAZONE [sic] hie anguem 
immensae molis, orbibus terribilem, miseros Rhodi incolas 
devorantem, strenue peremit, deinceps Magister creatus 
est A.C. 1349. 

Subsequent writers do not mention this inscription. 

(2) For the alleged representation of the combat and 
the words DRACONIS EXTINCTOR on the tomb of de Gozon 
at Rhodes our only authority is Bosio,5 who in all prob- 
ability was never in the island, since in his time the seat 

1 Michaud and Poujoulat, Corresp. d* Orient, iv, 20 ; A. Berg, Die 
Insel Rhodus, i, 86; Biliotti and Cottret, Rhodes, p. 152: Belabre, 
Rhodes of the Knights, p. 185. 

* Viaggio (1413) of Nicolb d'Este (Coll. di Opere delta R. Commission? 
pe* Testi di Lingua, i, 115 : cf. p. 142. * II Dracone * was in all proba- 
bility identical with Dragonetto Clavelli, a Rhodian gentleman who 
acted as procuratore for the Grand Master in 1392 and held lands from 
the Order (Bosio, ii, 102 (1392), 114 (1402)). 

3 Peregrinations (1606), p. 347. < Travels (1759), i, 277. 

5 Op. cit. ii, 55. 

U 2 

652 Dieudonne de Gozon and the Dragon of Rhodes 

of the Order had been removed to Malta. Vertot, who 
was in the same case, gives the epitaph in French, CY 
GIST LE VAINQUEUR DU DRAGON, adding that this was the 
only inscription. 1 A fragment of a supposed tomb of 
de Gozon was discovered by Rottiers, at a church of 
S. Stephen outside the city. 2 But the inscription, so 
far from mentioning the dragon, does not contain the 
name of de Gozon and the date is a year out. 

A genuine sarcophagus of de Gozon was removed 
from Rhodes to France in 1877, and is now in the Cluny 
Museum. 3 It is very plain and bears the mutilated 
legend : 

Cy gist FT. Dieudonne d\e Gozon maisfre del* Ospital. . . 
[qui trespassa] Pan MCCCLIII a viij jors de Dese\mbre . . . 

(3) Rottiers claimed to have discovered in a private 
house in the Street of the Knights at Rhodes a fresco 
representing the combat with the dragon. To judge 
from the drawing made by his artist the fresco, like most 
of the buildings in the street, is much later than the 
date of de Gozon. 4 

An earlier fresco illustrated 5 by the same author was 
seen by him in a vault of the ruined church of Notre 
Dame de Philerme, built, to judge by the arms on the 
corbels, by the Grand Master d'Aubusson, the hero of 
the first siege of Rhodes (1480). A knight, not de 
Gozon (as is shown by his arms), kneels before S. Michael, 
who spears a monster- Adjoining the group is a rock 
with a spring of water gushing out, surmounted by a 
serpent and two doves. 6 Rottiers rightly abstains from 

1 Op. cit. ii, 54 : the same epitaph is given by Paoli, loc. cit. 

2 Monumens de Rhodes (1828), p. 340 and pi. lii. 

3 Catalogue du Musee des Thermes (1883), p. 40, no. 422 : the 
sarcophagus is illustrated in U Illustration, 1878 (Ixxi), no. 1826 
(Feb. 23). The drawing of de Gozon's tomb in de Villeneuve- 
Bargemont's Monumens des Grands-Maitres (i, pi. xxvi) is of course quite 
fanciful. 4 Monumens de Rhodes, pp. 239 f., pi. xxvii. 

5 O/>, cit., p. 372, pi. Ixii. 

6 The whole seems to form a pendant to another fresco in the same 

Corroborative Evidence 653 

associating this fresco with the de Gozon legend. It 
may nevertheless have been considered locally as con- 
firmatory evidence, 

(4) We have further to reckon with a reputed * dragon- 
stone * preserved in Bosio's time by the de Gozon family 
as a relic of their famous ancestor. This is described 
as a crystal of the size and shape of an olive and of 
varied colour : it was supposed to have come from 
the forehead of the Rhodian dragon. The idea of such 
stones, derived from Pliny and Solinus, was widespread 
in the Middle Ages * and persisted late. 2 The de Gozon 
stone, like most of its class, was an antidote (on the 
homeopathic principle) against poison. Water in which 
it was placed bubbled violently while absorbing the 
virtue of the stone, and was afterwards given to patients 
to drink. A Rhodian knight of the de Gozon family 
affirmed that he had himself seen the remedy adminis- 
tered and a serpent i| palms long vomited up by the 
patient. 3 In the wars of religion the stone was stolen 
and given to Henry IV. 4 

series representing an attack by a saint on a dragon in a cave surmounted 
by an owl. 

1 A fourteenth-century Lapidaire, bearing the name of de Mandeville 
tells us (p. 113) that the ' pierre de serpent ' or Dreconcides ' est engen- 
dree de plusieurs serpents qui joignent leurs tetes ensemble et soufflent ; 
elle est noire et porte a son chef une partie de blancheur pale au milieu 
de laquelle est une image de serpent ; elle vaut contre venin, et garde 
celui qui la porte de morsure de serpent et de betes venimeuses, en 
telle maniere, qu'on peut les prendre en sa main toute nue, sans se 
blesser.' The dragon-stone must be taken from the brain of the 
monster while it still lived (Conrad von Megenberg, Buch der Natur, 
p. 444, 29). Palmer found the snake-stone legend current at Mount 
Sinai (Desert of the Exodus, p. 99). For the legend in the West sec 
Maury, Croy: du Moyen Age, p. 230, n. 2. 

* The question of the authenticity of 4 dragon-stones ' or escarboucles 
is seriously discussed by J. B. Panthot, Traite des dragons. 

3 Bosio, op. cit. ii, 55. 

4 Kergorlay, Chypre et Rhodes, p. 275 (quoting de Naberat, Hist, des 
Chevaliers de S. Jean, Paris, 1629, p. 70). 

654 Dieudonne de Gozon and the Dragon of Rhodes 

(5) A head supposed to be that of the dragon slain by 
de Gozon was seen by the seventeenth-century traveller 
Thevenot hung up in one of the gateways of Rhodes. 1 
There is no mention of this head in Bosio or any earlier 
writer than Thevenot. Subsequent writers speak of 
such a head (or heads) in a similar position ; it seems to 
have disappeared in i839. 2 

This supposed evidence for de Gozon's combat has 
long been recognized as an instance of the familiar use 
of * giants' ' (i. e. crocodiles) and ' dragons' ' (crocodiles' 
or whales') heads as charms against the evil eye. 3 The 
selection of city gateways for the suspension of such 
charms is again familiar. Gates, like all entrances, are 
considered critical points, city gates especially so from 
the strategic point of view. 4 It will be noted that, like 

1 Travels, p. 117: cf. Veryard, Choice Remarks (1701), p. 331 : 
Dumont, Nouv. Voyage, p. 230. 

* Biliotti and Cottret, Rhodes, pp. 150 ff. Cf. Rottiers, p. 235 ; 
Michaud and Poujoulat, Corresp. d'Orient, iv, 20 ; Berg, Rhodus, i, 90. 
In 1696 Villotte saw one of the dragon's ribs in a gate at Rhodes 
(Voyages, p. 344). ^ 

3 A well-known instance is that of the crocodile of Seville (Elworthy, 
Evil Eye, p. 214). Others are cited from Marseilles, Lyons, Cimiez, 
and Ragusa by Salverte (Sciences Occultes, p. 482), from Verona by 
Berg (op. cit., p. 90), and from Siena by Baedeker (Central It., p. 23). 
Cf. above, p. 231. 

4 For the protection of gates by talismans see Quiclet, Voyages, p. 
1 1 1 (* Giant's bones ' at gate of Belgrade) ; Hobhouse, Albania, ii, 948 
(Whale's bones at Seraglio gate, Constantinople) ; Evliya, Travels, 
ii, 230 (Whale's bones and old arms at gate of Angora) ; Texier, Asie 
Mineure, pi. xcvii (stone balls at gate of Konia) ; Evliya, op. cit. ii, 
201 (Mace and bow at gate of Kemakh) ; Belon, Observations de plu- 
sieurs Singularitez, III, ch. xlii (* Sword of Roland ' at gate of Brusa : 
cf. Thevenot, Foyages, i, 282) ; L. Stephani, Reise des nordlichen 
Griecbenlandes, p. 16 (Giant's boot at gate of Chalkis : cf. Hugonnet, 
La Grece Nouv., p. 279) ; Biliotti and Cottret, Rhodes, p. 151 (bones of 
Digenes (really whale's) at S. Catherine's gate, Rhodes : cf. Chaviaras 
in Aaoypa<f>ia, i, 278) ; Gerlach, T age-Such, p. 337 ; Covel, Diaries, 
pp. 217 f. (various charms on gates of Constantinople). The gate of 
the Knights' Castle at Budrum was protected by the charm-text Nisi 
Dominus, &c. (see above, p. 203). AH Pasha protected the main gate 

Dragon Processions 655 

all the other tangible evidence of de Gozon's exploit, 
the dragon's head at Rhodes is first mentioned long 
after the death of the hero. 

We may here incidentally remark that the Turkish 
dragon-legend current in our own time at Rhodes, the 
hero of which is a dervish who kills the dragon by induc- 
ing it to devour forty asses loaded with quicklime, 1 ojyes 
nothing to that of de Gozon in detail, and probably 
arose simply from the ' dragon's ? head suspended in the 
city gate. 


We come now to discuss the outstanding peculiarity 
of the de Gozon legend, the incident of the dummy 
dragon. Bosio's elaborate description is worth quoting 
in full. ' The dragon ', he says, * was made of canvas 
stuffed with tow, of the same size, form, and figure and 

of his island-citadel at Yannina by building in the head of an c Arab ' 
still to be seen there, carved in stone and painted black, and the gate 
of the fort at Preveza, taken by the Greeks in the Balkan war, has been 
similarly protected by a number of painted crosses. For the analogous 
protection of gates by saints' tombs see Frazer's Pausanias, iii, 468. 
There are excellent Turkish examples at Nicaea, and at Candia in the 
* New Gate '. The existence of such saints is doubtless often inferred 
from that of their supposed bones, arms, or other relics originally 
suspended as talismans. See further above, pp. 229 if. 

1 Biliotti and Cottret, Rhodes, p. 153, from whom Torr, Rhodes, 
p. 94 ; for the stratagem we may compare that of the eponymous hero 
of Cracow, who gave the local dragon food mixed with sulphur, pitch, 
and wax till it eventually died (Miinster's Cosmographie, ed. Belleforest, 
i, 1781), and the History of Bel and the Dragon (vv. 23 ff.) in the 
Apocrypha. A somewhat similar stratagem occurs in the Shahnameh 
of Firdawsi, where Isfendiar begins operations on a dragon by inducing 
it to swallow a cart loaded with daggers and other weapons ; a probable 
variant of this tale occurs at Herat : see Maury, Croy. du Moyen Age, 
p. 231, n. 5 (quoting J. Abbott, Journey from Herat to Khiva, 1843, 
i, 239). Daniel killed a serpent by making it swallow pitch (Millin, 
Midi de la France, iii, 528). Sebillot (Folk-Lore de France, i, 469) 
records a tale in which a dragon swallows powder dressed up in a calf 's 
skin by a knight. 

656 Dieudonne de Gozon and the Dragon of Rhodes 

of the same colours as the beast itself. It was of the size 
of an ordinary horse. It had the head of a serpent, with 
ears the size and shape of a mule's, covered with a very 
hard and scaly skin, with a great and frightful mouth 
armed with very sharp teeth. Its eyes, deeply sunk in 
the head, glittered like fire and glared with horrible 
ferocity. It had four legs something like a crocodile's, 
with paws armed with very hard and sharp talons. 
From its back rose two wings, not so very large, which 
were the colour of a dolphin above and scarlet with 
some spots of yellow below. The body and legs were 
of the same colour as the wings, the belly red and yellow 
like the under side of the wings. It had a tail something 
like a lizard's. It ran with a speed greater than that 
of the swiftest horse, flapping its wings and making 
a tremendous noise.' All these minute details come 
from a man Bosio or another who had seen such a 
mechanical dragon as he describes. 

All over France, and apparently also in the Nether- 
lands and Spain, 1 are found traces of medieval festivals 
generally in connexion with Rogation processions, 2 in 
which dragons were an important feature. A figure of 
a dragon, originally symbolizing the Spirit of Evil, was 
carried or led in procession for three days and then 
sometimes c killed ' or rendered innocuous in a sort of 
rough religious play. 3 In these cases the dragon is apt 
to resume his old folk-lore connexion with water and is 
often regarded as a haunter of springs, or a river beast, 

1 W. G. Clarke (Gazpacho, p. 95) saw the processional ' tarasca ' at 
Toledo, where there is a body of S. Martha as at Tarascon (see below), 
according to Collin de Plancy, Diet, des Reliques, s. v. Marthe. For 
* tarasques ' in Spanish Christmas and Fete-Dieu processions see also 
Maury, Magie, p. 160, n. 3. 

2 For their significance see Hasluck, Letters, p. 57. 

3 For the widespread vogue of these festivals see Salverte, Sciences 
Occultes, pp. 475 ff. ; and, for legends of dragon-slaying saints in 
western Europe, Douhet, Diet, des Legendes, s. v. Tarasque, and Cahier, 
Caracteristiques des Saints, s.v. Dragon. 

Dragon Processions 657 

or even identified with notable floods of the local 
river. 1 

In certain instances the dragon came to be popularly 
regarded as representing an actual monster subdued by 
the local saint. At Tarascon, where the procession of 
the ' tarasque ', or dragon supposed to have given its 
name to the town, still survives, the mechanical monster 
formerly used for the procession was of immense size 
and was manipulated by a dozen men from inside, one 
of whom opened and shut its jaws ; it was baited by 
persons dressed as knights, and on the third day was 
made to give three jumps to signify its submission to 
S. Martha, who here figures as the heroine of the local 
dragon-legend. 2 Similar dragon-processions or legends 
existed in many towns of Provence ; a mechanical 
dragon was used at Aix. 3 A ' property ' dragon of this 
sort is surely at the back of Bosio's elaborate description. 4 

1 For the world-wide connexion of dragons with springs and water 
see Frazer's Pausanias, v, 44. 

3 The modern ' tarasque ' is shown in B.S.A. xx (1913-14), pi. ix. 
Maury says (Croy. du MoyenAge, p. 232, n. I, quoting Bouche, Hist, du 
Provence, i, 326) that the ' tarasque ' is first mentioned in the twelfth 
century. Sincerus, travelling soon after 1600, saw at S. Martha's, 
Tarascon, ' monstri effigies chartacea hominem deglutiens ' and 
quotes the epigram 

' Suspice multipedem squamosum deinde draconem 

Auritum cernas dentigerumq: caput 
Martha . . . 

Perdomuit, loro continuitq: brevi.' 
See Sincerus, I tin. Gall., p. 128. 

3 See especially}. B. F. Porte, in Mem. Acad. Aix> iv (1840), pp. 261- 

4 Compare the description of the Tarascon ' tarasque ' given by 
A. Dumas (Midi de la France, 1834, c ^- 34) : ' C'est un animal d'un 
aspect tout a fait rebarbatif, et dont Pintention visible est de rappeler 
1'antique dragon qu'il represente. II a environ vingt pieds de long, 
une grosse tete ronde, une gueule immense, qui s'ouvre et se ferme a 
volonte ; des yeux remplis de poudre appretee en artifice, un cou qui 
rentre et s'allonge, un corps gigantesque, destine a renfermer les per- 
sonnes qui le font mouvoir ; enfin, une queue longue et roide comme 

658 Dieudonne de Gozon and the Dragon of Rhodes 



De Gozon, as we have said, was of the langue of 
Provence. The ancestral castle of the family * in the 
valley of the Tarn (near Costes, Department of Aveyron) 
still bears their name. A cave in the neighbourhood, 
called les Dragonnieres, whence a spring issues, is shown 
as the scene of the training of the dogs. 2 It may be that 
the legend of de Gozon's exploit grew up in his native 
land and was carried thence to Rhodes. This would 
explain not only the ' dummy ' dragon, by the analogy 
of the French processional dragons, but the otherwise 
unnecessary French interlude in the story, which de- 
pends ostensibly on the Grand Master's strict prohibi- 
tion of dragon-hunting an unusual, if not unique, 
feature of the story. 

We may possibly detect an etymological basis in the 

une solive, vissee a Pechine d'une maniere assez triomphante pour 
casser bras et jambes a ceux qu'elle atteint. Le second jour de la 
fete de la Pentecote, a six heures du matin, trente chevaliers de la 
Tarasque, vetus de tuniques et de manteaux, et institu^s par le roi 
Rene, viennent chercher Panimal sous son hangar ; douze portefaix 
lui entrent dans le ventre. Une jeune fille vetue en sainte Marthe 
lui attache un ruban bleu autour du cou ; et le monstre se met en 
marche aux grands applaudissements de la multitude. Si quelque 
curieux passe trop pres de sa tete, la Tarasque allonge le cou et le 
happe par le fond de sa culotte, qui lui reste ordinairement dans la 
gueule. Si quelque imprudent s'aventure derriere elle, la Tarasque 
prend sa belle, et d'un coup de queue, elle le renverse. Enfin, si elle se 
sent trop pressee de tous c6ts, la Tarasque allume ses artifices, ses 
yeux jettent des flammes ; elle bondit, fait un tour sur elle-meme, et 
tout ce qui se trouve a sa portee, dans une circonference de soixante- 
quinze pieds, est impitoyablement brule ou culbute.* Dumas 
adds that in 1793 the Arlesians were at war with the Tarasconnais, 
beat them, and burned their Tarasque, which was ' un monstre de la 
plus grande magnificence, d'un mecanisme aussi complique qu' 
ingenieux '. The present Tarasque is an imitation of the other. 

1 Dumas (loc. cit.) places it on the Little Rhone, in Camargue. 

2 De Gissac in Congres Arch, xxx (1863-4), pp. 65-70 ; cf. 
d'Estourmel, Journal, i, 169. 

De Gozon in France 659 

name of Gozon, which might conveniently be connected 
with the Italian gozzo (crop, maw) x as expressive of the 
characteristic of many dragons,* or with gos, gous, gots 
(and gozzone), Provengal for dog, which would explain 
the introduction of the dogs. But such philological 
speculations offer more scope for ingenuity than proof, 
and the point cannot be pressed. The introduction of 
the dogs is perhaps sufficiently accounted for by the 
stories retailed to pilgrims in the fifteenth century con- 
cerning the trained dogs kept by the Knights of Rhodes 
at the Castle of S. Peter (Budrum). 3 

The dragon-slaying of Sire Gilles de Chin, to which 
we have before alluded, was based on a legendary ex- 
ploit of the historical hero in the Holy Land during the 
Crusades. This exploit the killing of a lion which 
possibly derived ultimately from the lion which so often 
serves as footstool to recumbent sepulchral figures, gra- 
dually developed, aided by an allegorical picture, 4 till it 

1 It occurs in modern provincial French (Lorraine) as gosse (' stomach 
of fatted beasts ') with the verb gosser (' to fatten for market '). 

z The processional dragon of Poitiers was named ' Grand' Gueule ' 
(La Mauviniere, Poitiers, p. 75 : Salverte, Sciences Occultes, p. 477), 
that of Rheims * le Bailla ' (Salverte, p. 475). Similarly, the name of 
Rabelais' giant Gargantua (originally a folk-lore figure), as also that of 
his father ' Grangousier ' correspond exactly in sense to Gozzone (cf. 
testa, testone, &c.). S. Romanus subdued the dragon of Rouen, which 
was known as Gargouille : for it see Collin de Plancy, Diet, des Reliques, 
i, 38, iii, 45 ; Maury, Cray, du Moyen Age, p. 232 ; Sincerus, Itin. Gall., 
p. 214. A stream in the department of Aveyron, which flows through 
a narrow gorge, is called Gouzon. Gozon may have personified its river 
as a dragon, as Grenoble does the river Drac (Salverte, op. cit., p. 463). 

3 So Torr (Rhodes, p. 93, and Class. Rev. i, 79) who suggests that these 
legends are due to the Greek lions' heads built into the castle, probably 
as talismans, by the Knights. The dogs are mentioned fairly regularly 
by fifteenth-century pilgrims, e.g. William-Wey (1462, Itineraries, p. 94), 
Joos van Ghistele (1483, 9 T Foyage, p. 334) and later located at Rhodes 
(Feryard, op. cit., p. 331). Fabri (Evagat. iii, 261-2) says the dogs 
could distinguish Christians from Moslems by their smell. 

4 On the influence of allegorical pictures on legend see above, 

P- 49> n - 2 - 

660 Dieudonne de Gozon and the Dragon of Rhodes 

eventually became a dragon-legend located in the native 
country (near Mons) of the hero. In a similar way de 
Gozon's exploit may have developed at home aided by 
the family's possession of the dragon-stone, the obvious 
suitability of the country for dragon-warfare, and, it 
may be, also by a local dragon-procession regarded as 
commemorative of an actual dragon-fight, till it was 
finally located at Rhodes, owing to (i) the connexion of 
the de Gozon family with the Rhodian Order of S. 
John, and (2) the suitably romantic background ob- 
tained by the change of scene. It is even possible that 
one beginning of the legend was the introduction of the 
festival of Rogations into Rhodes, maybe by de Gozon 
himself. As is well known, Rogations had been in- 
stituted in France at Vienne by S. Mamert (d. A. D. 474) 
and from France spread all over western Europe. 1 A 
passage in the *Aai<u rfj$ Kvrrpov shows that the fes- 
tival spread also to Frankish Cyprus, 2 so that its in- 
troduction into Rhodes is by no means impossible ; it 
will also be remembered in this connexion that Buondel- 
monti refers to a dragon slain in the neighbouring Kos. 3 

1 For French instances of the festival see Maury, Croy. du Moyen 
Age, p. 219, n. 3, pp. 228 if. ; for Roman see Lanciani, Pagan and 
Christian Rome, p. 165, who states that the Great Litany at Rome was 
celebrated as early as Leo III (A. D. 795-816). 

3 Ed. Sathas, Mccr. B<,/3\. vi, 125, the words used are rds ry/xe/oa? 
rfjs 77a/>a/cA7y(76os', TOVTZCFTW ovra zvy&Xovv rov ApaKov : I owe 
the reference to Professor R. M. Dawkins. 

3 Quoted above, p. 648, n. I. Polites gives (/JapaSoacts-, no. 383) 
an interesting dragon story from Cephalonia from a forged docu- 
ment bearing the date 1509. The hero went to the proveditore, 
borrowed a suit of armour, and, thus protected, entered the dragon's 
mouth when the latter opened it to eat the hero ; the hero then cut 
the dragon's throat with a razor from inside. In his notes on no. 
383 Polites gives several variants of the tale as current in Cephalonia ; 
the details about the huge size of the dragon, the burning of its body 
outside the church of S. Nicolas, the official doxology, as well as the 
actions of the dragon, are reminiscent of a Rogation procession, so 
that, like the de Gozon story at Rhodes, the tale may have originated 

Rogations 66 1 

Whether the story arose from a Rogation procession 
or not, the case for the French, as opposed to the 
Rhodian, origin of the legend is considerably strength- 
ened by the date at which the story appears in Rhodes. 
Bosio's information as to the ' dragon-stone ' in the 
de Gozon family comes, as he tells us, from a Rhodian 
knight connected with the family, Giovanni Antonio 
Foxano. The wonderful story illustrating the peculiar 

in such a procession. Another possible survival of Rogations may be 
the fight of S. George with a dragon. First, while Rogations, as 
instituted by S. Mamert, was a movable feast because fixed for the 
three days before Ascension, whose date depends on Easter, the Great 
Litany at Rome was fixed for the 23rd April, the date of S. George's 
festival as of the ancient Robigalia. Secondly, the fight conforms to the 
Rogation type, including, as it does, a cave and lake of the dragon and 
a church of the saint. Thirdly, the story is located most authoritatively 
at Beyrut, Ludolf von Suchem, who returned from his travels in A. D. 
1341, being the first to mention Beyrut as the scene of combat. I 
know of no mention of the dragon story earlier than the Golden Legend, 
so that the dates fit the Crusading period, cf. above, p. 32 1, n.i. Fourthly, 
in Rogation ceremonies the dragon is generally first exorcised by the 
bishop and then led away by his stole (cf. Maury, Croy. du Moyen Age, 
p. 234, n. 2). Similarly, S. George overcomes the dragon and gives 
it to the virgin princess to lead into town before he kills it. I am 
therefore inclined to think the Beyrut legend of S. George may be a 
Crusading survival and even vaguely reminiscent of a Rogation 
procession ; supposing memories of such a Prankish institution to have 
survived, the popular mind would naturally, in the course of time, 
attribute them to the most prominent local figure, i.e. S. George. 
Except on the assumption that the tale is such a survival it is hard to 
explain why Beyrut, and not Lydda, should have been chosen as the 
battle-field ; this is especially noteworthy as it is known that the 
tradition of Perseus, a possible ancestor of S. George's, lingered until 
the fourth century A. D. at Joppa, so near to Lydda. The c filling up ' 
of the dragon found in the Sbahnameb, the Rhodian dervish-legend, 
in Poland, &c. (see above, p. 655, n. i) seems to be oriental. That is, 
in the oriental type the dragon is overcome and killed by stratagem, 
but in the S. George story and at Rogations the dragon is overcome 
by the power of virginity (the princess in the one case, bishops or 
saints in the other). On the other hand, in the Sari Saltik legend a 
' combat ' between the hero and the dragon is the chief feature (sec 
above, p. 60), but I think this is a derivative from a Christian original. 

662 Dieudonne de Gozon and the Dragon of Rhodes 

efficacy of the ' dragon-stone ' came to Foxano directly 
from his kinsman Pierre Melac de Gozon, Grand Prior 
of S. Gilles in Provence, who professed to have been an 
eyewitness of the incident described. This Pierre Melac 
de Gozon entered the Order of S. John in 1516, and in 
1522 took part in the last defence of Rhodes. 1 If 
Dieudonne de Gozon himself did not originate the 
story in Rhodes, as suggested above, was his kinsman 
Pierre responsible for the importation thither of the 
mythical story current there in 1521 of his ancestor's 
exploit, or at least for the association of his name with 
a dragon-legend already current in the island ? If so, he 
may also, during his residence in Rhodes, have re-edified 
his ancestor's tomb and still further commemorated the 
latter's exploit by the painting seen by Rottiers, and by 
the inscription at the Cave of the Dragon. 

1 Raybaud, Hist, des Grands Prieurs de S. Gilles, ii, 112 ; he became 
Grand Prior in 1558. 


great saint of Tanta in the Delta is Said Ahmed 
JL el Bedawi, who was born in A. H. 596 (A. D. 1200) at 
Fez 2 and died in A. H. 675 at Tanta. 3 

He has a great reputation for liberating persons in the 
power of the infidel. Thus, a Turkish pasha long captive 
in Spain and chained by heavy chains to two great 
stones, had in vain invoked several saints to deliver 
him. At last he remembered Said Ahmed and called on 
him. Immediately the saint stretched his hand out of 
his tomb 4 and in that same instant the Pasha found 
himself back in Egypt, chains, stones, and all. As the 
miracle occurred on the festival of the saint, 5 it was wit- 
nessed by a multitude of people, but, if further proof 
be required, it may be sought in the pasha's stones and 
chains, which are still shown near his tomb. 6 

In Thevenot's time the saint was supposed to deliver 
every year three slaves from Malta at his festival ; on 
the morning of the festival three Moors used to be 

1 [This article has been put together from scattered notes in my 
husband's note-books and his letters. M. M. H.] 

3 Vaujany, Alexandrie, pp. 174 ft. Goldziher (in Rev. Hist. Relig. 
ii, 303) gives Tunis as an alternative birthplace. 

3 Vaujany, loc. cit. The tomb was reputed to be on a church and 
temple site (Vaujany, Caire, p. 329). See also Thevenot, Voyages, ii, 
802. Another well-known tomb of the sheikh was at Tripoli of Syria 
(Kelly, Syria, p. 106), where the pool adjoining the tomb contained 
sacred fish, for which see above, pp. 245 ff. See also d'Arvieux, 
Memoires, ii, 390. 

4 For this barbarous miracle of life in the grave see above, pp. 252-5. 

5 In July according to Thevenot, loc. cit. ; at the summer solstice 
according to Goldziher, loc. cit., who adds that El Bedawi had the gift 
of being so terrifying as to kill, and that the festival was a great pil- 
grimage for barren women (pp. 304-5). 

6 Niebuhr, Voyage en Arable, i, 255, 

664 Sheikh El Bedawi of Tanta 

shown who declared that they had come during the 
night, by the saint's miraculous intervention, from that 
island. 1 Till recent years his prestige was kept up by 
the occasional discovery on the dome of his mosque of 
a man in chains with long hair and nails, who professed 
to have been liberated miraculously by the saint. 2 These 
men were largely drawn from certain velis^ who fancied 
that they had sinned against the kutbj> that is, the most 
saintly of all the velis, and believed that they must do 
penance until their sin was remitted. They loaded 
themselves with chains, 4 looked on themselves as cap- 
tives in the power of the infidels, and retired entirely 
from the world. The remission of their sin being re- 
vealed to them by some omen, such as a cry or an 
ominous cloud, they returned to Tanta and announced 
their deliverance from captivity, attributing it to the 
intervention of the saint and appearing on the dome of 
his tomb. 5 

1 Thevenot, loc. cit. The same author (p. 803) relates an amusing 
story of how the saint brought to reason a truculent pasha. 

2 Vaujany, Alexandrie, pp. 174 ft. 

3 According to Lane (Mod. Egyptians, \, 290 ff.) the existence of 
veils is proved by a verse of the Koran : they are the * favourites of 
God '. The kutb is often seen, but not recognized ; he has various 
* stations ', one being Tanta. He can transport himself from Mecca to 
Cairo and vice versa in an instant. 

4 Lane (op. cit. i, 296) records the case of a veli who placed an iron 
collar on his neck and chained himself to the wall of his room. George 
of Hungary (ap. Hottinger, Hist. Orient., p. 496) says certain dervishes 
loaded themselves with chains to indicate the fierceness of the ecstatic 
frenzy which seized them at times. Cf. also Acts xx, 22, for the same 
idea (' bound in the spirit '). 

5 Vaujany, Alexandrie, p. 175, n. For their retiring from the world 
cf. Lane, Mod. Egyptians, i, 293. Lady Duff Gordon (Letters from 
Egypt, pp. 45 and 304) gives an account of an ascete called Sheikh 
Selim, who sat motionless for twenty years, without washing, praying, 
or celebrating Ramazan, ' God's prisoner ', until a certain holy camel 
he had lost should be found. Dr. Liddon saw his tomb, where the 
ascete's cats and dogs shared with his relatives in the offerings of the 
faithful : Dr. Liddon's dababiyeh was wind-bound until the party 

Liberation of Captives by Saints 665 

With no more of the story than the above it is difficult 
to explain why the saint is supposed to liberate captives 
from infidel lands. A passage in Goldziher's article on 
Moslem saints provides the key. It appears that at the 
time of the Crusades Said Ahmed liberated a Moslem 
captive from a Christian dungeon, where he was kept in 
a box, the jailer sitting on the box perpetually. Box 
and all flew with the liberated prisoner. 1 

Already in Gregory of Tours there are numerous 
stories of the liberation of captives by saints. Thus, 
S. Victor of Milan was famous for this miracle : a 
curious case is that of the political prisoner who prayed 
on the vigil of the saint and got away next day un- 
hindered on his horse. 2 A priest fled to S. Martin's to 
escape the king's wrath and was there kept in chains, 
which fell off, however, every time he invoked S. Martin. 3 
P'our prisoners broke prison and escaped to S. Martin's 
church, where their chains and stocks were broken at 
their prayer. 4 S. Nicetius of Lyons in one night ap- 
peared in seven different cities and freed prisoners from 
their jails. 5 These miracles seem all to be mainly de- 
pendent on the right of sanctuary. If a prisoner suc- 
cessfully broke jail and got, for example, on to S. 
Martin's ground, 6 he could not be touched and was 
ipso facto proved innocent by the saint. 

In these early accounts there is no hint of levitation, 
it will be noted. Later on, however, this becomes a 
great feature, and eventually becomes characteristic of 
S. Leonard of Limoges. 7 A Breton gentleman im- 

handsomely tipped the saint's relatives, when the desired miracle at 
once took place (King, Dr. Liddori*s Tour, p. 75). 

1 Goldziher, in Rev. Hist. Relig. ii, 303 f. 

2 Greg. Turon., De Glor. Martyr, i, 45. 

3 Idem, De Mir. S. Mart, i, 23. 

4 Idem 9 De Mir. S. Mart, ii, 35. 

5 Idem, Fit. Pair. VIII, ch. x. 

6 Idem, De Mir. S. Mart, iii, 41, 47 ; iv, 16, 26, 39, 41 

7 Nov. 6 : temp. Clovis. 

3295.2 x 

666 Sheikh El Bedawi of Tanta 

prisoned and in chains at Nantes appealed to S. Leonard, 
who, in the presence of all the prisoners, appeared x and 
led him out of prison, bidding him take his chain to 
S. Leonard's tomb. 2 A bourgeois of Noblac was im- 
prisoned by a seigneur and not only chained but put in 
a dark, underground dungeon, the entry of which was 
covered by a great box on which soldiers kept guard 
night and day. But in the night S. Leonard knocked 
the soldiers over and transported the prisoner to the 
door of the church, where he was found in the morning. 3 
The seigneur of Baqueville in Normandy was taken by 
the Turks in Hungary. After fifteen years' captivity he 
invoked S. Leonard and was transported to his own 
castle, where no one knew him, as he was covered 
with rags and his hair and beard had grown long. He 
was just in time to prevent his wife's second marriage. 4 
A peasant of Poitou was chained by robbers to a tree 
and appealed to S. Leonard and S. Martial. A voice 
told him to shake off his chains, which he did, carry- 
ing one to S. Leonard's and the other to S. Martial's 
tomb. 5 Boemond, prince of Antioch, was liberated by 
S. Leonard and in 1005 brought to the saint's tomb 
the silver tokens of his bondage. 6 

1 Here the Christian differs from the Moslem miracle of El Bedawi, 
for the latter saint does not manifestly appear. 

* Collin, Hist. Sacr. des Saints, p. 557. This saint is also connected 
with the strange custom of ' binding ' churches for which see above, 
p. 264, n. 2. 

3 Ibid., p. 556. 4 Ibid., pp. 558-9. 5 Ibid., p. 557. 

6 Ibid.; p. 561. S. Leonard seems to owe his prominence as the 

prisoner's friend to his name. Van Gennep (Religions, Mceurs, et 

Legendes, pp. 7-8) is explicit on the point. ' Ce saint \ he says, ' ori- 

ginaire de France, a ete transporte en Allemagne par les Cisterciens. 

Anciennement on le nommait Lienard (nom qui subsiste en Allemagne 

sous les formes Lienhart, Lehnhart, &c.) et on lui attribuait le pouvoir 

de lier et de delier. L 'analogic entre le nom du saint et sa fonction 

speciale est evidente, au point que celle-ci a bien des chances de 

prevenir de celui-la. Actuellement encore, saint Lienard ou Leonard 

est, en France comme en Allemagne, le protecteur des animaux 

Liberation Combined with Levitation 667 

The same tale of liberation is told by Paulus Merula 
(1558 to 1607) of two citizens of Orleans condemned to 
death by the Turks and placed the day before execution 
in strong chests. In the night they commended them- 
selves to the relics of Holy Cross at Orleans and were 
transported per aerem in their chests and found next 
morning in the church of Holy Cross at Orleans. 1 
Again, the black statue of Notre Dame de Liesse was 
made, with angelic help, by three knights whom the 
Sultan of Egypt held in captivity. By its aid they 
converted the sultan's daughter and were miraculously 
taken home together with the image ; the church is 
dated 1134.* 

In a small and interesting point in these develop- 
ments of the liberation-of-prisoners theme there is, 
I think, a connexion with the East on the lines of 
the Tanta miracle. In Gregory of Tours' time, it 
will be remembered, any saint 3 might perform the 
miracle. It is noticeable, however, that at this date 
there is no indication of the added miracle which 
is found at Tanta, viz. that the liberated man is 
released and carried off by the saint. In the cases, 

domestiques, des femmes en mal d'enfant, des prisonniers, etc. Et 
son surnom allemand, est Entbinder, le delieur. Ainsi, Ic jeu de mots 
fran<;ais a ete traduit par les Allemands, pour qui le mot de Licnard ne 
signifiait ricn.' 

1 Cosmographia, ap. Sincerus, I tin. Gall. y p. 29. 

2 Collin de Plancy, Diet, des Reliques, ii, 266 ff. In these stories of 
two and three knights we may discern the influence of eikonography 
perhaps. Soldiers guarding the empty tomb, for instance, are often 
shown in armour that is contemporary with the sculpture : such a 
subject certainly provides a box and knights. 

3 As illustrative of the struggle between the ' Olympian ' and the 
Pelasgian ' strata of religion in the West, the story in Greg. Turon., 

De Mir. S. Mart. IV, xxxv, is interesting. A prisoner was liberated 
from his chains while being led in front of S. Peter's church and bound 
again more tightly by his escort. When he passed, however, in front 
of S. Martin's, these strengthened bonds fell off and they had to release 
him altogether. 

X 2 

668 Sheikh El Bedawi of Tanta 

however, which date from the crusading period, this 
occurs. Levitation being a very oriental idea, this 
detail may be thought some corroboration of the 
general influence on the West of the Crusades x at 
this time. 

The pre-crusading period may have based these 
tales of liberation on S. Peter's : 2 the miracle is so far 
restricted to the undoing of chains and doors. S. Peter's 
chains are not only a relic of S. Peter, the binder and 
looser, but they have already been instrumental in his 
liberation. Liberation may be material or spiritual, 3 
the two conceptions fusing 4 through the idea of posses- 
sion being slavery to Satan. Various illnesses are also 
thought the result of sin and are typified by binding : 5 
Gregory of Tours actually uses the words caecitatis 
catena constrictus. 6 Further, a penance appointed for 
serious sins was to go in chains several years. 7 Thus, 

1 For this see Hasluck, Letters, pp. 117-8. 

2 The chains in S. Peter's prison at Jerusalem did miracles and were 
taken to Rome (Tobler, Topogr. von Jerusalem, i, 411); Lucius (Anfdnge 
des Heiligenk., p. 192) says they were given to Rome by the Empress 
Eudoxia ; S. Peter ad Vincula was built by Sixtus III, who died in 
440 A. D. (Lucius, loc. cit.). 

3 For instance, S. Maria dell' Inferno at Rome was at first inter- 
preted as ' Libera nos a poenis infernis ', but was later regarded as S. 
Maria Liberatrice and connected with S. Silvester's destruction of a 
dragon in a neighbouring cave (Tuker and Malleson, Christian and 
Ecclesiastical Rome, p. 280 ; Hare, Walks in Rome, i, 164). 

i Thus, Sincerus saw a captive liberated at Ascension at Rouen 
(I tin. Gall., p. 214). * Sequanus Lingonici abbas territorii vivens 
saepe homines a vinculo diabolici nexus absolvit ' (Greg. Turon., 
De Glor. Conf. Ixxxviii). 

5 Cf. the paralytic woman to whom S. Julian appeared in sleep : 
* visum est ei quasi multitude catenarum ab ejus membris solo decidere ' 
(Greg. Turon., De Pass. S. Jitl. II, ix). 

6 De Mir. S. Mart, iv, 20. 

7 Cf. Lane, Mod. Egyptians, i, 88, who says the prayer during the 
ablutions preliminary to the prayer proper runs : ' O God, free my 
neck from the fire ; and keep me from the chains, and the collars, and 
the fetters.' 

Chains 669 

a fratricide was loaded with chains and sent on a seven 
years' penitential pilgrimage. Coming by revelation to 
the tomb of S. John in Tornodorensi pago, he incubated 
in the church and prayed and was loosed from all his 
chains. 1 Absolution (again solvo) being given, the chains 
were probably deposited in the church as an ex-voto. 3 
Again, madmen were chained for the protection of 
society and presumably unchained when they were 
considered well. Several holy places in the East to this 
day keep chains 3 to tie up madmen undergoing treat- 
ment, just as churches frequently used for incubation 
keep bedding. 

Under the influence of successful miracles these 
chains tend to become regarded as the immediate in- 
strument of cure 4 and, probably owing to the influence 
of S. Peter's prototype, are associated with saints, 

1 Greg. Turon., De Glor. Conf. Ixxxvii : see especially Ada SS., 
Jan. vol. ii, 866. 

3 The church of S. Leonard contains a number of manacles, 
chains, &c., of grateful prisoners delivered by the saint (Collin, Hist. 
Sacr. des Saints, p. 555). In view of the Tanta procedure there 
may be less offraus pia in the S. Leonard miracles than is sometimes 

3 Thevenot, Voyages, iii, 156, says that at Telghiuran, between Urfa 
and Mardin, there is a small chapel with chains, which are put round 
the madman's neck. The chains loose themselves from the patients 
who are destined to recover, but have to be untied from hopeless cases. 
Similarly, in the church of S. George at Beyrut there is a huge iron 
ring attached to a chain, which Arabs and Christians alike don when 
ill or mad : it effects an immediate cure (Thevenot, Voyages, ii, 639). 
Cf. d'Arvieux, Mcmoires, ii, 191. Other cases are cited by Burton, 
Inner Life of Syria, p. 389 ; Guerin, Palestine, p. 312 ; Kelly, Syria, 
p. 103; Petermann, Reisen im Orient, p. 319; Vaujany, Caire, 
pp. 293 f, ; Allom and Walsh, Constantinople, ii, 32 ; White, in Mosl. 
World,\x, 1 8 1. 

4 Hence the beating of lunatics with these chains (Burton, Inner 
Life of Syria, p. 389; Guerin, Descr. dela Pales., p. 312 : both references 
are to a chapel of S. George just outside Jerusalem) ; cf. the beating 
at the Maronite chapel of S. Anthony mentioned by Pococke, Voyages, 
iii, 312. 

670 Sheikh El Bedawi of Tanta 

particularly with S. George I in the East. There may be 
something in the Ada to account for this prominence 
of S. George, or it may be only that, like S. Michael, he 
is associated with dragon-killing 2 and so casting out 
devils. 3 

1 Cf. Burton and Guerin, lore. citt. y and Tobler, Topogr. von 
Jerusalem, i, 501 ff. 

2 Cf. Hasluck, Letters, p. 85. 

3 Cf. S. Maria dell' Inferno, mentioned above, p. 668, n. 3. 


IN ancient medical practice several sorts of natural 
earths, found at various places in the Levant and 
described in detail by Pliny and other writers, had 
recognized curative properties, being employed for the 
most part as astringents and desiccatives in the treat- 
ment of wounds and internal hemorrhages. Pliny's list 
includes the earths of Chios, Kimolos, Eretria, Lemnos, 
Melos, Samos, and Sinope. The use of many of these 
persisted into quite modern times/ but none was so 
generally esteemed either by ancients or moderns as the 

1 Reprinted, with additions, from B.S.A. xvi, 220 ff. 

2 The earth of Chios is mentioned in modern times by Jerome 
Justinian, a Chiote Genoese (Descrip. de Ohio, p. 68) as found near 
Pyrgi : ' En un autre terrouer du dit Pirgy se trouvoit autre fois la 
terre dite Chia laquelle a le mesme vertu que celle qu'on nomme 
Lemnia. Le Grand Turc s'en sert maintenant en son seau [sic~\ .' 
Thevet (Cosmog. de Levant^ p. 56) considered it as valuable medicinally 
as the Lemnian, which opinion was confirmed by Covel a hundred 
years later. The latter adds that the Chian earth was dug like the 
Lemnian at a special season (May, whence it was called Tr/jAo/AcuoTi/co), 
but was not used medicinally but only for washing (MS. Add. 22914, 
f. 57 v). It has now become almost unknown, owing to the low price 
of olive-oil soaps, but it is traditionally said to have been a government 
monopoly under the Genoese. ' Kimolian ' earth is said by Dale 
(Pbarmacologia, 1693, p. 47) to have been found in England. In Samos, 
Pococke (Descr. of the East, II, ii, p. 29) notices a white earth which was 
eaten by children in his day. Melian earth is mentioned by Sir Thomas 
Sherley in his account of the island (my article in B.S.A. xiii, 347 : cf. 
Pococke, loc. cit.). Sinopic earth (see Robinson in A. J. Phil, xxvii, 
141, 4) is probably the Armenian bole mentioned by Dale and his 
contemporaries as coming ' from Turkey ', and by others (Poullet, &c.) 
as a frequent ingredient in sophisticated Lemnian earth. It is presum- 
ably the Terra Saracenica used by the Arabs against plague, and the 
Kil Ermeni which was foisted on me as Lemnian in the Egyptian bazaar 
at Constantinople. 

672 Terra Lemnia 

Lemnian, which was set apart in the first place by its 
alleged miraculous power against poisons (especially the 
bites of venomous reptiles) and later against plague, and 
in the second by the religious accompaniments and the 
various artificial restrictions of its production. 

Of the Lemnian earth Pliny, who happens to be our 
earliest authority, says it was highly reputed among the 
ancients, 1 but we have no means of ascertaining how far 
back the use of it extends. It is interesting to note that 
the hill Moschylos on which it was found was associated 
in legend with the fall of Hephaestus, and that one ver- 
sion of the Philoktetes myth attributes the cure of the 
hero's wound, caused ultimately, it will be remembered, 
by the poison of the Lernean hydra, to this medicine. 2 

With Dioskorides we begin to be better informed : 
he tells us the earth was found in a tunnel-like aperture 
in Lemnos, prepared with an admixture of goat's blood, 
and thereafter made up into tablets and stamped with 
the figure of a goat, whence came its popular name 
' goat's seal '. It had a singular virtue against poisons if 
drunk with wine, and acted as an emetic when poison 
had already been swallowed. It was also sovereign 
against the bites of venomous reptiles and for dysentery. 3 
It will be seen that the chief use of it is here considered 
as antidotal. 

It is from Galen 4 that we first hear of the ceremonies 
in connexion with the digging of the earth, and his 
information rests on his own investigations in Lemnos 
itself, whither he went especially for this purpose. On 
a certain day, he says, the priestess (of Artemis appa- 
rently from the sequel) came out of the city (Hephae- 
stias), sprinkled a certain quantity of barley on the place 
where the earth was dug, and performed other cere- 

1 N.H. xxxv, 6. * Philostratos, Heroikos, 306. 

3 v, 113 : cf. Le Strange, Palestine ', p. 431, for the antidotal earth of 
Dair Mughan. 

4 De Simpl. Medic. Fac. ix, 206. 

In Early Times 673 

monial observances, after which she took a cartload of 
the earth and returned to the city. Here the earth was 
cleansed and sealed with the figure of Artemis. 1 These 
usages were said in the island to be very ancient. The 
earth was locally used for ulcers (for which it was em- 
ployed with success by Galen himself), for wounds, as an 
emetic, and for poisonous bites ; for internal use it was 
drunk in wine ; for external, applied with vinegar. There 
were three grades, of each of which the first might be 
handled only by the priestess ; the rest, like so many of 
the other earths cited by Pliny, being used industrially. 
After Galen there is a complete silence among our 
authorities as to what happened at Lemnos. 2 The earth 
continues to be cited after the ancients and the use of 
reputed Lemnian Seal 3 or Terra sigillata persisted 
through the Middle Ages. Bartholomaeus Anglicus 
(i3th c.) says of it : 

4 A serten veyne of the erthe is called Terra Sigillata, and 
is singularly colde and drie. And Dioscorides calleth it Terra 
saracenica and argentea, and is somedeale whyte, well smell- 
ynge and clere. The cheyf vertue therof byndetli and 
stauncheth. And powder therof tempred with the whyte of 
an egge stauncheth bledyng at the nose. And helpeth ayenst 
swellinge of the fete and ayenste the gowte, if it be layed in 
a playstre therto, as it is sayde in Lapidario.' 4 

It will be noted, however, that there is no evidence 
of first-hand knowledge in the above account, still less 
mention of Lemnos. In fact the earliest first-hand 
mention of the Lemnian earth in a modern writer 

1 The goat's-blood story of Dioskorides was ridiculed ; it was 
probably an inference from the seal he saw. 

* The last of the ancients to mention the earth seems to be P. 
Aegineta, vii (s.v. Ge, terra). 

3 Lempnia frigdos in a medieval glossary quoted by Tozer, Islands of 
the Aegean, p. 260, where frigdos stands for cr^payc'So?. Bartholomaeus 
Anglicus (see following quotation) seems to liave misunderstood this 
gloss in saying that the earth is c singulerly colde and drie.' 

4 Lib. XV, ccxxix, cap. Ixxxxviii (ed. London, 1535). 

674 Terra Lemnia 

known to me is in the Voyage of Joos van Ghistele, who 
visited Lemnos in 1485. He gives the following account 
of the earth : 

* It is found that Terra Sigillata is the best in the world. It is 
used in certain medicines and is produced in Lemnos in a pool 
which dries up every summer and is full of water in winter. 
When this pool begins to dry up, a thick scum, variegated in 
colour, forms on its surface. This is skimmed off and laid on 
clean planks as required, according to the method in use locally. 
When dry, it is made up into round pellets or flat cakes, sealed, 
together with several other things, with the seal of the Lord of 
the aforesaid island [Lemnos], and despatched to various 
countries/ x 

The next modern author to mention the earth is 
Agricola, 2 who, writing in 1530, says that he had seen 
tablets of Lemnian earth brought from Constantinople; 
they were of a yellowish colour and stamped with 
Turkish letters. The Turks held it to be the only 
remedy for plague, using it as the Arabs used Armenian 
bole. At Venice it was ill known but sold dear. 

1 Joos van Ghistele, 'T Foyage, Ghent, 1572, pp. 348 f. : 4 Men 
vinter Terra sigilata de beste die terwerelt is, die men useert in eenighe 
medecinen, ende ghenereert daer in eene poel die alle somertide wt 
droocht en in de winter is hi vol waters. Als deser poel begint in te 
drooge so comter op eenen coe van moren van veel diueersche coleure, 
de welcke me bgadert boue af en leitte op schoon plancken te drooge 
na de heesch so sijt wete te doen dier in wercke : en die gedroocht 
zijn makeder af ronde balote of platte, ende wert met meer andere 
substancie gheseghelt met de teecke vande heere die tvoorseide eylant 
te bewaren heeft ende so gevoert in diuersche landen. [Professor 
W. E. Collinson informs me that the form coe appears to stand for the 
Dutch and Flemish caem (Mod. Dutch kaam), a scum on the surface 
of beer or wine caused by a fungus : it is cognate with the English 
dialect coom, kanes. For beesch see Vervijs and Verdam's Middel- 
nederlandsch Woordenbock. For the translation as a whole I am 
indebted to Professor R. Priebsch. M. M. H.] 

2 Agricola, Bermannus, pp. 115 f. In 1579 Breuning was given some 
Terra sigillata and saw * the real and the sophisticated given to two 
dogges whereof one dyed miserably ' (Orient. Reyss, p. 40). 

In Medieval Times 675 

About the middle of the century we have circum- 
stantial accounts of the digging of the earth written by 
two scientific men,Belon and Albacario,who, like Galen, 
went themselves to Lemnos to investigate it. The first 
of these began his researches systematically by gathering 
information at Constantinople as to the various seals 
which guaranteed the quality of the earth, and these 
seals are engraved in his book for the benefit of the medi- 
cal world. Belongs account of the ceremonial digging 
(at which, however, he was not present) is full and in- 
teresting as reproducing almost exactly, mutatis mutan- 
dis, the ancient ritual. The digging still took place only 
once a year, viz. at the festival of the Transfiguration 
(6 August), and was preceded by a religious service at 
the church of the Saviour (which would naturally keep 
this day as its dedication festival), not far from the hill 
on which the earth was dug. The Turkish governor 
(Subashi) of the island and the Turkish and Greek 
notables took part in the ceremony. A proclamation 
was made x and a sheep was sacrificed as kurban, which 
was afterwards eaten by the Turks present, as the Greeks 
fasted at this time of year. 2 The digging began at or 
before sunrise and continued for six hours, after which 
the hole was closed and left till the next year. It was 
a penal offence to dig it out of season. The earth dug 
was cleansed and stamped with a seal bearing in Arabic 
letters the words tin i makhtum (sealed earth). Soranzo 
adds that it was baked. 3 Certain officers were allowed 

1 This detail, with the text of the proclamation * Le grand Dieu hault 
et tout puissant declare aujourd'huy Peffect et virtu de ceste terre a ses 
tres-fideles serviteurs \ is preserved by Thevet (Cosmog. Univ. ii, 805), 
a bad authority, but his account seems derived from a good source 
beyond Belon. The characteristic dialogue with the Greek, ' Frangi 
thes nagorasis apo tin gimou ? ' (<Pp<iyK, Q$ va dyopacn?? GLTTO TJJI> 
yj\v p>ov), &c., rings true. 2 Till the 15 Aug. (Assumption). 

3 ' Formansi delle tre different! sorti di terra, tre diverse sorti di 
girelle, . . . dando agli uni ed agli altri una cotturaper maggior durata ' 
(in Alberi, Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti, III, ii, 220). 

676 Terra Lemnia 

to take a share of it, and the bystanders a small quantity 
each, but the bulk of the earth, including the whole of 
the first quality, 1 was placed after sealing in a packet 
(also sealed) and sent to Constantinople by special mes- 
senger for the use of the sultan. 2 A certain amount, 
presumably of inferior quality, was sold on the spot by 
the Subashi to merchants. 3 

Our second authority, Stefano Albacario, was a Span- 
ish physician 4 commissioned to go to Lemnos to in- 
vestigate the earth by the Austrian ambassador Busbecq, 
who sent his account to Mattioli. 5 Albacario's account 
in the main corroborates Belongs. Interesting new 
details illustrating the religious aspect of the digging are 
(l) that the earth was supposed to have virtue only on 
the day chosen for the official digging, (2) that a special 
washer had the handling of the earth up to the time of 
its exportation, and (3) that this washer appropriated 
a small bag of the earth, which, however, was not sealed. 

Both Belon and Busbecq probably owed their in- 

1 Palerne. 

3 The Grand Signior habitually drank out of a cup made of the 
earth (Palerne) and it was grated over all his meals as a precaution 
against poison (Crusius, p. 508). Galland (Journal, ii, no) says the 
Grand Signior habitually ate from a dish baked of a certain green earth 
from India which was an antidote against poison. 

3 The merchants are spoken of as Jews by Thevet (Cosmog. Univ. 
ii, 805), and very likely were at this date. A hundred years later von 
Rheinfelden speaks of Greeks paying 18,000 dollars to the sultan for the 
monopoly of it. From Belongs account (pp. 43 ff.) it appears that the 
Subashi paid a fixed sum and made what he could from the sale of the 
earth : it was evidently regarded, like mines all over the empire and 
certain other natural products, e. g. the mastic of Chios, as a perquisite 
of the sultan, who farmed it as he thought fit. 

4 Probably a Spanish Jew with a Christian name ; the surname 
sounds like Arabic ; Franco, Hist, des Isr. de VEmp. Ott. y p. 284, cites 
as a Jewish Spanish name Albuhaire derived from the Spanish 
mountains Alpujarras. 

5 Alattioli, Comment, in Dioseor. v, 73. Albacario made one attempt 
to go to Lemnos while Busbecq was still at Constantinople, but was 
prevented. He must therefore have gone after 1562. 

In Covel's Time 677 

terest in and knowledge of the earth less to its repute 
in European pharmacy at their date than to the custom 
then current at the court of Constantinople of offering 
tablets of the earth as official presents to foreign am- 
bassadors and other persons of quality. Thus we find 
recorded presents of terre sigillee to French ambassadors 
at various dates from 1546 onwards ; x Busbecq, the 
patron of Albacario, was an ambassador and had, more- 
over, seen the earth successfully used against plague. 2 
Slightly later von Ungnad, an Austrian ambassador, was 
given 40 tablets of Lemnian earth and a cup made of it 3 
by Zygomalas, who also sent some to Crusius. 

A long series of western travellers, as the bibliography 
below shows, subsequently interested themselves in the 
famous earth, none adding greatly to our knowledge but 
Covel, who appears to record a more superstitious belief 
in it than his forerunners. Whereas Albacario distinctly 
says that the religious service was not supposed to in- 
fluence the power of the earth, Covel reports that 
' several papas, as well as others, would have persuaded 
me that at the time of our Saviour's transfiguration, this 
place was sanctified to have His sacred earth, and that 
it is never to be found soft and unctuous, but always 
perfect rock unlesse only that day . . . and at that time 
when the priest hath said his liturgy \ 4 Covel further 
gives minute particulars of the washing of the earth; 5 
this was done at the fountain of the neighbouring 

1 Charriere, Negociations dans le Levant, i, 618 ; ii, 776; iii, 548 ; 
dc la Vigne ; <f. Belon, ch. xxii. 

z Busbecq, Life and Letters, i, 164. 

3 Gerlach, Tage-Bucb, p. 403 (1577). 4 Ed. Bent, p. 283. 

5 See also the rather obscure account of Soranzo, which lays great 
stress on a water-channel diverted on the day of the digging, the earth 
being found apparently in the natural receptacle into which the water 
normally flowed : ' si devia 1'acqua dal canale, acci6 non scorra piu 
nella fossa, dalla quale alzatosi il coperchio, se ne leva con molta 
diligenza tutta 1'acqua rimasa con vasi ed in fine con spugne, poi se 
nc cava quel fango e molticcio (so B.M. Reg. 14 A, xiii,/. 10) che ha 

678 Terra Lemnia 

village ('Ay La 'YWarq), which, merely to increase the 
miracle apparently, was supposed to have an under- 
ground connexion with the place of the digging. At 
this period it was accounted ' an infallible cure of all 
agues, taken at the beginning of the fit with water ' 
and employed also for fluxes, to hasten childbirth, and 
as an antidote ; no vessel made of it would hold poison 
but immediately splintered into a thousand fragments. 
The latter superstition has survived till our own day 
and is recorded also by several writers before and after 
Covel. 1 

As to the history of the Lemnian earth in the medieval 
period it has been generally assumed that the export 
was continuous : de Launay even goes so far as to say 
that the constant bickering for the possession of the 
island was due to the value of the earth as an article of 
commerce ; 2 as a matter of fact the strategic value of 
the island is a quite sufficient explanation, and there is 
no evidence to show that the knowledge of the earth in 
medieval Europe was more than theoretical. This is 
borne out by Agricola's statement that it was known to 
few and sold dear in the Venice of his day (which, be it 
remarked, had had constant relations with Constanti- 
nople for several centuries) and by the ignorance of 
The vet, who at the time of his voyage (1549) thought 
the earth came from Athos. 3 Its excessive rarity about 
this time is attested by the same author, 4 who says he 
sold four tablets of it in Malta for fifty-five ducats. The 
complete silence of the early isolarii, including Buondel- 

fatto Pacqua, il quale si mette a parte per la prima e piu perfetta sorte 
di terra . . .' 

1 Crusius, Soranzo, Benetti, Pococke, Tozer. 

2 This is evidently suggested by the anecdote of the taking of Lcmnos 
in 1657, quoted by Tozer from von Hammer. 

3 Cosmog. de Levant, p. 36. But in his Cosmog. Unit', he represents 
himself as having visited the island. Cf. below, p. 685, n. 5. 

4 Cosmog. Univ. ii, 805. 

Fall and Rise in its Popularity 679 

monti's, and of such authors as the local Critobulus of 
Imbros and the traveller Cyriac of Ancona is a valuable 
negative argument. 1 The only shred of evidence for 
the appreciation of the earth before the Turkish period 
is Belongs remark (repeated after him by several others 
who are probably drawing on his account) z that the 
custom of digging the earth on one day only dated from 
the Venetians : the Venetians occupied the island 
1464-1477 ; how, if they organized the digging, as is 
alleged, for commercial purposes, was the Lemnian earth 
almost unknown again fifty years later ? It is besides 
probable that ' the time of the Venetians ', like the 
modern ' time of the Genoese ' all over Turkey, was 
only a vague expression for remote date. 

In reality the revival in popularity of the famous drug 
is most likely due to the appearance of the Spanish Jews 
in the Levant. It is well known that the Jews, expelled 
in 1492 from Catholic Spain, flocked in the next fifty 
years to the dominions of the sultan, where they found 
a religious toleration unknown in Europe. During the 
second half of the sixteenth century the expelled Jews 
held a recognized position at Constantinople in the 
diplomatic and still more in the medical world. Several 
of the sultans about this date had Jewish physicians, 3 
who were recommended not only by their scientific 

1 For instance, Amato Lusitano (Franco, op. cit., p. 75) escaped 
from Pesaro after 1555 to Salonica, where he died, but there is no trace 
of his knowing Terra Lcmnia in his Curationum Medicinalium Centuriae 
Scptem, of which the seventh is dedicated to a Salonica friend. 

3 Du Loir, Coronelli ; Covcl was told the same thing in 1677, only 
twenty years after another Venetian occupation. 

3 e.g. Selim I, Suleiman II, Selim II : the body-physicians of the last 
two were Andalusian Jews (M. A. Levy, Don Joseph Nasi, p. 6). For the 
position of the Turkish Jews at this time in commerce and finance, see 
Belon (III, xiii), where also stress is laid on their proficiency in medicine 
and knowledge of ancient medical writers, derived from Spanish 
translations. They had already at this period a printing-press at 

68o Terra Lemnia 

attainments, derived from Moorish Spain, but by their 
loyalty to their adopted sovereign. It is possible that 
one of these, knowing Galen from the Arabic transla- 
tions, was instrumental in bringing the Lemnian earth 
to the notice of his imperial master. It is, on the other 
hand, by no means necessary to consider that the use of 
the earth was at any time extinct in Lemnos ; we 
should probably conceive of it as a local remedy conse- 
crated by religion in medieval as in ancient and in 
modern times till quite recent years. 1 

Immediately after the revival of the Lemnian earth, 
and for a century or more after, a number of earths 
found elsewhere in Europe, begin to compete with it. 
These were probably either actually similar in composi- 
tion or credited with similar properties. The date of 
their discovery, when it can be ascertained, is subsequent 
to the rediscovery of the Lemnian earth and possibly 
dependent on it. They are known generically as ' sealed 
earths ', a local epithet being added, but most have no 
religious associations. The device of the seal is generally 
a coat of arms and the form of the tablet follows the 

Of these the German and Austrian varieties are fully 
discussed in Zedler's Universal Lexikon^ s.v. Siegelerde, 
and many varieties of seals are figured by Wurm * and 

1 A parallel case of a medicinal earth which has never attracted the 
learned is to be found in the ' blewish sort of clay * like fullers' earth, 
seen by Covel (Diaries, p. 247) at Marash near Adrianople, which was 
moistened by a miracle on the day of the Assumption and bathed in by 
Greeks, Turks, and Jews ' for any sort of infirmity '. Covel thought 
it might be of value for cutaneous diseases, but scouted the miracle. 
The former British Consul at Adrianople (Lieut. -Colonel Rhys Samson, 
to whom I may here express my obligations) tells me this mud is still 
used for rheumatism and the same day observed. A service is naturally 
celebrated in the church of the Virgin, but is now said to have no 
connexion with the mud-bath. It will be remembered that the 
same is said by Albacario of the service in Lemnos. 

2 Museum IVurmianum (1722). 

Maltese Earth 68 1 

Valentin!. 1 Cups were made of the Bohemian 2 and 
Strigonian 3 earths, implying presumably their use as 
antidotes on the Lemnian analogy ; it is further signifi- 
cant that one variety, found near Breslau, was used like 
the Lemnian for plague in i633. 4 In France the earth 
of Blois seems to have been first exploited about the 
time of Belongs book. It is mentioned by Thevet 5 and 
Palerne. 6 In Italy were exploited the earths called 
Sessana, Toccarese, Florentina 7 (stamped with the 
Medici arms), and Oreana. 8 The Toccaresc variety was 
used as an antidote, 9 and as cups were made of terra 
Sinuessa the same may be inferred of it. A Calabrian 
earth is said by Pococke to have entirely superseded the 
Lemnian in European practice. 10 

Maltese earth(Pauladadum) is so interesting a parallel 
(or derivative) of the Lemnian as to deserve a longer 
notice. It was found in small quantities in the cave of 
S. Paul near Citta Vecchia and appears not to have been 
in vogue before the Lemnian ; our first notices of it are 
subsequent to the coming of the Knights, and the church 
on the spot was built only in 1606. XI The earth was used 
for small-pox and fevers, and particularly for the bites 
of reptiles, this magical use being associated directly 
with the incident of S. Paul and the viper, after which 
all reptiles in Malta became harmless. Numerous 

1 Museum Museorum (1704-14), ii, pi. i. 2 Wurm, Inc. cit., p. 15. 

3 Strigonian earth (Strigonium~Gran in Hungary) was discovered 
as early as 1568 (Zedler), when Gran was Turkish. A specimen of 
this earth, the variety de Monte Acnto, is preserved in the museum of 
the Pharmaceutical Society (cf. F. Imperato, 1st. Nat. (1590), v, xxxvi). 

4 Zedler, Univ. Lexikon. 

5 Cosmog. de Levant: Miinster (ed. Belleforest i, 313) says it was 
discovered de nostre terns. 

6 Peregrinations, p. 361. See also Zedler, loc. cit., and Sincerus, 
p. 60. 

7 Valentini, lor. cit. ii, pi. i. 8 Wurm, loc. cit., pp. 7 ff. 
9 Imperato, loc. cit. (1590), v, xxxv. I0 Wurm, loc. cit., p. 347. 

11 Brydone (1770), Tour, i, 325 ; Sonnini, Voyage, i, 69. 

3295.2 Y 

682 Terra Lemnia 

varieties of seals are shown in the plates of Wurm and 
Valentini, including (i) the bust of S. Paul holding 
staff and serpent (rev. a Maltese cross), (2) S. John (rev. 
arms of the Grand Master), (3) a hermit worshipping 
the cross (rev. a three-masted ship) and various saints. 
Images and vases were also made of the earth, the vases 
being thought, like the Lemnian, to crumble away when 
poison was poured into them. 1 We have thus an almost 
complete parallel for the Lemnian earth. 2 

Outside Europe the earth of Bethlehem seems worth 
mentioning in this connexion. It is found in a cave still 
shown as the refuge of the Holy Family and a place 
where the Virgin nursed the infant Christ. The cave is 
known already to Mandeville (1322) ; 3 a Russian pil- 
grim Grethenios (c. 1400) 4 says that pilgrims took a 
milky powder from the place ' for remedy and benedic- 
tion ? generally. Later it became specialized as a milk- 
charm, and was so used even by Mohammedans. 5 The 
earth, which is chalky, white, and very friable, is now 
made up into tablets about an inch square, roughly 
stamped with the bust of the Virgin on one side and 
a monogram on the other side. Yet a second sort, 
much harder and more like clay, is sold outside the 
Sepulchre church ; this is made up in round tablets 
with a very rough device (on one side only) showing the 
Holy Family in the stable, the beasts being quaintly 

1 They were also used for fever, cf. Carayon's Rel. Ined. de la 
Compagn. de Jesus, 1864, P- I2 9- 

2 For the Maltese earth see Thevet, Cosmog. Univ. \, 27 ; F. 
Imperato, 1st. Nat. (1590), v, 37 ; Breithaupt, Helden Insel Malta 
(1632), p. 69 ; E. Francisci, Lustgarten (1668), pi. xli ; John Ray, 
Travels, i, 262 ; Zedler, loc. cit. ; Brydone (1770). Wurm (p. 347) 
figures a cup of it with legend DIVINO HOC PAVLI ANTIDOTO ATRA 
VENENA FVGABIS and reptiles moulded in relief. 

3 Ed. Wright, p. 163. 4 Khitrovo, I tin. Russes, p. 182. 

5 Thevet, Cosmog. de Lev. p. 37 ; cf. also Feyerabend, Reyssbuch, 
pp. 220, 274 ; Villamont, Voyages, ii, 426 ; Lithgow, Rare Adventures, 
pp. 247, 425. A specimen is figured by Valentini, loc. cit. ii, pi. i. 

Decay of its Popularity 683 

represented by projecting heads. This would appear 
to be an * orthodox ' variety. 1 

The vogue of these rival earths naturally restricted 
the trade in the Lemnian. In the middle of the 
eighteenth century the traveller Pococke says it was no 
longer carried to Europe but used only in the Levant 
(and even here it was menaced by the export of the 
Maltese variety), while the pharmacist Pomet 2 says that 
the number of seals then current was confusing, making 
him think * that everyone makes 'em to his fancy ? ; he 
curiously dissociates the sealed earth from the Lemnian, 
which ' was said to be the same as the sealed earth but 
in its natural state without any impression upon it \ 3 
Such a state of uncertainty among the profession could 
not fail to be fatal to what was essentially a faith-cure. 

The West at length reached the stage of pure scepti- 
cism. Choiseul-Gouffier, Hunt, and Sibthorp no longer 
have any belief in the virtue of the Lemnian earth, and 
analysis has justified their conclusions, at least so far as 
concerns modern samples. 4 This scepticism has, with 
the spread of western influence, reached Lemnos itself. 
Conze in the sixties was able still to purchase sealed 
tablets of the earth at an apothecary's, and in 1876 
Pantelides writes of it as still in repute among the Turks 

1 Tablets of these earths were early used as charms, cf. Lucius, 
Anjdnge des Heiligenk., p. 194 (quoting especially Augustinian, Civ. 
Dei, xx, 8, 7). At Sens Millin records a box of earths from the Holy 
Land (Midi de la France, i, 97). 

2 Compleat History of Drugs (1712), p. 415. A contemporary 
specimen of Lemnian earth (which can hardly be genuine) in the 
museum of the Pharmaceutical Society is shown in B.S.A. xvi, p. 230 : 
this variety is mentioned by Zedler and figured by Wurm, p. 10. 

3 Probably the preparation made from the baobab tree and called 
Terra Lemnia Sigillata, EncycL Brit., 3 ed., s.v. Adansonia. 

4 Daubeny, Volcanos^ pp. 236-7 ; De Launay, Chez les Grecs, pp. 
122 ff. Tozer doubts whether the original vein is not exhausted. On 
the chemical side of edible earths in general an article (inaccessible to 
me) has lately been published in Schweiz. Wochenschr.f. Chymie y 1909, 
pp. 417-25^ 

Y 2 

684 "Terra Lemnia 

of Constantinople. Tozer found the superstition ex- 
piring, the festival nearly abandoned, and the site in a 
fair way to be lost. I myself in 1909 could not obtain 
the earth in the capital of the island, and at the pottery 
below the site bought only bowls of ill-levigated clay 
bearing the traditional inscription tin i makbtum. 1 
The monopoly of the pottery and seal, formerly here- 
ditary in a Turkish family, has lost even this link with 
the past, and the once priceless antidotal bowls have 
come down to the very moderate figure of a halfpenny 

In conclusion, it is not without interest to consider 
in connexion with the Lemnian terra sigittata and its 
analogies a category of sealed earths owing their virtue 
solely to their provenance and associations. Earth from 
the tombs of holy men is regularly conceived of in the 
East 2 as partaking of the virtue of the sainted dead, and 
consequently as possessing healing and other miraculous 
powers. 3 Those who knew Salonica in Turkish times 
will remember how the khoja of the Great Mosque 
distributed to pilgrims (at a price) minute quantities of 
the dust from the ' Tomb of S. Demetrius * for use as 
medicine or amulets. At the tomb of Sheikh Adi, the 
patron of the Yezidi, near Mosul, balls of earth from 
the grave are similarly sold to pilgrims. 4 The next stage 
in development is to seal the grave-earth as a guarantee 

1 The seal itself is modern according to the tradition given by 

2 Also in the West, cf. Greg. Turon. DC Mirac. S. Mart. I, xxxvii, 

3 See further above, pp. 262 f. 

4 Layard, Discoveries in Nineveh, i, 284. This earth, like that of 
Kerbela, is of considerable ritual importance (see Heard, in^. R. Anthr. 
Inst. xli, 210, 212). Similarly, the holy oil made at Echmiadzin is 
mixed with earth, made into balls, and hung up in a house for luck 
(Mrs. Bishop, Journeys in Persia, i, 277). At the church of S. James in 
Jerusalem de Breves saw tablets of earth brought by pious Armenians 

. 122). 

Religious Associations 685 

of its authenticity. Lane, in his Modern Egyptians, de- 
scribes sealed tablets of earth from the Prophet's grave 
at Medina, which are used as charms by Moslems. 1 
Similar sealed earth is brought by pilgrims from Kerbela 
and Nejef. 2 Like these grave-earths the sealed earths 
of Bethlehem and Malta seem to depend for their vogue 
entirely on their religious associations. In the case of 
the Lemnian earth, side by side with the scientific or 
pseudo-scientific appreciation of its qualities, we discern 
at all ages a similar strain of religious association, 3 which 
reinforces its more positive virtues. The Turks told an 
artless legend that ' a disciple of Christ, being miracu- 
lously transported to Lemnos, wept so sorely at the 
separation from his Master that of his tears was formed 
the wondrous earth \ 4 As to the Greeks, CovePs report 
of their associating it with our Saviour's transfiguration, 
has been given already. 5 In Galen's time some lost 
legend connected the earth with Artemis, as in earlier 
days its existence was obviously considered as marking 
the place where Hephaestus fell. 

Traces of a further cycle of secular folk-lore now lost, 

1 Ch. xi (p. 323). ' Oblong flat cakes, of a kind of greyish earth, 
each about an inch in length, and stamped with Arabic characters, 
u In the name of God ! Dust of our land [mixed] with the saliva of 
some of us 'V 

2 P. della Valle, Viaggi, iii, 461 : * Sopra la tomba [of Abbas], 
trouai . . . certe come medaglie, fatte di terra cotta, che sogliono 
portar da Kierbela, e dalla sepoltura del lor famoso Hussein : nelle 
quali medaglie di terra hanno per vso d'improntare il nomc di Dio, 
con qualche parola diuota.' CJ. Cuinet, Turquie cFAsie, iii, 202, and 
Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabic, ii, 223. For the earth of Nejef see Cuinet, 
op. cit. iii, 209. 

3 C/. Greg. Turon., De Glor. Mart. I, vii. 

4 Blochet, in Rev. Or. Lat. 1909, p. 175. The tears became earth 
on 7 August. 

5 Above, p. 677. To this idea the proximity of Lemnos to the peak 
of Athos, which is dedicated to the Transfiguration, has evidently 
contributed. Westerns seem to have connected Athos with the 
4 exceeding high mountain ' of the Temptation (Struys, Voyages ^ p. 70). 

686 Terra Lemnia 

connecting the Lemnian earth with Philoktetes, may 
possibly be discerned. According to one account, Philok- 
tetes was cured on Lemnos by the priests of Hephaestus, 1 
the remedy being presumably the earth of classical 
fame. 2 But in the usual form of the legend the stench 
of the hero's wound made him so unbearable to men 
that he was c marooned ', naturally enough on an unin- 
habited island. The figure of Philoktetes thus approxi- 
mates to the * leprous prince ' of a folk-lore cycle current 
in both East and West. In this cycle the hero, banished 
from men, is eventually healed by a natural remedy, 
the use of which is suggested to him by observing its 
power of curing diseased animals. 3 The remedy is in 
several versions a hot spring, and the animal a pig. 
Examples are the well-known legend of Prince Bladud 
at Bath, and those of * Helena, daughter of Yanko-ibn- 
Madyan ? at Yalova in Bithynia, 4 and of an anonymous 
Byzantine princess at Brusa. 5 I would tentatively sug- 
gest that the goat, hitherto unexplained, which in 
Dioskorides' time formed the device of the Lemnian 

1 Eustath. ad Horn. 330 ; Hephaestion, in Photius, 489 R. 
* Philostratos, Heroikos, 306. 

3 For remedies indicated by animals see Baring Gould, Curious 
Myths, 2nd series, pp. 129 ff. 

4 Evliya, Travels^ ii, 33. ' Yanko-ibn-Madyan ' is a legendary 
emperor of Constantinople frequently mentioned by Evliya, his name 
being apparently a compound of * Yanko ' (John Hunyadi) and his 
son Matthias ! 

5 Kandis, f ///7pocra,p. 185. Cf. also the similar story of Rhodanthe 
and Dosicles (a Greek novel by Theodoros Prodromos, of the twelfth 
century, ed. Hercher, Erotici Script, ii) where Rhodanthe dies, but 
Dosicles, when hunting, sees a wounded bear roll himself into a certain 
herb and recover, so gathers the herb and revives Rhodanthe. Cf. 
also a modern story attributing the discovery of the hot springs of 
Tiflis to a hunting party which saw a wounded stag plunge into them 
and revive (Gulftenkian, Transcaucasie, p. 102). A partridge found a 
spring for thirsty Arabs (Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, p. 130). A 
gazelle led to the cure of the sultan Sanjar's son, for which see above, 
p. 462, n. 5. 

Bibliography 687 

seal, 1 was in the case of Philoktetes the indirect instru- 
ment of the cure.* 



Agricola, G. Bermannus, p. 115. 

fAlbacario, S. quoted by Mattioli, Comment, in Dioscor., v, 73 (1583), 

and Piacenza, q.v. Cf. Forster's Busbecq, i, pp. 164, 256, 416. 
fBelon, P. Observations de plusieurs Singularitez, pp. 43 ff. 
Benetti, A. Osservazioni, ii, 50. 

Botero, quoted by Piacenza (p. 433), seems to depend on Soranzo. 
Breuning, H. J. Orientaliscbe Reyss (1579), P- 4- 
Brusoni, G. Historia dell 9 ultima Guerra, p. 306. 
Carlier, J. Voyaige (1579). MS. Bibl. Nat. Fonds Fran^ais, 6092, f. 


fChoiseul-Gouffier. Voyage Pittoresque, ii, 133. 
j"Conze, A. Reise auf den Inseln des Thrakischen Meeres, p. 121. 
Coronelli, V. M. Isolario, p. 274 (chiefly from Belon). 
fCovel, J. 1677, Diaries, ed. Th. Bent, pp. 283 ff. 
Crusius, M. Turco-Graecia, p. 508. 
Delia Valle, P. Viaggi, iii, 461. 
fDu Loir. Voyages an Levant [1641], pp. 295-6. 
fFredrich, C. Lemnos, in Ath. Mitth., xxxi, 72 ff. 
Galland, A. Journal 1672-3, ii, no. 
Gerlach, S. Tage-Bucb [1577], pp. 61, 193, 229, 403. 
fGhistele, Joos van. *T Voyage (1485), pp. 348-9. 
fHunt, P. [1801], in Walpole^s Travels^ p. 56. 
f Launay, L. de. Chez les Grecs de Turquie, pp. 122 ff. 

Notes sur Lemnos, in Rev. Arch, xxvii (1895), 318 ff. 

cf. Ann. des Mines, xiii, 1898, 198. 

Lithgow, W. Rare Adventures [1609-10], p. 88. 
fPalerne, J. Peregrinations, pp. 361-2. 
Pantelides, G. 'laropia rfj$ Ar\^vov, pp. 48, 49. 

1 See above, p. 672. 

3 A goat so figures in a modern Greek variant of the theme of the 
Leprous Prince (Polites, /TapaSoaa?, no. 83). In classical times 
goats were supposed to have the power of recognizing the (medicinal) 
dittany of Crete : see Virgil, Aen. xii. 412-15; Pliny, H. N. xxv. 8. 97; 
Hist. Plant. 98 ; cf. also Tozer, Islands of the Aegean, p. 47. The 
goat is a difficult animal to connect with Artemis. 

3 Authors who visited Lemnos are marked with a dagger (t). 

4 See Blochet, in Rev. Or. Lat. xii (1909), pp. 175 f. 

688 Terra Lemnia 

Piacenza, F. UEgeo Redivivo, pp. 428 ff. 

fPococke, R. Description of the East, II, ii, 23. 

Poullet. Nouvelles Relations du Levant, i, 183. 

Randolph, B. Archipelago, p. 43. 

fRheinfelden, I. von. New e Jerosolomytanische Pilgerfahrt, p. 39. 

Sestini, D. Voyages en Grece et en Turquie, p. 352. 

fSibthorp, J. [1794], in Walpole's Memoirs, p. 281. 

Soranzo, J. [1582], in Alberi, Relazioni degli Ambasciatori, III. ii, 

p. 220. 
Thevet, A. Cosmograpbie de Levant, p. 36. 

Cosmographie Universelle, ii, 805. 

fTozer, H. F. Islands of the Aegean, pp. 257 ff. 

Veryard, E. Choice Remarks (1701), p. 351. 

Vigne, de la. MS. letter [1558] quoted by de Launay. Bibl. Nat. MS 

1423, f. 71. 


FOR accidental reasons incubation in the ancient 
temples of Asklepios has become so familiar to us 
that we are inclined to think it typical and to consider 
all phenomena which resemble those of the Asklepios 
temples as derived from them. In the wider sense, 
however, incubation means sleeping in a holy place with 
the intention of receiving some desired communication 2 
from the numen supposed to inhabit the holy place. 

1 [My husband left a quantity of scattered notes together with a 
brief draft of his ideas on incubation, it being his intention to write 
a long article on the subject. As some of his ideas have been anticipated 
by the admirable article of Mr. Louis H. Gray in Hastings' Encyclo- 
paedia of Religion, which appeared too late for my husband to consult 
it, I have done no more than edit his draft and insert as footnotes his 
illustrative references. M. M. H.]. 

3 By no means always in connexion with healing. Thus S. Romuald 
was turned to the religious life by a vision of S. Apollinare when 
sleeping in his church at Ravenna (P. Guerin, Vie des Saints, s.v.}. 
Incubation at Daniel's tomb was supposed to bring remission of 
present grievances and insurance against those to come (Walpole, 
"Travels, p. 423, quoted also by Carmoly, Itineraires, p. 495). S. 
Francis Caracciolo (died 1608), on feeling his end approach, obtained 
permission to pass a night in the Holy House of Loretto (P. Guerin, 
op. cit., s. '.). In the same way Catholic pilgrims formerly incubated 
in the Sepulchre church c for benediction ' (Lithgow, R are Adventures, 
p. 335 ; Casola's Pilgrimage, ed. Newett, p. 261) : this is still important 
to Russian pilgrims (S. Graham, With the Russian Pilgrims to Jerusalem, 
pp. 131 f.). Analogous was the incubation at S.Patrick's Purgatory, 
which was supposed to relieve from future purgatory (Baring Gould, 
Curious Myths, 1st Series, no. xi). Incubation at a certain tomb 
relieved a fratricide from his penitential chains (Greg. Turon., 
De Clor. Conf. Ixxxvii). A woman's insistent prayers obtained at 
length a relic of S. John the Baptist (Greg. Turon., De Glor. Martyrum, 

690 Observations on Incubation 

Incubation in this sense is natural and logical when 
the hypothesis * prevails that (l) the numen is localized 
and has special power at his holy place and that (2) the 
darkness and quiet of night together with the dream- 
state 2 are peculiarly suitable conditions for communica- 
tion with the numen. The revelation is in the first 
place an oracle 3 and comes by way of instruction. For 
this reason the procedure at the shrines of the oracular 
Amphiaraos 4 and Trophonios in ancient Greece is very 
similar to that familiar to us at the healing shrine of 

I, xiv). Lucius cites a case where incubation brought victory (Anfdnge 
des Heiligenk., p. 243) and another where it was the means of recovering 
stolen property (ibid., p. 274, n. 3) ; it may be remarked that, while the 
author regards Cosmas and Damian as successors of Asklepios he dJes 
not find incubation practised by them. S. Theodore recovered after 
incubation some property stolen from a Jerusalem goldsmith (ibid.). 

r This hypothesis is common to most peoples at a certain stage in 
their religious development and may be perpetuated late in their 
civilization ; it is as characteristic of the Jewish, and therefore of the 
Mohammedan and Christian, religion as it was of classical antiquity. 
The most interesting modern Jewish incubation shrine is at Jobar near 
Damascus, where Elisha is the healing saint and the place of incubation 
is a vault under a synagogue built in an otherwise exclusively Moham- 
medan village. Accounts of the ritual are given by Burton, Inner Life 
of Syria, p. 101 ; Mrs. Mackintosh, Damascus, p. 98 ; Petermann, 
Reisen im Orient, i, 64 ; J. L. Porter, Giant Cities, p. 340 ; Stanley, 
Sinai, p. 412 ; Thevenot, Voyages, ii, 693 ; d'Arvieux, Memoires, 
ii, 461 ; Pococke, Voyages, iii, 387 ; Carmoly, Itineraires, p. 487. 
According to Carmoly (op. cit., p. 136) it is mentioned by Samuel bar 
Simson, a pilgrim of A. D. 970, so that its antiquity is vouched for 
satisfactorily. It is also to be noticed that the shrine is not a grave, 
but rather a place frequented, like the stations of Khidr, by the spirit 
of Elisha. 

a In incubation cases dreams are rather the exception than the rule : 
cure by no means depends on them. 

3 The case of S. Romuald (above, p. 689, n. 2) approaches the 
oracular idea, as do those of the recovery of stolen property mentioned 
by Lucius, op. cit., p. 274, n. 3. 

4 In S. Jerome's time incubation for divination was practised to 
Asklepios (see the authors quoted by Beugnot, Hist. Destr. du Paga- 
nisme, \, 369). 

Specialised for Healing 691 

Epidauros. 1 As, however, it is mostly for health 2 that 
men implore the gods, incubation becomes specialized 
for healing, the method of communication being either 
by instruction or by direct action of the god. 3 

Any numen^ even the very substantial peris of a Brusa 
bath, according to Lady Blunt, 5 may be a healing numen^ 
his credit and his sphere of action being determined by 
results . 6 Instances of departmentalization in modern 
Greece are the Panagia, who is a general practitioner, 7 

1 So for that matter is the story told of S. Swithin at Winchester, 
for which see Hutton, English Saints, p. 289. 

2 Including relief from sterility : cf. d'Arvieux, Memoires^ ii, 340 
(obscure Moslem saint on the Cape of Beyrut) and IV] r*. Hume 
Griffith, Behind the Veil in Persia, p. 282 (Sheikh Mati near 

3 Sometimes both are combined as in the case of S. Pardoux cited 
by Collin (Hist. Sacree de Limoges, p. 435). Cf. the words of Zoega 
6 de aegrotis, qui somnium capiunt in locis martyrum, quo salutem 
recipiant aut somno moneantur ' (quoted by Lucius, op. cit., p. 406, 
n, 2). 

4 S. Benedict cured the saintly emperor Henry II (P. Guerin, Vie 
des Saints, s. v. S. Henri II). S. Andrew in Pontus (White, in Mosl. 
World, ix, 181) and at Patras (Lucius, op. cit., p. 300, after Greg. 
Turon., De Glor. Martyr. I, xxxi), the Forty Martyrs in various places 
((/ * Lucius, p. 300, and Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, p. 118), 
S. Anthony in Syria (Kelly, Syria, p. 103, and Petermann, Reisen im 
Orient, \, 319), S. Elias at the baths of Gadara (lepers : see Antoninus 
martyr, ed. Tobler, vii, 9), and Daniel (Walpole, Travels, p. 423) are 
all mentioned as granting healing after incubation. An obscure saint 
may be as potent as his more famous brother : thus the almost unknown 
bishop Marcellus of Paris cured fever (Greg. Turon. De Glor. Conf. 
Ixxxix), another Syrian santon cures madness (Burckhardt, Syria, 
p. 48, quoted by Kelly, Syria, p. 247), while Sidi Yakub of Tlemcen 
is good for demoniacal possession (Montet, Culte des Saints Musulmans, 
p. 31). S. Makrina at Hassa Keui in Cappadocia also cures (Carnoy 
and Nicolaides, Trad, de VAsie Mineure, pp. 206 ff.). 

$ Sec above, p. 109. 

6 S. Israel, a tenth-century saint of Limoges, was buried in the 
common cemetery, but became known as a saint because of the miracles 
which occurred after incubation at his grave (Collin, Hist. Sacree, p. 38). 

7 This is usual throughout the Greek area. 

692 Observations on Incubation 

and saints Michael 1 and George, 2 who specialize 
in cures of madness. 3 In general, the cures are not 
confined to human beings, animals also benefiting by 
incubation at certain shrines, 4 and, where the population 
is of mixed religion, all sects tend to frequent a shrine 
that has acquired fame by its healing miracles. 5 

It happened in ancient Greece that Asklepios achieved 
fame as a healer, but throughout the later history of his 
cult it did not differ from other cults which practised 
incubation except in its elaborate development, which 
in the end bridged the gap between supernatural (mi- 
raculous) and scientific healing. Gradually it became no 
longer necessary that patients should sleep in the temple 
itself: cures were effected no less in the surrounding 

1 For S. Michael see M. Tinayre, Notes (Tune Voyageuse, pp. 148 ff. 
(in Thrace) ; Amelineau, Contes de rtigypte Chretienne, i, 73, 80 (in 
Egypt) ; Cousin, Hist, de V&glise, tr. Mr. C., Ill, ii, 3, p. 83 (at Constanti- 
nople, from Sozomenos ; cf. Maury, Magie, pp. 241 ff.). 

2 For S. George consult Mrs. Bishop, Journeys in Persia, i, 276 
(Armenian church at New Julfa) ; Burton, Inner Life of Syria, p. 389 
(near Jerusalem, mentioned also by V. Guerin, Descr. de la Palest., 
p. 312, and Tobler, Topogr. v. "Jerusalem, ii, 501 ff.) ; Vaujany, Caire, 
p. 293 (at Cairo) ; Tobler, op. cit. i, 371 (in a Coptic monastery). 

3 Cf. the promise of Michael given in Bonnet, De Mirac. a Mich. 
patr. 9 p. 18, quoted in Hasluck, Letters, p. 85, n. 5. 

4 Cf. especially Carnoy and Nicolaides, Trad, de VAsie Mineure, 
pp. 335 ff. (Haji Bekir), and also p. 203 (S. John the Baptist) and p. 204 
(S. Makrina). 

5 A Jewish woman of Lulc Burgas took her son to incubate in a 
Turkish turbe at Kirk Kupekli in Thrace (F. W. H.) ; a leprous Jew of 
Cyprus incubated in a church of S. Michael (Amelineau, Contes de 
rtigypte Chretienne, i, 81) ; Bulgar Uniate parents took their sick child 
to incubate in an Orthodox church of the Archangels in Thrace 
(Tinayre, Notes d'une Voyageuse, pp. 148 ff.). Christians and Moslems 
frequent the Damascus tomb of George the Porter (Thevenot, 
Voyages, iii, 49) ; Turks, Jews, and Christians incubate at a chapel of 
S. Elias near Ephesus (Svoronos in MiKpaa. '///xcpoA. 1916, pp. 384- 
91) ; the Cave of the Invention at Jerusalem is full of the hairs of sick 
Moslems and Christians who have used it superstitiously (Fabri, Evagat. 
i, 297 ; further details in Tobler, Golgatha, p. 303). 

Combined with Medical Treatment 693 

buildings. At the same time the intermediaries of the 
god tended more and more to become skilled physicians 
handling a far wider range of disease than the cases 
susceptible to suggestion, which are those generally 
catered for with success by purely miraculous means. 

It is curious to compare in our own times the estab- 
lishment of modern hospitals and treatment at certain 
holy places formerly noted for their supernatural cures. 
Examples are the hospital at Balukli near Constanti- 
nople, the madhouse in the monastery of S. George in 
the Prinkipo Islands, 1 and the madhouse at Gheel 2 in 
Belgium. In the last case the supernatural treatment, 
consisting in passing nine times under the saint's sarco- 
phagus nine days in succession, is on the wane and now 
optional, though the scientific treatment is well or- 
ganized and much reputed. 

There is, moreover, a social side 3 to incubation, for 
a pilgrimage to an incubation shrine is at once a com- 
plimentary visit to the numen and a picnic excursion 
not in the first place for bodily health. 4 The season of 
S. George's festival has probably much to do with his 
popularity in Greece as compared with the essentially 
identical saints Theodore, Sergius, Bacchus, and Deme- 
trius. 5 

In the East all the stages of incubation may still be 
found. The simplest experience is that of Clermont- 
Ganneau, 6 who, travelling rough for economy without 
tents in his early days, frequently slept in makams. 7 In 

1 Allom and Walsh, Constantinople, ii, 32. 
- Maury, Croy. du Moyen Age, p. 359. 

3 For this social side of religion see Hasluck, Letters, p. 102. 

4 Lady Burton (Inner Life of Syria, p. 101) and Mrs. Mackintosh 
(Damascus, p. 98) are explicit on this point with reference to Jobar. 

5 [The opening of the Prologue to Chaucer's Canterbury Tales well 
illustrates this argument. M. M. H.]. 

6 Clermont-Ganneau, Pal. Inconnue, p. 55. 

7 A niakam is defined by Tyrwhitt Drake (P.E.F., O.S. for 1872, 
p. 179) as an actual tomb or chapel erected in fulfilment of a vow, in 

694 Observations on Incubation 

virtue of the tabu I attached to them, foreigners and 
natives alike are there safe from danger of attack. 2 In 
modern Greece, where incubation is characteristic of 
outlying rather than of parish churches, many pilgrim- 
age churches, being thus in the country, had no other 
accommodation than the church to offer to pilgrims. 3 
This may therefore have been the original practice at 
modern Greek incubation shrines, Greeks having no pre- 
judice against passing a night in such quarters. 4 Results 
on credulous minds easily warrant the idea, fervently 
believed by present-day Russian pilgrims to Jerusalem, 5 
that it is beneficial to spend a night in a holy place. 

In general the vigil of the saint is considered the best 
time for healing 6 that is, the time of the numerics mani- 
festation is specialized 7 just as his habitation is localized. 

obedience to a dream, or prompted by ostentatious piety. Its 
enceinte, with all it contains, is sacrosanct. One result of this sanctity 
is that makams are frequently used as safe deposits for property (Conder, 
in P.E.F., O.S. for 1877, P- 9 1 )- l $ ee further above, p. 237. 

2 Even wild animals are supposed to respect the tabu at Daniel's 
tomb at Susa, where travellers and brigands alike shelter, with their 
horses, from wild beasts (Loftus, Travels in Chaldaea, p. 322). 

3 A Greek from Chios informed me that they celebrate only evening 
services at the church of S. George near the town of Chios, but they 
incubate (on the vigil of the festival) at the more remote church of 

Contrast the feelings of the Roman Catholic priest La Roque 
when lodged in a church of the Lebanon by a Maronite cure (Voyage 
de Syrie, p. 165). 

5 Stephen Graham, With the Russian Pilgrims to Jerusalem, pp. 
131 f. ; above, pp. 268, 689, n. 2. 

6 Georgeakis and Pineau, Folk-Lore de Lesbos, p. 344, says * la veille 
de la fete d'un saint les malades vont coucher dans sa chapelle '. For 
the importance of the morning service compare Polites, /lapaSocrets*, 
no. 199 (*O cir)$ NLKTJTOLS . . . *$ TO rravr^yupi rov aylov cf%av 
fia^vrfj Kel a7rof3pa8v$ TToXXol xpiariavoi, yta va XeirovpyrjOovv 
TO rrpajt) : cf. the same author's no. 637, and in general Carnoy and 
Nicolaides, Trad, de VAsie Mineure, pp. 206 ff., 335 f. 

7 Sick animals are best brought to the shrine of Haji Bekir in 
Cappadocia on the evenings of Thursday, Friday, and Saturday 
(Carnoy and Nicolaidcs, op. cit., p. 335). 

Importance of Sleep 695 

This suggests that sleeping may not have been originally 
regarded as the essential, a consideration borne out by 
the fact that visions are the exception, not the rule. In 
other words, most cures are not essentially dependent 
on visions. In classical antiquity, however, sleeping 
was probably essential for healing ; the insistence of 
Aristophanes on sleeping at Asklepieia will be remem- 
bered, also the dream oracles of Amphiaraos and Tro- 



^ I ^HE circumstances attending the death of the 
JL Caliph Mamun (A.D. 833) are thus related by 
Masudi, who wrote about a century after the event. 
On his return from a victorious raid against the Greeks 
the caliph encamped in the beautiful valley of Bedidun. 2 
Like all Orientals, he was susceptible to the charm of 
clear, running water, and at his orders a rustic pavilion 
was constructed over the spring called Kochairah, from 
which the river Bedidun flowed. In this the caliph sat. 
A silver coin was thrown into the spring, and so clear 
was the water that the legend of the coin beneath its 
surface could be read. Mamun then noticed in the 
spring a fish 4 a cubit long and shining like an ingot of 
silver,' which he desired should be caught for him. This 
was done, but the fish, when brought to the caliph, 
escaped by a sudden movement into the spring, sprink- 
ling the caliph's breast, neck, and shoulders with cold 
water as it did so. It was again caught, and the caliph 
gave orders that it should be cooked. As he did so, he 
was seized by a shivering fit, and, when the fish was 
cooked, he was in a high fever and unable to eat it. This 
was the beginning of the illness which caused his death. 
Before this took place he had the guides and prisoners 
called and asked them the significance of the name of 
the spring Kochairah. He was told that it meant 
6 stretch out thy feet \ which he took for an omen of his 
death. He then asked the Arab name of the country he 

1 Reprinted from J. IL S. xlii, 99 ff. 

- Podandus, the modern Bozanti, two days from Tarsus on the 
post-road to Eregli. 

Explanations 697 

was in ; the reply was * Rakkah '. As it had been fore- 
told him that he should die at a place thus named, he 
knew that his hour was come. And he died then and 
was carried to Tarsus and buried c on the left-hand side 
of the Friday mosque V 

As to the local nomenclature in this story two obser- 
vations may be made, (i) To Masudi and the Arabs the 
name Kocha'irab meant nothing : but the historian says 
that some held that it was Bedidun, and not Kochalrah, 
that meant ' stretch out thy feet '. We have thus clearly 
a local Greek derivation of Podandus from TTOW ('foot') 
and TiVoj( c stretch'). 2 (2) In Rakkah we have probably to 
do with a corrupt form of the name of the neighbouring 
Byzantine fortress Herakleia, called by the Arabs Irakla ; 
the resemblance between Rakka and Irakla is close 
enough for the purpose of the story. 3 

The story itself is pretty evidently based on a folk- 
legend turning on the theme of inevitable fate. 4 But 
what is the point of the elaborate fish episode ? It is 
clear that the fish was a magic fish, otherwise it could 
not have caused the caliph's death as it did. The only 
hypothesis which really explains the story is that both 
spring and fish were sacred, that the caliph sinned by 
wishing to catch the fish, and persisted in his sin even 
after his first warning. This hypothesis is backed by 

1 Les Prairies c/'Or, ed. and tr. Barbier de Meynard, vii, pp. 1-2 
and 96-101. 

2 If the pun seems far-fetched, what about *IKOVLOV Sta TO rjKevat, 
TOV /7e/>ae'a (Preger, Script. Orig. Constant, i, 72) ? For punning on 
local names cf. Theoph. Cont. Const. Porph., V, xxv, p. 113 P, 
A. D. 838 (cf. Bury,J.H.S. 1909, p. 125), where Omar inquires the local 
names from Greek captives and derives bad omens from the names. 
The idea is probably Greek, as in both cases the Moslem comes off 
badly and the puns are Greek. 

^ An Armenian authority of 1108 (cited by Tomaschek in Sitzb. 
Wien. Akad., Phil.-Hist. CL cxxiv, 1891, viii, 66) speaks of a fortress 
Krakka near Kybistra or Herakleia (Kybistra Eregli). 

4 The lesson seems never to be learnt. 

698 The Caliph Mamun and the Magic Fish 

two points, (i) The Greek name of the spring is given 
as Aidareka, which evidently contains the name of a 
saint, to whom the spring was held sacred by Christians. 
(2) A coin was thrown into it, 1 evidently in accordance 
with the world-wide custom at sacred springs and wells. 
This incident may be held to prove that the caliph 
knew from the first that the spring was sacred. One 
can hardly doubt that the tale came originally from 
a hostile (Christian) source. Masudi had plenty of 
opportunity for access to non-Moslem writers and is 
said not infrequently to have made use of them. 

The memory of Mamun seems to have survived at 
Tarsus, at least among the learned, till the middle of 
the seventeenth century, when the incidents recorded 
of his death were located not at Podandus (Bozanti), 
but quite near Tarsus itself. 2 Of his tomb nothing is 
recorded after the thirteenth century, when it was still 
a Moslem pilgrimage, though Cilicia was in Christian 
hands and the mosque had become a church of SS. 
Peter and Sophia. This curious fact rests on the au- 
thority of Yakut (1225) 3 and Willebrand of Oldenburg 
(i2ii). 4 The latter speaks of the tomb as that of the 
' sister of Mohammed ? , which looks as if the identity 
of its occupant was already becoming vague among the 
common folk. The church of SS. Peter and Sophia is 
thought by Langlois 5 to have occupied the site of the 
present Ulu Jami, a purely Mohammedan building, but 
this is far from proved. 

1 For this world-wide practice see above, p. 302, n. 5. 

2 Haji Khalfa, tr. Norberg, ii, 360. 

3 Le Strange, E. Caliphate, p. 133. 

4 Ed. Leo Allatius, JW/x/it/cra, i, 137. 

5 Cilicie, p. 317. See below, p. 702. 


ACCORDING to the Koran story, 1 when Moses was 
JLJL travelling with the (unnamed) Servant of God, 
the latter committed three apparently blatant acts of 
injustice, wantonly sinking a ship, killing a youth, and 
repairing a wall for a family which had received the 
travellers inhospitably. Subsequently an explanation 
was forthcoming : the ship was thus saved from im- 
pressment by a king, the youth was an unbeliever and 
a better son was given to his parents in his stead, while 
the wall concealed a treasure which belonged to orphans, 
but would have been secured by the inhospitable man 
had the wall been allowed to fall into ruins. 

A clearly similar tale exists in the Talmud, 2 where 
Rabbi Jochanan was granted a vision of Elijah, with 
whom he went on a journey. Being hospitably enter- 
tained by a poor man whose only support was a cow, 
Elijah in the morning killed the cow. A rich man 
received them badly, yet Elijah at his own expense 
repaired his house wall for him. A rich synagogue 
received them badly ; in return Elijah wished that they 
might all become presidents at once. A poor community 
received them well, but Elijah wished them only one 
president. The explanation was that the cow was the 
redemption for the poor man's wife, who had been 
fated to die that day, repairing the wall had prevented 
the rich man from finding a hidden treasure when he 
dug a foundation for the wall, while one president 
spells harmony, many discord. 

It seems hardly possible that there is no connexion 

1 Sale's Koran, pp. 222 ff. (ch. xviii). 

* Folano, Selections from the Talmud, pp. 313 ff. 

2 2 

700 The Three Unjust Deeds 

between the two tales and, the Jewish being in the 
Talmud and therefore probably not later than the 
second century of our era, we may therefore with some 
confidence believe the Talmudic tale to be the source 
of the Koranic. It seems to be a Jewish apophthegm 
written round the theme of ' Shall not the Judge of all 
the earth do right ? ? * Jews were fond of such apoph- 
thegms ; the Biblical story of Job's misfortunes is an 
obvious instance. Another, concerning David, is found 
in the Talmud.^ David once saw a mosquito attacking 
a spider and an idiot killing both, whereupon he ex- 
claimed at the uselessness of mosquitoes, spiders, and 
idiots in the scheme of creation. But later, when he 
cut off Saul's cloak in the cave, he stumbled over Abner, 
who would have discovered him had a mosquito not 
diverted Abncr's attention by stinging him. Still later, 
when he himself was hiding in a cave from his enemies, 
they would have found him if a spider had not spun its 
web over the entrance of the cave and thus given the 
impression that the cave was empty. Finally, when he 
fled to Gath, his only resource was to feign himself mad. 
Whereby the existence of mosquitoes, spiders, and idiots 
was justified. 3 

As the story of the Three Unjust Deeds occurs in the 
Koran and the nameless Servant of God is usually 
identified with Khidr, 4 it is not surprising to find ver- 
sions of the tale told in Moslem lands to-day with 
Khidr as the hero. Hanauer relates 5 an interesting 
variant current among Palestine Moslems. When Moses 
and Khidr were making a journey together, Khidr stole 

1 Gen. xviii, 25. 

2 Polano, Selections from the Talmud, pp. 310 ff. Carmoly, I tine- 
raires, p. 297, gives approximately the same story, dated at latest in 
the twelfth century and with a wasp instead of a mosquito. 

3 There is probably a more symmetrical prototype somewhere 
(possibly in the Panchatantra) : the idiot is out of place, three insects 
;ire required. 

i See above, p. 331. 5 Folk-Lore of the Holy Land, pp. 58 ff. 

Christian Versions 701 

a washhand basin from a hospitable man, presented it 
to an inhospitable man, and killed the young nephew of 
a kind hostess. The reasons were that the hospitable 
man was too confiding, the inhospitable man was to be 
made hospitable by finding hospitality profitable, and the 
boy, had he lived, would have murdered his good aunt. 

Very interesting are two versions current among 
Christians in the Turkish area. The first was collected 
by Professor Dawkins I at Imera, a village near Kromni 
in the district of Trebizond, There three travellers 
met a pallikar, who joined them. Ill received by an 
inhospitable village, the pallikar rebuilt a ruinous wall 
in the village. A second village proved inhospitable, and 
again the pallikar repaired a crumbling building, this 
time a house. Being well received in a third village, the 
pallikar in the night strangled the son of their host. 
The explanation given by the pallikar was that a 
treasure lay hidden under the falling wall and would 
have been discovered and thus caused many murders 
but for his repairing the wall ; had the house in the 
second village fallen, it would have destroyed the neigh- 
bouring house, where good people lived ; the boy would 
have grown up wicked, corrupting his father also, so 
that his death had saved both himself and his father 
from hell. Then, announcing himself to be the Christ, 
the pallikar vanished from their sight. 

The second Christian copy is told in Bulgaria. 2 Here 
a monk travels with an armed man, who is afterwards 
found to be S. Michael. The armed man destroys the 
house of a hospitable cowherd and kills the son of a 
hospitable rich man, in the former case to reveal to the 
cowherd a buried treasure and in the second to save the 
boy from killing his brother. The third motif is missing. 

1 The story is so far unpublished, but Professor Dawkins kindly allows 
me to publish it in advance. 

z Shishmanova, Legendes Relig. ulg., pp. 168 ff. It is interesting 
to find S. Michael the hero in this case, he occurring in the Bible as the 
executant of the Divine will, especially in the direction of violence. 


AMONG the Mohammedan religious antiquities of 
JLX Asia Minor the tomb-sanctuaries held to represent 
the resting-places of Arabs killed during the forays of 
the eighth and ninth centuries form a well-marked and 
extremely interesting group. Their authenticity is on 
general grounds more than doubtful. The campaigns 
of the Arabs led to no permanent occupation ; the 
lands they had conquered for the moment were restored 
to Christendom or fell to alien races. Only in the 
borderlands, where in times of peace Christian and 
Moslem might meet on equal terms, can we expect 
a true tradition regarding Arab graves or a continuous 
veneration of them to have persisted. Of these border- 
land Moslem cults supposed to date back to the Arab 
period we can point to two examples, the tomb of the 
' sister of Mohammed 5 at Tarsus and the tomb of 
Umm Haram in Cyprus. 2 

The former is mentioned by Willebrand of Oldenburg 
(1211) as still a place of Moslem pilgrimage under the 
Christian kings of Armenia. It was situated outside the 
church of S. (Beatus) Peter and S. Sophia in the middle 
of the town. 3 It seems at least possible that this tomb 

1 This chapter has already appeared in B.S.A. xix, 182 ff. 

2 A list of female Arab saints in Palestine is given by Conder, 
P.E.F., Q.S. for 1877, P- 99- The Druses admit women to the ascetic 
inner brotherhood of Akal (Burckhardt, Syria, p. 203) : the women 
appreciate the privilege, but for the prosaic reason that it saves them 
money in rich clothes. In general, female saints in Islam are con 1 
verted Christian princesses or arnazons. 

3 Ed. Leo Allatius, 27J/Lt/xt/cTa, i, 137 ' In angulo quodam extra 
foris Ecclesiae sepulta est soror Mahomet ; cuius tumbam Saraceni in 
multo petunt timore et devotione.' For the site of the church in 
question in the opinion of Langlois see above, p. 698. 

Umm Haram 703 

was really that of the caliph Mamun, miscalled by the 
Prankish chronicler. Mamun died in A,D. 833 at Po- 
dandus (Bozanti) and was buried at Tarsus, then an 
important frontier town of the Arabs. 1 I have no 
information as to the perpetuation or otherwise of this 
cult down to our own day. For present purposes it is 
important mainly as showing the possibility of the 
survival of a Moslem cult in spite of Christian domina- 
tion. 2 

The tomb of Umm Haram is, owing to Mr. Cobham's 
researches, 3 better documented. The Arab sources, 
which he quotes at length, are sufficient to prove that 
Umm Haram was a historical person, that she died in 
the course of an Arab expedition to Cyprus, and that 
she was buried there in A. D. 649. Her tomb seems to 
have been known at least three centuries later, both to 
Arab and Christian, 4 but the exact position in the island 
is not indicated. There follows a significant lacuna in 
the history of the grave till after the conquest of Cyprus 
by the Turks in 1572. 

Haji Khalfa,^ half-way through the next century, is 
the first modern authority to mention, but without 
giving the name of the saint, the present ' tomb of 

1 See above, p. 697. 

2 A modern parallel is the survival of the tomb and cult of the 
Turkish saint Gul Baba at Buda-Pest (above, p. 551). In our own 
time the grave of Murad I on Kossovo, now in Serbia, is protected 
by a special clause in the Treaty of London. 

' 3 ' The Story of Umm Haram ', in J. R. Asiat. Soc., 1897, pp. 81 if. 
A beautiful photograph of the tekke is reproduced by M. Ohnefalsch- 
Richter, Gr. Sitten und Gebrduche auf Cypern. 

* Const. Porph., de Them, i, 40, and Al Baladuri (d. A. D. 893) cited 
by Cobham. 

5 Tr. Armain, in Vivien de S. Martin, Asie Mineure, ii, 667 : 
4 [Memlahah] . . . il y a en cet endroit un tekieh ou couvent de derviches, 
dans lequel reposent les reliques d'une sainte dame qui vivait du temps 
du Prophete.' The earlier Turkish geographer Piri Reis (r. 1550, ap. 
Oberhummer, Cypern^ i, 427) does not mention the tomb in his de- 
scription of the island. 

704 Graves of the Arabs in Asia Minor 

Umm Haram ' on the salt lake near Larnaka, which 
continues down to our own day to be a frequented 
Moslem pilgrimage with a well-endowed tekke. This 
is the more significant since the site of the ' tomb ? is 
not out of the beaten track : indeed the salt lake at 
Larnaka has always been one of the sights visited by 
travellers. 1 The so-called * tomb ' itself, though now 
associated with Umm Haram, has been recognized by 
Cobham as a prehistoric building similar to the chapel 
of Phaneromene 2 in the same district and the so-called 
' tomb ' of S. Catherine at Famagusta. 3 All three ap- 
pear to have been underground prehistoric buildings, 
not necessarily tombs. 

In the case of the tomb of Umm Haram, Mariti 
(1760-7) records from a Christian source a tradition 
that its discovery was relatively recent and that its 
exploitation was due to a dervish. Among Moham- 
medans generally was current a tradition that the 
building, originally underground, was, at a date not 
indicated, laid bare by heavy rains. In this condition it 
was discovered by shepherds, to whom its nature was re- 
vealed by a vision of a lady in white raiment. 4 It thus 
seems clear that the gap in the history of the tomb 
cannot be filled, that its cult has not been continuous, 
and that its authenticity is improbable. The history 
of other ' discoveries ' of Arab tombs makes that of 
Umm Haram's still more suspect. 

Of the reputed Arab tombs in Asia Minor the most 

1 Kootwyck (1619), who describes the salt lake at length, does not 
mention the tomb (Cobham, Excerpta Cypria, p. 191) : the earliest 
foreign notice of it seems to be that of Le Bruyn (1683), Voyage^ 
ii, 495, who calls it the tomb of Mina, mother of the Prophet. 

2 Magda Ohnefalsch-Richter, in Arch. Zeit. 1881, p. 311 : cf. 
Des'champs, Au Pays d> Aphrodite, pp. 12 (S. Phaneromene) and 140 
(S. Evlavios), both being Phenician monolithic tombs. 

3 Max Ohnefalsch-Richter, inJ.T/.S. iv, 112. 

4 Travels in Cyprus (Cobham's translation), p. 184. 

Sidi Battal Gbazi Tekke 705 

important is that of Sidi Battal Ghazi, 1 which lies in 
a mausoleum (turbe) attached to the convent (tekke} 
bearing the name of the hero, six hours south of Eski- 
shehr and on the site of the ancient Nakoleia in Phrygia. 
The tekke was formerly a very important seat of the 
Bektashi dervishes ; its popular vogue was enhanced by 
the fact that it lay on the pilgrims' road from Constanti- 
nople to Mecca. 2 It is supposed by Ramsay and other 
authorities to occupy the site of an earlier Christian 
holy place, but in my opinion on insufficient grounds. 
The assumption rests partly on inexact archaeological 
data and partly on the overworked idea that every holy 
place has always been such. The evidence in favour of 
the assumption is as follows : 

(1) The site is undoubtedly that of the ancient 
Nakoleia, 3 

(2) Ruins of a Byzantine monastery are said to be 
incorporated in the buildings of the convent. Radet 
goes so far as to say that the mosque is a Christian 
basilica : 4 Ouvre, his companion, is not so sure. 5 Other 
travellers' descriptions are vague. 6 A recent visitor, 

1 He is the prototype of El Cid, of whose tale there is an early frag- 
ment in Arabic (Bouillet, Dictionnaire, s. v. Cid). 

2 The tekke has been visited by many European travellers, see 
especially Wtilzinger, Drei Bektaschikloster Phrygiens, xx, 103. The 
earliest first-hand account by a western known to me is that of the 
anonymous author [1663] of the (B.M.) Add. MS. 7021 (f. 35). It 
was known at least by repute to Menavino (Cose Turcbescbe (1548), 
p. 60). It is interesting to compare the effect of the railway on the 
pilgrimage of S. Anne d'Auray in Brittany, where pilgrims now come 
all the year round, with a corresponding diminution in the number 
of visitors on the day itself (De Quetteville, Pardon of Guingamp, 

3 Ramsay, mJ.II.S. iii, 119 ; cf. Hist. Geog., p. 144. 
* Arch, des Miss, vi (1895), p. 446. 

5 Un Mois en Pbrygie, p. 89. 

6 H. Barth, Reise, pp. 88-9 ; Sir C. Wilson, in Murray's Asia Minor, 
p. 144 ; Ramsay, Pauline Studies, p. 168 ; A. D. Mordtmann, as below, 
P . 707, n. I. 

706 Graves of the Arabs in Asia Minor 

Brandenburg, seems to refute the idea implicitly. 1 
Turkish sources attribute the building of the mosque 
to Suleiman the Magnificent. 2 

(3) Cuinet mentions candlesticks, 3 and Sir Charles 
Wilson a cup 4 of Christian workmanship, in the turbe. 
Radet calls these Perso-Byzantine : 5 in any case the 
evidence of such movable furniture is negligible. 

(4) The legend of Sidi Battal's marriage with a Chris- 
tian princess is read by Ramsay 6 as evidence of previous 
Christian occupation. But it is characteristic of a hero 
of a chivalric romance and the cycle of legend which 
has grown up round the name of Sidi Battal places him 
in this category that a maiden on the enemy's side 
should fall in love with him. 7 The Byzantine borderer, 
Digenes Akritas, elopes with an emir's daughter, and as 
a Christian hero is compelled on that account to spend 
some pages in remorse ; 8 a Moslem can without re- 
proach add the lady to his harem. 9 Further, the mar- 
riage of a Mohammedan potentate with a Christian was 
by no means unknown in the days of Ala-ed-din, to 
which the discovery of the tomb of Sidi Battal is 
referred. 10 

The Mohammedan traditions of the tekke are clear 
and consistent ; the official version is given in Ethe's 

1 yz. Zeit. xix, 106 : ' in der sog. " Kirche," d. h. dem alteren 
Teil des Klosters.' 

2 Haji Khalfa, tr. Armain, in Vivien de S. Martin's Asie Mineure^ 
ii, 702 : cf. ( Jardin des Mosquees ', in Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. 
Ott., p. 82 (706). 

3 Turquie d*Asie y i\, 213. 4 Loc. cit. 5 Lor cit. y p. 447. 

6 Pauline Studies, p. 169, and elsewhere : cf. below, p. 709. 

7 For such a case at Phileremo in Rhodes see above, p. 647, n. 2. 

8 Rambaud, t. Byz., p. 79. 

9 Sidi Battal had at least two other Christian wives, a daughter of 
the Emperor and a daughter of his vizir Akrates (probably Akritas 
himself) ; cf. Ethe, Fabrten des Sajjid Batthal, i, 99, 100. 

10 The father of Ala-ed-din, for instance, married a Christian woman 
(Sarre, Reise, pp. 39 f.). 

Sidi Battal Gbazi Tomb 707 

Fabrten des Sajjid Battbal * as follows : The ' castle of 
the Messiah ' was given by Ala-ed-din, Sultan of Rum 
(1219-36) to his general Hazarasp. One of the latter's 
shepherds, named Kodlija, while feeding sheep on the 
hill opposite the fortress, saw there a miraculous light. 
He became as if enchanted, and his sheep gathered to- 
gether to the spot. Hazarasp, being informed of the 
miracle, built a chapel on the site and it became a 
pilgrimage. The spot was not connected with Sidi 
Battal till he himself appeared in a dream to the mother 
of Ala-ed-din, who was a descendant of the Prophet, 
and bade her build him a monument at the castle of the 
Messiah, where he had met his death. The mother of 
Ala-ed-din went to the castle and made inquiries, and 
another vision was vouchsafed to her in confirmation of 
her dream ; the earth opened showing a door, through 
which she passed down a flight of seven steps to find the 
Arab warrior standing armed before her. The mother 
of Ala-ed-din built the mausoleum of the newly-dis- 
covered saint ; the buildings of the site were subse- 
quently added to by the Mihaloglu family * and the 
Ottoman emperor Suleiman the Magnificent. 3 In the 
latter part of the fifteenth century George of Hungary, 
who for many years lived, apparently in this part of 
Asia Minor, as a prisoner of the Turks, testifies to the 
wide vogue of the cult of Sidi Battal in his day. He 
says that ' Sedichasi ' was held in great esteem and 
veneration all over Turkey and by Mohammedans in 
general. His tomb was on the frontier between the 
Ottomans and Karamania, and, though these frequently 

1 i, 213 ff. This relation does not form part of the romance proper, 
to which we shall return. Other Turkish sources are quoted by A. 
D. Mordtmann (Gelehrte Anzeigen d. bayr. Akad. 1860, pp. 260-95, 
and 0tAoA. SvXXoyos, IlapdpTrjfJia rov 0' ropov, pp. xiv ff.). 

2 A renegade family established in Bithynia under the early Ottoman 

3 Probably about 1534, the year of the emperor's visit to the tomb 
on his way to Bagdad (Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. v, 212). 

708 Graves of the Arabs in Asia Minor 

quarrelled among themselves, none dared approach the 
tomb or do damage to the adjacent country, since those 
who had done so always found that the vengeance of the 
saint followed on their act. 1 Further, it was commonly 
held that those who asked his aid, especially in war, were 
never disappointed. Great quantities of money, ani- 
mals, and other gifts were yearly offered to the saint by 
the king, the princes, and the common folk. In the 
sixteenth century the name of Sidi Battal was the war- 
cry of the Turkish armies. 2 

The convent has lost much of its prosperity since the 
fall of the Bektashi order under Sultan Mahmud II and 
the decline of the pilgrim road with the progress of 
steam navigation. The tombs of Sidi Battal and his 
Christian wife are still shown in the turbe, and that of 
the pious shepherd Kodlija just outside it. Close by the 
tekke of Sidi Battal stands the tomb of Malik Ghazi, 3 
his companion in arms, who fell with him at Akroenos. 4 
This tomb is probably to be regarded merely as a pen- 
dant to Sidi BattaPs. 5 Both, it will be noticed, are on 
the farther side of the river from Eskishekr and its 
Byzantine representative ; 6 this river may at some 

1 De Moribus Turcorum (c. 1481), cap. xv (see above, p. 495). 

2 4 Wann sie Krieg furnemmen, so riiffen vnd schreyen sic zu dem 
Sedichassi dem Heyligen der Victori und dess Siegs . . . Soil begraben 
liegen auffden Grentzen Otkomannomm und Caramannorum ' (Breuning, 
Orient. Reyss. (1579), ? IO ^)- The convent was by this time already 
in the hands of the Bektashi (cf. Browne, J. R. Asiat. Soc. 1907, p. 568), 
who were intimately associated with the Janissaries. 

3 Visited by Radet and Fougeres in 1886 (see map in Arch, des Miss. 
vi, 1895). 

4 * With Al Battal was killed Malikh, the son of Shu'aib ' (Kitab 
Al 'Uyun (eleventh century), ap. Brooks, inJ.H.S. xviii, 202). 

5 The tekkes of Melik Ghazi (i) in the Kale Dagh near Sarimsaklik 
(R. Kiepert's map, section Kaisarieh) and (2) at Niksar in Pontus 
(Evliya, Travels, ii, 18, 104 ; Cumont, Stud. Pont, ii, 261) are probably 
to be connected with the Danishmend prince of that name (1106-13), 
but the legend current at Niksar suggests contamination with the Arab 
cycle. 6 Karaja Hisar, according to Radet (loc. cit., p. 515). 

Sidi Battal Gbazi History 709 

time have formed the frontier between Moslem and 

The story of the miraculous discovery of Sidi Battal's 
tomb is of course strongly tinged with myth, but 
there is no reason to doubt that the revelation and 
establishment of the cult of the saint dates back to 
Seljuk times. The hero himself was the historical Abd 
Allah Abu-'l Husain el Antaki/el BattaP (' the Valiant ') 
being a title of honour ; he is known from contemporary 
sources, Arab and Byzantine, to have taken part in the 
Arab raids of the eighth century and to have fallen in 
battle at Akroenos (Afiun Kara Hisar), many miles 
south of the tekke which bears his name, in A. D. 740. 
Even if the topographical difficulty could be got over, 
it is impossible to bridge the gap in the history of the 
tomb between the battle of Akroenos and the reign of 
Ala-ed-din, unless we suppose (what is highly improb- 
able) that an inscription was found with the remains. 
Sidi Battal is comparatively well known from history ; 
his apocryphal adventures, like those of his Byzantine 
counterpart Digenes Akritas, are numerous and in the 
canonized version of the romance fill a considerable 
book. 1 Certain incidents of the romance are widely 
current ; such are the hero's adventures at Maslama's 
siege of Constantinople (A. D. 717), where he penetrated 
alone as far as S. Sophia and rode into the building on 
horseback, 2 his dealings with a Christian nun whom he 
afterwards married, and his romantic death, caused by 
a stone thrown as a warning by a Christian princess in love 
with him, who eventually killed herself from remorse. 3 

1 For the adventures of Sidi Battal see the authorities cited by Mordt- 
mann (loc. cit.} and especially the canonized version of the romance, 
a Turkish composition of the fourteenth or fifteenth century based on 
an Arabic original, translated by Ethe (Fabrten des Sajjid Batthal). 

* The historical Sidi Battal appears from the Arab sources (Brooks, 
J.H.S. xix, 26) to have been present at this siege. 

3 It is this princess who is buried beside the hero. 

710 Graves of the Arabs in Asia Minor 

The wide vogue of this popular legend is shown by 
its connexion with many localities in Asia Minor. Sidi 
BattaPs rock is shown at Mal-tepe near Constantinople, 1 
his castles at Erdek 2 and in the Karaja Dagh (Cappa- 
docia), 3 a mosque reputed of his foundation exists at 
Caesarea, 4 a second tomb at Kirshehr, 5 and a third on 
the Ali Dagh near Caesarea, 6 while a dome commemo- 
rates his birth-place at Malatia. 7 Opposite Constanti- 
nople he is connected with Kadi Keui (by the verbal 
identification of Kadi and Ghazi}* and one version of 
the legend of the Maiden's Tower makes Sidi Battal the 
cause of its construction : the Greek governor destined 
it of course in vain to shelter his daughter and his 
treasure from the redoubtable Arab leader. 9 The Kirk 
Kiz Dagh (Mountain of the Forty Fir gins) , near the 
tekke of Sidi Battal, is probably associated with the epi- 
sode of the Convent of the Forty Princesses in the 
romance. 10 On Argaeus Sidi Battal was imprisoned in 
a well, whence he made his escape by the assistance of 
a great snake. 11 

A similar cycle of popular tradition groups itself 
round the name of Husain Ghazi. The centre seems to 
be Alaja in Paphlagonia, called by Haji Khalfa n Hus- 

1 Oberhummer in Meyer's Konstantinopel, p. 332. 

2 Hamilton, Asia Minor, ii, 99. 

3 Ramsay and Bell, Thousand and One Churches, p. 435. 

4 Haji Khalfa, tr. Armain, p. 676 ; cf. Le Strange, E. Caliphate, 

P- H6. 

> Le Strange, op. "/., p. 152, n. 2 ; cf. Cuinet, Turquie d^Asie, i, 332. 

6 Skenc, Anadol, p. 146. 

7 Haji Khalfa, p. 660. So Digencs has at least three tombs, near 
Trebizond, in Crete, and in Karpathos, and other memorials in Cyprus 
and Crete (Polites, /7a/>a8oaets > , nos. 73,74, 118-22, 131), while the 
historical Christian conqueror of Crete from the Arabs, Sarandapechys, 
multiplies to such an extent that his name becomes a generic word for 
a giant. For other multiplications of tombs see above, pp. 298 ff. 

8 Evliya, I, ii, 78. 9 Evliya, I, ii, 78. 

10 Etho, op. rit. i, 89 ff. n Hamilton, Asia Minor, ii, 275. 

12 Tr. Armain, p. 678. 

Husain Ghazi 711 

ainabad, which remains the official name of the Alaja 
nahiyeh x . Husain Ghazi, brother of the serasker of 
Malatia, says the local legend, had his head cut off in 
an attack on Angora and carried it to a mountain an 
hour and a half east of the town where he died. The 
spot was commemorated by a tekke which was a much- 
frequented pilgrimage in the seventeenth century. 2 

Husain's death was avenged by his son Jafer, who 
took from the Christians a castle near Kirshehr and 
converted the governor Shamas after a single combat. 3 
The name of the latter is commemorated in that of the 
Shamaspur tekke at Alaja, which contains another 
reputed grave of Husain. 4 Jafer is probably the hero 
buried at the tekke near Tulumbunar (on the Kasaba 
line) which bears his name. 5 

Another Arab warrior certainly historical is Abd-el- 
Wahab, whose tomb is venerated at Sivas. 6 He is said 
by the Arab chroniclers to have been killed ' in the land 
of the Romans ? in A.D. 730-1. 7 

Nearly all these persons are commemorated in the 
romance of Sidi Battal. Husain is the father of Battal, 8 
Jafer is Battal himself before he received his title, 9 and 
Abd-el-Wahab is constantly mentioned. 10 In the ro- 
mance, however, the fighting centres round Amorium 

1 Murray's Asia Minor, p. 31 ; Cuinet, i, 298. 

2 Evliya, ii, 228 ; there is now a turbe only, administered by the 
Bairami dervishes of Angora (Perrot and Guillaume, Explor. de la 
GalatiCy i, 283). 

3 Ainsworth, Travels, i, 157 ; cf. Earth, Rcise, pp. 74, 78. Schumas 
(sic) figures in the romance (Ethe, loc. cit. i, 21) as a monk converted 
by Battal, Schamasp as the brother of the governor of Amorium killed 
by him (ibid, i, 27). Skawas is the Arabic for deacon. 

* See above, p. 95. 

5 F. W. H. (cf. above, p. 103). 6 Cuinet, Turquie d'Asie, i, 666. 

7 Kitab al 'Uyun, ap. Brooks, in J.H.S. xviii, 200 : the death of 
Abd-el-Wahab is placed under the next year by Al Tabari (d. 923, 

8 Ethe, op. cit. i, 7. 9 Ibid, i, 57 ; cf. Evliya, I, i, 27. 
10 Ethe, i, 37, &c. 

712 Graves of the Arabs in Asia Minor 

(Hergan Kale), which was historically a notable Byzan- 
tine fortress during the Arab wars, but, having been 
razed by the Arabs after the great siege of 838, dis- 
appeared at that date from history. Its site, like that of 
Akroenos, has only recently been identified, and by 
westerns : the reputed Arab tombs, as we have seen, 
are nowhere near it. But the later Arab writers seem 
to have been misled by the similarity of the two names 
in Arabic into identifying Amorium with Angora, 1 
which accounts for their placing the tomb of Husain 
Ghazi at the latter town, while the romance makes 
Amorium the scene of his death. 2 

Other Arab memorials in Asia Minor, not apparently 
connected with the Battal cycle, are mentioned by Ibn 
Batuta at Daonas 3 (vilayet of Aidin) and at Sinope, 4 the 
former a memorial of the birth-place of Suhayb, a Com- 
panion of the Prophet, the latter a tomb of Bilal the 
Ethiopian. Another tomb of Bilal, presumably if not 
authentic at least earlier than that at Sinope, is shown 
at Damascus. 5 

Earliest of all the Arab memorials in Asia Minor and 
also apparently not connected with the Battal cycle, is 
the tomb of ' Amru'l Kais ', which is mentioned as 
shown at Angora by the early thirteenth-century geo- 
grapher, Yakut. 6 He was an Arab chief, contemporary 
with the Prophet, and author of some poems which are 
still highly esteemed. He is the hero of a romantic 
story in many points obviously fantastic. He is said to 
have gone to Constantinople to seek help from the 
emperor against the slayers of his father. According 
to Yakut, ' the king's daughter fell in love with him, 

1 Le Strange, E. Caliphate, p. 153. 2 Ethe, op. cit. i, II. 

3 Tr. Sanguinetti, ii, 277. Cf. Evliya, ii, 38. His tomb was at 
Sivas (Evliya, I, ii, 113). 

4 Tr. Sanguinetti, ii, 349. 

5 Le Strange, Palestine, p. 272 ; Porter, Damascus, p. 17. 
* Ap. Brooks, inJ.H.S. xxi, 76. 

Amru'l Kais 713 

and when Caesar heard of this, he promised that the 
armies should follow him when he reached Syria or he 
would order the armies in Syria to support him. And 
when he reached Ancyra he sent him some poisoned 
garments, and when he put them on, his flesh fell off, 
and he knew that he would die.' x 

The Life of Amru'l Kais gives some details concern- 
ing his death at Ancyra. While he was suffering from 
the effects of the poisoned robe sent him by the em- 
peror, he saw at the foot of a mountain named Assib or 
Gezib c the grave of a princess who had died in that 
city ' and apostrophized it in verse ; ' immediately 
after he died and was buried beside this woman and his 
tomb is still there. 9 2 

One is inclined to suspect that the journey of Amru'l 
Kais to the Byzantine court is a detail borrowed from 
or confused with the similar journey of his namesake (?) 
' Amorkesos ' in 473, 3 in spite of the discrepancy in date. 
The details about Angora must come from some one 
who knew the place. The princess's tomb is evidently 
the * column of Julian ', called to this day Kiz Minaret, 
* parce qu'ils s'imaginent qu'elle soutenoit le Tombeau 
d'une fille'. 4 We shall probably not be far wrong if we 
assume that the supposed tomb of Amru'l Kais was the 
other remarkable ancient monument of Ancyra, i.e. the 
Augusteum. Later, this tradition seems to have been 
lost : an undated inscription, found by Perrot and 
Guillaume over the arch of a small building inside the 
Augusteum and removed by their expedition, gives 
the name of Mohammed Ibn Bekr and a verse of the 

1 Yakut, i, 391 (kindly translated for me by Mr. Brooks). 

- Vie d'AmrolkaiSj tr. Slane, p. 27 ; cf. Riickert, Amrilkais, p. 130. 

3 Malchus, frag, i, in F.H.G. iv, 121 ; Bury, Later Roman Empire, 
i, 231 f. 

* Tournefort, Voyage, letter xxi. The Turks have a similar idea 
about the column of Marcian at Constantinople (see above, p. 197, n. i). 
The princess at Angora seems now identified with Belkis, queen of 
Sheba (Earth, Reise, p. 79). See further, below, p. 749. 

* A a 

714 Graves of the Arabs in Asia Minor 

Koran. 1 Mohammed Ibn Bekr was a partisan of Ali 
who revolted against the caliph Osman in Egypt ; * this 
connexion is perhaps due to the adjacent (Bairami) 
dervishes to whom the Augusteum belongs. 

It appears from the foregoing that the graves and 
memorials of the Arabs in Asia Minor, though they 
commemorate in many cases historical persons and the 
great historical fact of the Arab wars, and indicate also 
in a vague way the area over which these wars were 
fought, are almost certainly all fictitious. So far as we 
can see, the traditional sites have been discovered by 
' revelation ' and identified by an uncritical use of 
written sources or merely by floating tradition. 3 They 
thus afford no independent topographical evidence for 
the Arab campaigns. It is further to be remarked that 
Ibn Batuta's notice of two Arab memorials already in 
the early fourteenth century shows that such memorials 
were sought for and identified in this way already in the 
Seljuk period. Earliest of all is the tomb of Amru'l 
Kais, and, if we may believe the traditional account, the 
tomb of Sidi Ghazi was discovered at the same period. 
The motive for the ' discovery ' of such tombs is con- 
sciously or subconsciously political. At the back of the 
mind of the conquering race lies the idea of substantiat- 
ing a prior claim to the conquered soil. 4 The tomb of 
Eyyub, the great Ghazi of the Arab siege of Constanti- 
nople, was said to have been revealed actually during 
the siege of 1453. 5 Mohammed II, having laid siege to 

1 xvii, 20 ; bee Perrot and Guillaumc, Explor. de la Galatie, i, 299. 

- Weil, Gesch. d. Chalifen, i, 173 ff. 

3 The beginnings of a Battal myth were recognized in our own times 
by Earth (Reise, pp. 52-3) between Yuzgat and Caesarea, where an 
historical person of the reign of Murad IV (1623-40), bearing the title 
of Battal, was already becoming confused with the legendary hero. 

1 A real burial gives a similar claim. It was not without such an 
intention that the caliph Mamun was buried in the frontier town of 
Tarsus (Le Strange, E. Caliphate, pp. 132-3) : see above, p. 703. 

5 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. ii, 395 (who aptly compares the 

Eyyub 715 

Constantinople, was, with his seventy attendant saints, 
seven whole days searching for the tomb. At last Ak- 
Shems-ed-Din exclaimed, * Good news, my Prince, of 
Eyyub's tomb, 9 and, thus saying, he began to pray and 
then fell asleep. Some interpreted this sleep as a veil 
cast by shame over his ignorance of the tomb ; but 
after some time he raised his head, his eyes became 
bloodshot, the sweat ran from his forehead, and he said 
to the Sultan, ' Eyyub's tomb is on the very spot where 
I spread the carpet for prayer'. Upon this, three of his 
attendants, together with the Sheikh and Sultan, began 
to dig up the ground, when at the depth of three yards 
they found a square stone of verd antique, on which was 
written in Cufic letters, ' This is the tomb of Eba 
Eyyub '. They lifted up the stone, and found below it 
the body of Eyyub wrapped up in a saffron-coloured 
shroud, with a brazen play-ball in his hand fresh and 
well preserved. They replaced the stone, formed a 
little mound of the earth they had dug up, and laid the 
foundation of the mausoleum amidst the prayers of 
the whole army. A shepherd who fed his sheep near the 
site of the present mosque noticed that in the height of 
summer a round plot of grass there was always fresh and 
green. The sheep did not touch it and made obeisance 
to it. The shepherd reported this to the Ulema, who, 
after long prayers, decided that it was the grave of 
Eyyub and his companions. This was not generally 
accepted and the people asked as a sign that a foot should 

finding of the Sacred Lance by the Crusaders before Antioch) : cf. 
Evliya, I, ii, 35. The occurrence is not mentioned, however, by any 
contemporary authority for the siege (Mordtmann, Belagerung^ p. in) 
and probably took place shortly after. (So Cantimir, i, 106 ; d'Ohsson, 
Tableau ^ i, 305.) A modern version of the story is told by S. Adamson 
in Harper's Magazine (June 1913, pp. 30 ff.), in which, as in the case of 
the tombs of Umm Haram and Sidi Battal, the first discovery of the 
sanctity of the site is attributed to shepherds. An illuminating 
example of such a * discovery ' is given by Pouqueville, Hist. Regener. 
C) ii, 386. 

A a 2 

Ji6 Graves of the Arabs in Asia Minor 

show itself above the supposed grave. 1 Which, after 
prayer had been made, taking place, all were convinced 
that Eyyub was really buried there. 2 

Similarly, at the siege of Bagdad under Suleiman 
(1534), where religious animosities might be used to 
spur on the soldiers, the tomb of the orthodox (Sunni) 
doctor Abu Hanifa was ' discovered ' under the walls 
of the heretic (Shia) town. 3 The discoverer in the case 
of the tomb of Eyyub (and probably in all such dis- 
coveries) was a pious sheikh : if we bear in mind the 
extraordinary influence of dreams and their interpreta- 
tion in the eastern world it is obvious that the good 
faith of a devout and pious mystic need not be called in 
question. But, as we have seen from the cases of Umm 
Haram, Sidi Battal, and Eyyub, the fully-developed 
type of legend postulates two agents in such discoveries, 
the shepherd, 4 to whom the sanctity of the spot is re- 
vealed by an outward miracle, and the wise man, who 
is guided by a dream to interpret it according to his 
learning. The sequence is psychologically true. To 
the simple and devout peasant any chance combination 
of circumstances may give a religious colour to a com- 
monplace discovery, and anything remotely resembling 
a tomb presupposes a buried saint. 5 It remains for the 
learned to give the saint a name and a historical setting. 

1 For this barbarous miracle see above, pp. 252-5. 

2 Precis of Carnoy and Nicolaides, Folklore de Constantinople, 

PP- J 55 f- 

3 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. v, 222. 

* In the West also the shepherd * discovers ' (Sebillot, Folk-Lore de 
France, iii, 122). 

5 Cf. above, p. 61, and 4. 




TWO mosques in Galata the Mosque of the Arabs 
(Arab Jami} and the Mosque of the Leaded Store 
(Kursbunlu Maghzenjamisi} lay claim to be the earli- 
est buildings consecrated to Moslem worship in Con- 
stantinople. Both are supposed to date from the period 
of the Arab sieges, many centuries before the Ottoman 
conquest. Their traditional claim to this honourable 
pedigree is of some antiquity. Evliya Efendi, in the 
middle of the seventeenth century, already attributes 
an Arab origin to four buildings in Galata, of which two 
are the mosques in question and the others a lead-roofed 
granary (Kurshunlu Magbzeri), still used as such in his 
time, 2 and the famous Galata Tower. 3 All these, and 
in addition the Rose Mosque (Guljami) in Stambul, 4 
are supposed to have been built during the famous siege 
of Constantinople by the Arabs under Maslama. 

The Tower of Galata and the Rose Mosque being 
undoubtedly Christian buildings, the historical accuracy 
of Evliya's information may reasonably be called in 
question as to the other reputed Arab buildings of 
Constantinople. In the case of Arab Jami, the better 
known of the two Galata mosques, its Arab origin is, if 

1 Reprinted from B.S.A. xxii, 157 ff. 

2 Travels, I, ii, 167. 3 Ibid. I, ii, 49. 

4 Ibid. I, i, 24. Evliya states that the Rose Mosque, having become 
a church, was turned over to the Moslems as the price of Bayezid Ps 
retirement from Constantinople. Bayezid made a demand of this 
sort in 1391, but it was not complied with (Ducas, p. 498). For the 
real history of the mosque (S. Theodosia) see van Millingen's Churches 
in Constantinople, pp. 162 ff. See also above, p. 40. 

71 8 The Mosques of the Arabs in Constantinople 

not asserted, at least considered as a possibility by 
several serious writers, but sufficient information has 
come down to us to allow the elements of history and 
tradition to be disentangled. 


The c Mosque of the Arabs ? stands on low ground 
not far from the shore of the Golden Horn between the 
inner and outer bridges. Its remarkable minaret, in 
reality a church tower with a short wooden spire, was, 
till it was recently obscured by buildings, a familiar 
object to everyone crossing the outer bridge from Stam- 
bul to Galata. The history of the building can be 
traced into the Genoese period, when, as Evliya admits, 1 
it was a Christian church. Under the Genoese it be- 
longed to the Dominican Order and was dedicated to 
S. Paul. 2 In plan it is a simple rectangle divided by 
three rows of columns into a wide nave and three aisles, 
of which two are on the north side. These are covered 
with a wooden roof. The line of the nave is continued 
by a short vaulted chancel flanked by lower compart- 
ments carrying on the line of the aisles. At the south- 
eastern corner the plain, square tower alluded to a few 
lines above still serves as the minaret of the mosque. 
Beneath it, opening by a typically Gothic archway, 3 
runs a vaulted passage. In the west wall of this is built 
a doorway more Byzantine than Gothic in general 
character, decorated in the spandrels with scutcheons 
bearing rampant lions. This doorway originally com- 
municated with the eastern continuation of the south 
aisle. Further traces of the use of the building as a 
Latin church are afforded in the interior by remains of 

1 Travels, I, ii, 51. 

3 Belin, Histoire de la Latinite de Constantinople, pp. 215 ff. The 
church of S. Paul is mentioned about 1400 by Clavijo (Hakluyt Soc. 
ecln/, p. 49). 3 See B. S. A. xxii, pi. v. 

Arab Jami 719 

frescoed saints on the west wall, portions of a marble 
tessellated pavement in the nave, and a large number of 
flooring slabs with Latin inscriptions and Genoese coats- 
of-arms, 1 discovered in the course of recent repairs.* 
The structure as a whole is of brick and rubble, but has 
been much repaired ; the south-west corner is finished 
as a clustered column in brick. 

The orthodox Moslem version of the mosque's his- 
tory is given by the eighteenth-century author of the 
Jardin des Mosquees 3 as follows : 

* Arab Jami was built by Maslama, an emir of the Ommeyad 
House. The rhymed history of the foundation of the mosque 
hangs in the interior. ... It is said to have been founded in the 
sixty-sixth year of the Hejira (A. D. 685-6) under the caliph Abd- 
el-Malik by his captain Maslama at the siege (the poem says 
conquest) of Constantinople. Maslama was recalled by the 
caliph Omar II ; this is why the mosque fell into ruins and was 
only rebuilt by Sultan Mohammed III (1595-1603).' 

In confirmation of the legendary foundation of Arab 
Jami an ebony cup, supposed to be that of Maslama 
himself, was till recently kept in the mosque : the water 
of the mosque well was drunk from this cup with bene- 
ficial results by expectant and nursing mothers. 4 

When we come to examine this tradition, we find, 
first, that the date given (A. D. 685-6) is not that of the 
siege of Constantinople by the Arabs under Maslama 
(which took place in A.D. 717-18), though it comes 
reasonably near the date of the first Arab siege (A.D. 
672-7). There is no record of a mosque having been 

1 Two, bearing dates 1323 (Belgrano, in Atti Soc. Lig. xiii, p. 322 (3)) 
and 1433 (Hasluck, in U.S.A. xi, 54), had been recorded earlier. 

3 These had been hidden under the wooden floor, but were known to 
exist in the sixties (De Launay, cited in Atti Soc. Lig. xiii, 273). 

3 In Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xviii, 71. Evliya (Travels, 
I, i, 25 ; I, ii, 49, 51) says it was built by the caliph Omar Abdul- Aziz 
during the fifth siege, which he dates A. H. 92. 

4 D'Ohsson, Tableau, i, 285 ; Scarlatos Byzantios, Kojvaravnvov- 
TroAis, ii, 46-7 : cf. above, p. 266. 

J2O "The Mosques of the Arabs in Constantinople 

built by the invading Arabs during either siege. 1 During 
that of Maslama the Arabs never entered the Golden 
Horn, so that it is impossible that a mosque should have 
been built in Galata, which was in all probability al- 
ready a fortified suburb ; if a mosque had been built at 
all it would have been either outside the land walls or 
on the Asiatic side of the Bosporus, where the besieging 
troops had their head-quarters. 2 

It is true that a small mosque (mesjicT) existed at 
Constantinople as early as the tenth century, but this 
was in the Praetorium, which was near the Forum of 
Constantine in the city proper. The building of this 
mosque is attributed by Constantine Porphyrogenitus 
to the reign of Michael III Balbus, who, he says, erected 
it as a favour to Maslama. 3 This is, of course, a con- 
fusion ; the siege of Maslama (in the reign of Leo the 
Isaurian) resulted in the complete discomfiture of the 
Arabs, and their leader was in no position to ask favours 
from the Emperor. The mosque in the Praetorium 
probably dated from the Saracen embassy of A. D. 860, 
which, owing to political circumstances, obtained favour- 
able terms. 4 This mosque seems to have lasted down 
to the Latin conquest of Constantinople in 1204.5 ^ n 
the succeeding centuries there is no trace of its existence. 
It is particularly significant that the Mohammedan 
travellers El Harawi and Ibn Batuta, who visited Con- 
stantinople in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries 
respectively, mention no Mussulman house of prayer in 
the city. 6 

1 For the Arab accounts see Brooks, inJ.H.S. xviii, xix. 

2 See the account of the siege and the disposition of the Arab forces 
in Bury's Later Roman Empire, ii, 402 ff. 

3 De Adm. Imp. xxi (p. 101 B). 

4 Bury, Roman Empire, p. 279. 

5 See the passages cited by Du Cange, Constant. Christ, ii (p. 
164?), cap. xv. 

6 Ibn Batuta, tr. Lee, p. 83, n. 

Anti-Christian Fanaticism of the "Turks 721 


The date of the ' discovery ' of Arab Jami, i. e. its 
transformation from a church, is probably little earlier 
than the end of the sixteenth century. This period was 
characterized by considerable anti-Christian feeling 
among the Turks, the origins of which must be sought 
partly in internal, partly in external conditions. All 
latent tendencies to superstition were stirred by the 
approaching millennium of the Hejira (1592-3) ; this 
afforded an easy text to the dervish prophets and saints, 
who have at all times exerted a considerable influence 
on the masses. Rauwolff, speaking of this period ( 1575), 
says : 

6 They have (as some of them have told me) a peculiar Book, 
. . . wherein is briefly Written, what shall happen to them every 
year, whether it be good or bad. This beginneth in the same 
Year, with their Prophet Mahomet, and continueth for 1000 
Year, when this is at an End, they have nothing more of that 
Nature worth any thing. And being they go no further, some 
will deduce or conclude from thence, that their Reign will 
soon have an end, when those years are passed. 1 Wherefore 
they fear the Christians very much, and confess themselves, 
that they expect to suffer a great blow from the Christians. 
And this one may see or conclude from hence, for on their 
Holidays in the Morning about 9 of the Clock they shut up 
the Gates of their Towns, great Champs, 2 and other Publick 
Habitations, as I found at Aleppo, so that many times I could 
not get either out or in until they opened them again, for they 
fear at that time to be Assassinated by the Christians? 3 

1 The idea is much older ; cf. Schiltberger's Travels, ed. Telfer, 
p. 66 (c. 1400). 

2 The author probably wrote Chans, the ordinary Turkish for 

3 In Ray's Voyages, \, 311 : cf. Shaw's Travels to Barbary, p. 246. 
The fear of Christian attack during Friday prayers was not without 
reason ; there was an unsuccessful plot for the surprise and recapture 

722 The Mosques of the Arabs in Constantinople 

Prophecies of this sort had begun to circulate already 
in the first half of the century. That of the c Red 
Apple 9 is at least as early as 1545, probably a good deal 
earlier. 1 The well-known prophecy foretelling the 
downfall of the Turks, which was supposed to have been 
inscribed on the tomb of Constantine and to have been 
interpreted by the patriarch Gennadius, was current at 
Constantinople in the seventies of the same century. 2 In 
such circumstances omens are never wanting. Miracu- 
lous appearances of fiery crosses are reported in Con- 
stantinople about the time of Lepanto, 3 and in 1591 an 
outbreak of plague gave further confirmation to popular 
fears. 4 All these indications of nervousness among the 
Turks go far to explain the ascendancy of the dervishes 
and of superstition at the period in question. To 
necromancers, soothsayers, and astrologers the common 
people looked for counter-charms against the vaguely 
impending disaster, and the ruling classes, if they did 
not believe, found it politic to be conciliatory. The 
sultan himself (Murad III, 1574-95) was notoriously 
superstitious. 5 It is not without significance that the 
venerated mosque of Eyyub was rebuilt in the year 1000 

of Rhodes at this hour in 1525 (Torr, Rhodes, p. 33 : cf. further below, 
p. 752). George Borrow, in the thirties, found the same tradition and 
practice current at Tangier (Bible in Spain, p. 332). The same idea 
occurs also in a Greek folk-story from Trebizond (Polites, Uapa- 
Sdcrt9, no. 22). 

1 See below, p. 736. 

1 Gerlach, T age-Buck, p. 102. This is the prophecy of the c Yellow 
Race ' for which see above, p. 471, n. 4. 

3 These appearances are pictured and described by the Venetian 
cartographer Camotti. 

4 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. vii, 244. The extreme suscepti- 
bility of the Turks to interpret extraordinary events in the most 
gloomy sense is illustrated by their apprehensions when the Bosporus 
froze in 1669 : they were ' so frightned that they look'd upon it as a 
dismal Prodigy, and concluded that the ivorld would be at an end thatyenr ' 
(T. Smith, in Ray's Voyages, ii, 46). 

5 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. vii, 282. 

Spanish Moors in Constantinople 723 

of the Hejira, 1 or that the Bektashi dervishes owed their 
official connexion with the Janissaries to the same 
period. 2 

External events also boded ill for the success of Mos- 
lem arms, and public feeling tended in an anti-Chris- 
tian, and particularly anti-Catholic, direction. The 
signal victory of the combined fleet of the Catholic 
powers at Lepanto in 1571, following the repulse before 
Malta in 1566, raised the apprehensions of the Turks as 
much as the hopes of Christian Europe. For many 
years after these events the diplomacy of the Catholic 
powers was severely handicapped at the Porte. 3 Of all 
the Catholic powers Spain was the most detested, not 
only for the prominent part she had played at Lepanto, 
but also for her treatment of the Moors. A treaty was 
denied her in I578, 4 and a full century later Sir Dudley 
North writes : ' The Spaniards neither have nor ever 
had an ambassador at the Porte ; which perhaps may 
be derived from their hatred to all Mahometans for the 
sake of the Moors.' 5 The hatred was certainly recipro- 
cated and, at Constantinople especially, kept alive by 
fugitive Spanish Moors settled there. 

The final expulsion of the Moors from Spain did not 

1 Jardin des Mosquees, in Harnmer-Hcllert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xviii, 

P. 57- 

3 D'Ohsson, Tableau, iii, 325. 

3 This phase of affairs was made good use of by the rising Protestant 
powers, England and Holland. The first English treaty with the 
Porte was made in 1581, an embassy being established next year. The 
Dutch Capitulations date from 1610. Elizabeth certainly made 
capital out of the distinction between ' Protestant ' England and 
'idolatrous' Spain (see Pears, in Eng. Hist. Rev. 1893, pp. 439 ff.), 
and James followed her precedent. He is said to have styled himself 
to the Porte * Verus fidei contra omnes idolatras falso Christi nomen 
profitentes [!]... propugnator ' (Ambassade de J. de Gontaut-Biron, 
p. 36). 4 Hammer-Hellert, op. cit. vii, 51. 

5 Lives of the Norths, ii, 134. C. 1617 della Valle records a persecu- 
tion of Jesuits at Constantinople on account of their alleged treasonable 
correspondence with Spain and the Pope (Voyages, ii, 252 ff). 

724 The Mosques of the Arabs in Constantinople 

take place till i6io, z but there was a serious rebellion 
in 1570,* and shortly after this date we find Spanish 
Moors flocking to Constantinople. 3 In the middle of 
the next century Evliya says that ' the Inhabitants of 
the interior castle [of Galata, i. e. the central compart- 
ment of the Genoese walled town] have in their hands 
a khatti-sherif of Sultan Mohammed II, by which they 
are allowed to suffer no Infidel among them. . . . These 
inhabitants are for the greatest part Moors, who were 
driven out of Spain and settled at Galata,' 4 We may 
probably assume that the name of Mohammed II is a slip 
or perversion for that of Mohammed III (1595-1603), 
the rebuilder of the church-mosque of the Arabs. The 
exclusion of ' infidels ' from the central part of Galata 
may have been made to appear a political necessity at 
a time when the Turks were nervous of Christian plots. 
The Moorish refugees of Galata were, naturally 
enough, fanatical against the Christians, hardly less so 
against the Jews. It is precisely in the years between 
1570 and 1610 that we hear of a series of aggressions 
against Catholic churches, 5 causing in some cases their 

1 Knolles, Turkish History , p. 899, where the decree of expulsion is 
given. 2 Hammer- Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. vii, 51. 

3 In 1578 a Constantinople letter (Charriere, Negotiations dans le 
Levant, iii, 787) mentions a complaint preferred by * dix ou douze 
Mores de Granate, habitans icy . . . ' The rush began later : cf. 
Relax, di M. Zane in Alberi, III, iii, 390 (1594) : ' di Spagna concorrono 
ogni giorno mori in Constantinopoli, che si nominano mondesari, come 
se uscissero solamente di Granata, ma in effetto tutta la Spagna n'e 
contaminata, e subito giunti levano il tolpante ' (i. e. avow themselves 
Moslems) ; cf. also the same Relazione, p. 440. Later still (1608-10) 
the French embassy espoused the cause of the Moors fleeing from 
Spain through Marseilles, though official efforts on their behalf were 
not always successful ; cf. Ambassade de J. de Gontaut-Biron, Table 
Analytique, p. 443, and Index, s. v. ' Grenadins '. 

4 Travels, I, ii, 51 ; cf. ibid., p. 53, 'a great number of them are 
Arabs and Mogrebins '. 

s Especially against those of the Dominican order according to 
J. Seville, in Notre Dame, 1914, p. 120. 

Spanish Jews in Constantinople 725 

transformation into mosques. In 1591 it was proposed 
to treat the church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem 
in this way. 1 In the following year S. Anna at Galata 
was threatened, 15 and probably about the same period 
S. Anthony and S. Paul were actually taken. 3 Tourne- 
fort distinctly states that the latter was confiscated to 
serve as a mosque for Grenadine Moors. 4 This is the 
obvious interpretation of its present name. The Ortho- 
dox, perhaps suspected of a rapprochement with the 
Catholics, owing to the intrigues of the Jesuits, suffered 
hardly less. To Murad IIPs reign (1574-95) is dated 
the seizure of the church of Pammakaristos (Fethiyeh 
Jamisi)^ till then the Patriarch's cathedral, and of a 
church of S. John the Baptist. 6 

The hostility shown by the Moors to the Constan- 
tinople Jews is less easy to account for. It probably 
dated from the days when both races were subject to 
Spain. The Jews, expelled in 1492, had flocked, like 
the Moors a hundred years later, to Constantinople, 
and throughout the following century were influential 
in Turkey as physicians, diplomatists, and tax-farmers. 
Their importance ends suddenly with the close of the 

1 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. vii, 287. 2 Ibid. 

3 T. Smith in Ray's Voyages, ii, p. 40 : ' St. Paul and St. Anthony 
were both taken away some years since from the Christians, and turned 
into Moschs. The former of which is now known by the name of 
Arab Giamesi, or the Mosch of the Arabians.' An earlier notice of 
the seizure of S. Paul is given by Du Loir (Voyages (1654), P- 66) ; 
Comidas (Descr. di Costant. 1794, p. 59) seems certainly wrong in 
assigning the seizure to the reign of Suleiman (1520-66), when the 
Moors, to whom he attributes it, were not yet fled out of Spain. But 
the Christians may have been dispossessed earlier. S. Paul's is not 
mentioned among the Latin churches of Galata by Breuning, (1579, 
Orient. Reyss, p. 89). See Seville, in Notre Dame, 1914, p. 119. 

* Voyage, Letter XII. c La Mosquee des Arabes fut confisquee sur 
les Dominicains, il y a environ 100 ans, pour servir aux Mohametans 

5 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. vii, 232 : the Jardin des 
Mosqnces gives the date 1591. 6 Constantiniade, p. 108. 

726 The Mosques of the Arabs in Constantinople 

sixteenth century. 1 One cause seems certainly the influx 
of the Moors, who despise and hate the Jews far more than 
do the Turks. The refugees at Constantinople, finding 
the Jews no longer their equals in servitude, but their 
inferiors as non-Mussulmans in a Mussulman country, 
and their superiors in wealth and standing, satisfied 
their prejudices and avenged their Spanish wrongs on 
the hated race. This feeling seems to have risen to its 
height in 1612, when the Moors resident in Galata, 
supported by the Kadi, who was one of them, drove out 
the Jews and destroyed their synagogues. 2 But for 
French diplomatic action, the Catholic Church of S. 
Francis would have shared the fate of the synagogues. 3 
The usurpation of the church now called the Mosque 
of the Arabs thus falls chronologically in the middle of 
a long period of anti-Catholic feeling, instigated by 
superstitious fears at home and Catholic successes abroad, 
and fomented by the Moorish refugees from Spain. The 
supposed pre-Turkish traditions of the mosque rest on 
no more than a fanciful interpretation of its name, 
which originally denoted the population for whose use 
it was appropriated. 


Like the Mosque of the Arabs, the Mosque of the 
Leaded Store or Underground Mosque (Yer Altijami} 
claims to date from the Arab siege of Constantinople 
under Maslama, when it served as a mosque for the 
Faithful. According to popular legend the Arab leader 
at his departure, knowing that some Moslems had been 
buried in it, obtained leave from the Greeks to seal up 

1 But their connexion with medicine and the University of 
Salamanca lasted far into the next century (T. Smith, in Ray's Voyage^ 


* Knolles, Turk. Hist., p. 917. 

3 Ibid, and des Hayes, Voiage, p. 125. 

Kurshunlu Magbzen Jamisi 727 

the key-hole with lead (kursburi) to prevent the desecra- 
tion of their graves. 1 This elaborate story is devised to 
explain the name of the mosque, really derived from its 
proximity to the lead-roofed granary mentioned above. 

The Underground Mosque is situated near the quays 
just outside the new bridge and immediately behind the 
Port Office. As its name implies, its floor-level lies 
somewhat lower than the level of the street, and the 
building, being low and badly lighted, has the appear- 
ance of a large cellar. The plan is a simple rectangle 
divided into a series of square compartments by quad- 
rangular piers of masonry supporting a series of vaults. 2 
The building is, to judge by the position of the mibrab, 
fairly correctly orientated. 

The building seems to have been identified by the 
discovery in it of alleged Arab tombs, now attributed 
to saints named Amiri, Wahabi (left of entrance), and 
Sufian or Abu Sufian (right of entrance). The latter 
tomb is the most important of the group and occupies 
a separate compartment within a grille ; it is evidently 
associated with Sufian, one of the Arab warriors who 
took part in the first Arab siege (672-7) by Moawiya. 3 
It is frequented as a pilgrimage by Turkish and Arme- 
nian, occasionally by Greek, women. For a small fee the 
guardian lays on the tomb a new garment or handker- 
chief, which, having remained there forty days, is an 
infallible love-charm, if worn by the man it is desired 
to attract. Women desirous of children wear round 
their waists a handkerchief which has been consecrated 
in a similar way. 4 

1 Meyer's Konstantinopel, p. 253 : cf. Grosvcnor, Constantinople, 
ii, 698. 

3 According to thcjardtn des Mosquees (p. 73) the mosque measures 
62 x i paces and has forty-two vaults. 

3 Brooks, mJ.H.S. xviii, 186; Bury, Later Roman Empire, ii, 311. 
Abu Sufian was the title of the caliph Moawiya. 

4 For this procedure see above, p. 266. 

728 The Mosques of the Arabs in Constantinople 

The ' discovery ' of the tombs and mosque is attri- 
buted by von Hammer, on the authority of the Jardin 
des Mosquees^ to a pious Nakshbandi sheikh, who had 
had revealed to him the site of the Prophet's father's 
tomb at Medina in the middle of the eighteenth cen- 
tury ; the funds for the building were contributed by 
the vizir, Mustafa Pasha, who was himself a member of 
the Nakshbandi Order. 1 But the mosque and its tombs 
are mentioned at least a century earlier by Evliya, 2 so 
that the eighteenth century could have been responsible 
only for a reconstruction, as indeed the Jardin des 
Mosquees states. The original discovery cannot be 
placed later than the death of Murad IV (1640), since 
Evliya tells us that the emperor ' intended finishing the 
mosque, but could not accomplish it ', 3 We may per- 
haps attribute the first ' discovery ' of this so-called 
Arab mosque to the same period and combination of 
circumstances as were responsible for that of Arab J 'ami. 
In this case there is nothing to indicate that the build- 
ing ever served as a church ; its numerous vaulted 
aisles may have suggested a mosque to Moors familiar 
with the early many-columned Arab type of mosque 
found at Cordova and elsewhere, or the whole may 
have been built in recent times after the discovery of 
the ' Arab tombs '. The tradition of the pre-Turkish 
mosque is, in any case, to be regarded as no more than 
a patriotic fable resting solely on the religious credulity 
of the masses, stimulated by the dreams and revelations 
of holy men. 

By similar methods numerous churches in the capital 
which were transformed into mosques by the Turks 
have acquired a spurious sanctity by the discovery in 
them of * Arab ' saints' graves ; in some cases, like that 
of Sufian in Galata, these have been associated with 

1 Hammer-Hellert, Hist. Emp. Ott. xv, 261 : cf. Jardin des Mosquees 
(ibid, xviii, 73). 

2 Travels, I, i, 24. 3 Hid. I, ii, 167. 

Discoveries of Saints' Tombs 729 

more or less historical personages. 1 In S. Andrew of 
Crete (Khoja Mustafa Pasha Jamisi), for example, are 
shown the graves of the daughters of Husain, who, says 
tradition, having been captured by the Greeks, killed 
themselves rather than marry unbelievers ; * many dedes 
or saints' graves independent of mosques have similar 
traditions. 3 A curious example is Baba Jafer, the saint 
of the galley-slaves' prison, who was identified with an 
ambassador of Harun-al-Rashid. 4 

In a previous chapter 5 I have attempted to indicate 
the process by which such identifications are arrived at. 
The existence of a holy-place or the grave of a saint is 
inferred from accidental circumstances, such as the dis- 
covery of a sarcophagus or of human remains, especially 
an undecayed corpse, 6 the appearance of a miraculous 
light, or the fall of a wall, 7 with or without coincidences 
connecting these accidental circumstances with dreams 
or with the ' luck ' of individuals or communities. The 
name and history of the saint discovered depend on the 
lucubrations of learned mystics. The cult is perpetu- 
ated by the faith or credulity of the superstitious, often 
assisted by interested persons. 

In the case of the c Mosque of the Arabs 5 the rational 
explanation of the name was easily forgotten, and the 
romantic substituted under these influences. The 'type 
and tradition ' of Arab saint once evolved and this 
happened early both in Asia Minor and at Constanti- 
nople 8 the name ' Arab ' is sufficient to determine 

1 See the "Jar din des Mosquees (iSthc.) in Hammer-Hellert, op. cit. 
xviii, pp, 18 (185, Hasan Husain Mesjidi)^ 33 (333, Kabriyeb Jnmi)^ 
(349, Khoja Mustafa Jamisi). 

2 See above, p. 17. 

3 See especially Evliya, Travels, I, ii, 15. 

4 Ibid. I, i, 26. 5 Pp. 250 ff. 

6 For a Moslem saint of this sort discovered in 1845 near Larnaka, 
see Ross, Reisen nacb Kos, &c., p. 198. 

7 Prof. White, in Trans. Viet. Inst. xxxix, 155. 

8 Cf. above, p. 714. 

3*95-* B b 

730 The Mosques of the Arabs in Constantinople 

the period and setting of the saint or building involved. 
At Rhodes, for instance, the tower actually built by the 
Grand Master de Naillac about 1400, being called Arab's 
Tower (Arab Kulesi), is referred to the conquest of 
Rhodes by the Saracens under Moawiya. 1 


The current conception of an ' Arab ' saint includes 
two ideas, that of the Arab proper, a compatriot of the 
Prophet and champion of the Faith, and that of the 
negro, 2 which is implied by the popular connotation of 
the word ' Arab ' in Turkish. Fusion is rendered easy 
by the facts (i) that the negroes with whom the Turks 
are in habitual contact, coming from or through North 
Africa, are Arabic speakers, and (2) that certain races, 
notably the Sudanese, are characterized by magnificent 
physique and reckless courage in war ; there is no 
reason to doubt that the gigantic negro Hasan who 
distinguished himself at the siege of Constantinople was 
a historical and characteristic figure. 3 In historical 
folk-lore, consequently, it is not surprising to find the 
heroes of traditional Moslem exploits frequently repre- 
sented as * Arabs '. 

1 Biliotti and Cottret, Rhodes, p. 501. The name Arab Kulesi is at 
least as old as Beaufort (Piloting Directions for Mediterranean, 1831, 
p. 300), whose survey took place in i8ir. The Moawiya tradition I 
cannot find before Biliotti. 

2 It is interesting in this connexion to read Fabri, Evagat. ii, 
512, where he says c reperimus idolum in forma pueri Aethiopis in 
caverna petrae stantem, cui Arabes interdum pro tempore oblationes 
afferunt '. 

3 In the less reputable field of brigandage the recent exploits of 
certain redoubtable * Arabs ' are still locally remembered (cf. Georgeakis 
and Pineau, Folk-Lore de Lesbos, p. 323 ; E. Deschamps in Tour du 
Monde, 1897, p. 185 (Cyprus, an historical negro brigand * thirty or 
forty years ago': cf. his Au Pays d* Aphrodite, p. 95)). Dutemple, 
En Turquie d'Asie, p. 51, says the Kara Mustafa Hammam at Brusa was 
so named from a real negro. 

'Arabs' in Folk-Lore 731 

Philippopolis, for example, is said to have been taken 
by the besieging Turks owing to the discovery and 
destruction of the subterranean aqueducts which sup- 
plied it with water ; the discoverer was an * Arab V 
Beside the apocryphal grave of Constantine Palaiologos 
at Vefa Meidan (Constantinople) is shown the equally 
apocryphal tomb of his slayer; the slayer was an ' Arab'. 2 
Similarly, the Moslem champion slain by the Bulgarian 
hero, Bolen Doitsi, at Salonica was an ' Arab '.3 But 
by far the commonest role of the ' Arab ', not only in 
the folk-lore of Turkey, but in that of the Balkans, 4 is that 
of the terrifying spectre or jinn. The ' Arab 'jinn, reflect- 
ing the fidelity of his earthly counterpart, the negro slave, 
generally figures as a guardian, especially of treasure, 5 

1 Tsoukalas, //e/nypa^?) 0iAi7r770U7roAea>s > > p. 27. 

2 Polites, IlapaSoaeis, ii, 677. 

3 Gougou/es in Aaoypa<f>ia, i, 690. The tomb of Kmir in the 
cemetery Turbet Birkct Mamilla is supposed to be that of a gigantic 
negro who fought against the Christians (Manaucr, Folk- Lore of the 
Holy L<ind, p. 83). 

* For the c Arab ' in Turkish folk-stories, see Kunos, Tilrkische 
yolksmdrchen aits Stambul, preface, p. xviii ; for the Greek area, where 
he is generally called 'Apd-nys (Majpos in the Ionian Islands, Za/oa/oy- 
vo9 in Crete), see Polites, ^Veo-eAA. MvBoXoyia, pp. 133, 145 ft., and 
FlapaSdoreis, nos. 419 ff., with the learned note on 419 ; also Carnoy 
and Nicolaides, Folklore dc Constantinople, p. 149. The ' Arab * 
appears early in Greek folk-lore as the famulus of a sorcerer ; see anec- 
dote of Photius in Bury's Later Roman Empire, p. 445. A man, wishful 
to terrify his neighbours, blacked his face so as to look like a negro ; they 
took him for a wcre-wolf (Do/.on, Contes Alban.^ p. 166 : cf. the fear 
of a negro ghost in van Lennep, Travels in Asia Minor, i, 191). In 
the voyage of Sindbad an immense and terrifying negro is encountered 
(Lane, Thousand and One Nights, p. 277). In the West evil spirits and 
devils are commonly conceived of as negroes : cf. Migne, Diet, des 
Apocryphes, ii, 78, 862, and de Voragine, Legende Doree, pp. 107, 

5 Polites, flapaSoaeis, nos. 419-45 inclusive ; Pashley, Crete ', ii, 
39; Cockerell, Travels, p. 151 ; St. Clair and Brophy, Residence in 
Bulgaria^ p. 55 ; W. Turner, Tour in the Levant, iii, 512 ; Perrot, 
Uile de Crete, pp. 103 ff. Cf. Lane, Thousand and One Nights, p. 339. 

B b 2 

732 The Mosques of the Arabs in Constantinople 

but also of buildings * and wells. 2 In connexion with 
haunted buildings and treasure (which are very often 
combined, a haunted building being assumed to be 
haunted by the guardian of treasure concealed in 
it) the conception of an ' Arab ' guardian is based on 
(i) the regular use in the East of black slaves as con- 
fidential servants, 3 and (2) the common folk-lore prac- 
tice of immolating a victim at the commencement of 
a building in order that his spirit may establish the 
structure. 4 In the case of treasure the victim may be 
the confidential servant : his immolation then secures 
both secrecy as to the whereabouts of the treasure and 
a ghostly guardian for its future protection. 5 In Greek 

1 Polites, op. cit., nos. 455-62 ; cf. Hobhouse, Albania, i, 529 
(haunted houses) ; Palgrave, Ulysses, p. 59 (haunted bath). In Egypt 
a ' talisman ' which prevented the silting up of a branch of the Nile 
in the eighteenth century took the form of a negro with a broom 
(Lucas, Voyage fait en 1714, i, 339). The English are said to have 
stolen this broom (Niya Salima, Harems d'Egypte, p. 330). 

3 Polites, op. cit., no. 433 (=Leo Allatius, De Graec. opin., p. 166), 
and references given in the note (p. 1 108) ; Lawson, Modern Greek Folk- 
lore, p. 276 ; Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabie (en Suisse, 1780), ii, 301 
(magrebins are good at finding treasure) ; Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, 
pp. 142, 172; Thomson, Land and the Book, p. 135. 

3 This is strongly brought out by the Turkish folk-stories (Kunos, 
loc. cit.}. 

* The well-known Bridge of Arta story affords a good illustration 
(Polites, /TapaSocrets', no. 169, note, and nos. 48 1-3 incl.; also in JVeo-eAA 
MvQ. p. 139 ; Sainean, in Rev. Hist. Rel. xlv, 359 ff.). The story occurs 
all over the Balkan area and as far east as Kurdistan (M. Sykes, Dar-ul- 
Islam, p. 160). In the version given by Dozon, Conies Alban., p. 256, 
and localized at Dibra, the immured mother suckled her child, but as 
soon as the child grew up, water flowed instead of milk from her breast. 
This suggests that the suckling motif was originated by the sweating 
of lime from the mortar of new buildings. See further Hasluck, 
Letters, pp. 124, 195. 

5 For the immolation of a human victim with this object (arot^taiva>) 
see Polites, IJapaSoatis, no. 424 with the note, and no. 483. The ghost 
guardian must be appeased with blood by the finders of the treasure 
(ibid., no 404). 

* Arabs ' in Folk-Lore 733 

folk-lore the ' Arab ' is occasionally a female apparition ; z 
I can as yet find no instance of this on the Turkish side. 2 

The conception of Arab jinns who guard mysterious 
buildings, especially castles, or treasures, or both, is 
partly answerable for the recurring use of Arab in Tur- 
kish geographical nomenclature. Arab Hisar (* Castle 
of the Arab '), the ancient Alabanda, Arab Kulesi 
(' Arab's Tower 5 ) at Rhodes,^ Arab Euren (' Ruins of the 
Arab ? ), 4 and possibly Arabkir are examples. Above the 
last-named town is a mountain called indifferently Arab 
Baba and Kara Baba^ presumably after a saint (baba) or 
dede worshipped on its summit. In this case certainly 
Arab Baba and Kara Baba are identified, so that Kara 
(black) is here a synonym for Arab. It therefore follows 
that the numerous Turkish cults directed to Kara Baba 6 
may be associated with ' Arab ? saints and place-names 
like Kara Euren (' Black Ruin ') and even Kara Hisar 
( c Black Castle ') may be similarly associated 7 with 
4 guardian-Arab ' jinns. 

If these c Arab 'jinns prove by experience to be plac- 
able they may easily attain to a cult. This is probably 

1 e. g. the guardian of the treasure at the Roman baths called after 
her ^Apdmcraa at Sparta (Wace, in B.S.A. xii, 407) and the ghost *Apa- 
Trar^eAAa of the Kamares cave in Crete (Halliday, in Folk-Lore, xxiv, 

3 The porphyry head built into the castle of Rumeli Hisar is said to 

be that of an Arab woman petrified for mocking the workmen (Gros- 
venor, Constantinople, i, 168), but this is hardly a parallel. 

3 Above, p. 730. 

4 With this compare Dev Euren, * Ruin of the Ogre ', another figure 
familiar to folk- tale (not * Ruin of the Camel ', as Von Diest, Tilsit nacb 
Angora, p. 52, n. 4). 5 Ainsworth, Travels, \\, 5, 6. 

6 e.g. in the fortress commanding the bridge at Chalkis, and at 
Athens (Dodwell, Tour, i, 305 : cf. Kambouroglous, 'laropia, iii, 125). 

7 Ramsay (Pauline Studies, p. 182) comments on the fact that ancient 
sites frequently bear names compounded with kara, none with siah, 
though both words mean * black ', from which he infers that the word 
implies awe or mystery. The difference between kara and siab is 
primarily one of language, kara being vernacular Turkish, siah Persian. 

734 *fh e Mosques of the Arabs in Constantinople 
the history of the 5. Arab of Larnaka, 1 the Arab zade 
of the Seven Towers at Constantinople, 2 of Arab Oglu, 
a saint in Pontus,3 and the Sheikh Arab Sultan of Dineir 4 
who, if our theory be correct, are in effect promoted 
from jinns or demons to dedes or saints. Similarly, a 
white marble statue at a fountain in Candia, which has 
acquired not only a Moslem cult but a cycle of legend, 
is, in spite of its material, conceived of as a petrified 
c Arab V In the case of Artib Oglu, who is worshipped 
on an ancient site near Kavak, we may surmise that the 
cult arose from the apprehensions of some superstitious 
treasure-seeker, the * Arab ' saint being no more than 
the guardian of the treasure always supposed to exist 
on ancient sites. This affords a more easy explanation 
than the ' survival ' theory of the tendency remarked by 
Ramsay 6 of Moslem cults to exist in such places. Such 
figures as Arab Oglu might in favourable circumstances 
develop still further into saints boasting a name and 
even a place in history. 

For the Christians the development of the ' Arab ' 
figure from jinn to saint is less easy, since his very 
name brands him as a Moslem, ecclesiastical and artistic 
traditions connect him with the Devil, 7 and he is prob- 
ably inextricably mixed with the ' bogey ' of childhood. 
In spite of these disabilities the development may take 
place. We have the precedent of the S. Barbaros of the 
monastery of Iveron on Athos, an 4 Arab ' raider who 
struck the image of the Virgin of the Gate (Tlopramcraa), 
was converted by a miracle, and became a monk and 
eventually a saint. 8 In some such way, probably, was 
converted the * S. Arab 9 of Larnaka, 9 who is now wor- 

1 Mariti, Travels in Cyprus, tr. Cobham, p. 41. 2 F. W. H. 

3 White, in Records of the Past, vi, 101. 4 G. Weber, Dinair, passim. 
S Above, p. 1 88, n. I. * Pauline Studies, p. 182. 

7 On this point see Polites, /7a/>aSoori?, no. 419, note. 

8 Above, p. 88, n. I. 

9 Mariti, Travels in Cyprus, tr. Cobham, p. 41. 

c Arabs ' develop into Saints 735 

shipped by Christians under the decorous name of S. 
Therapon. 1 Of this sanctuary Mariti writes in the 
eighteenth century as follows : ' To the north-west 
of Larnaca, a few paces outside the town, there is a 
small mosque called by the Moslem " Arab " and by the 
Greeks " S. Arab " ; both sects hold it in great venera- 
tion, the one deeming it dedicated to one of their 
Dervishes, the other to some Saint. The Turks respect 
the mosque, or rather little chapel, which they say was 
built by the said Arab, and the Greeks devoutly visit 
the sepulcre, a subterranean grotto in which they hold 
that for many years lay the body of their supposed holy 
hermit.' 2 

This ' S. Arab ' is now worshipped by Moslems as 
' Turabi ' and by Christians as ' S. Therapon '.3 Turabi 
is the name of a fifteenth-century dervish who was noted 
for his liberal views as to religions outside Islam. 4 
Therapon is a saint and healer well known in Cyprus, 
but not specially connected with Larnaka. 5 The am- 
biguous saint possibly developed first from the name- 
less c Arab ' ('Apdmjs) to Turabi, the genitive rov *Apdm) 
(sc. 6 TKK$, 77 o-TTTjAux) possibly aiding the transition. 
From Turabi, by way of the form Tharape, 6 to Thera- 
pon is easy. It seems at least fairly clear that we have 
nere a case of an * Arab ? cave-jinn who has managed to 
secure a footing in both religions. 7 

1 Hackett, Church of Cyprus, p. 421. For a similar alleged con- 
version of a Moslem saint to Christianity, see Schiltberger (ed. Telfer, 
p. 40). 2 Travels, ed. Cobham, p. 41. 

3 Hackett, Church of Cyprus, p. 421 ; Lukach and Jardine, Hdbk. of 
Cyprus (1913), p. 47. 

Von Hammer, Osman. Dichtkunst, i, 214 ; a Kadri convent named 
Turabi Tekke exists at Constantinople (Brown, Dervishes, p. 317). 

5 For his legend see Delehaye, in Anal. Holland, xxvi, 247 ff. 

6 Mas Latrie, Tresor de Chronologie, p. 911. 

7 See also above, pp. 87 f. 


THE famous Turkish prophecy of the ' Red Apple ' 
comes to us first in 1545, when it was published by 
Georgewicz, a Hungarian, for many years prisoner 
among the Turks, 2 in (transliterated) Turkish with a 
Latin translation and a commentary. The following is 
an English rendering of the text : 

' Our Emperor shall come, he shall take the realm of the Gen- 
tiles (Kiafir), he shall take the Red Apple and capture it : if 
unto the seventh year the sword of the Unbeliever (Giaur) shall 
not come forth, he shall have lordship over them unto twelve 
years : he shall build houses, plant vineyards, hedge gardens 
about, and beget children ; after twelve years from the time 
that he hath captured the Red Apple, the sword of the Infidel 
shall come forth and put the Turk to flight.' 

Our anonymous prophet knew his craft and provided, 
like the Delphian Apollo, for all contingencies. His 
first line of defence is, as has been already pointed out,3 
the interpretation of the word ' year ? , which in such 
utterances allows of some latitude. Further, the central 
episode, the taking of the ' Red Apple ? (KizilElma), on 
which the rest of the prophecy depends, is obscure, and 
suggests many lines of thought. 

The general symbolism of the ' Red Apple ' is cer- 
tainly world dominion. At Constantinople, long before 
the Turkish conquest, the ' apple ? or orb held by the 
statue of Justinian which stood on a column before 

1 Preprinted from B.S.A. xxii, 171 ff. 

2 Prognoma sive fraesagium Mebemetanorum^ dated, by the intro- 
ductory letter, 1545. The prophecy is also published in the Turkish 
collections of Lonicerus. 

3 Das Ausland (Munich), 1828, no. 93, p. 372. It will be noted 
further that c seven ' and ' twelve ' are mystic numbers. 

Identifications 737 

S. Sophia was regarded as a talisman or * luck ' of the 
empire. This * apple ', Mandeville tells us, ' betokens 
the lordship which Justinian had over all the world ' : 
in the fourteenth century it had fallen down, which 
was c a token that the emperor hath lost a great part of 
his lands and lordships V The conquest of Constanti- 
nople and of Justinian's empire might thus be sym- 
bolized by the taking of the c Red Apple \ But the 
interpretation of a prophecy current nearly a century 
after the fall of Constantinople obviously could not rest 
on this alone, and the mysterious ' Red Apple ' was 
identified with several of the successive goals of Otto- 
man arms, in particular Constantinople (probably re- 
trospectively) and Rome, which the Turks aimed at or 
even threatened in the first half of the sixteenth cen- 
tury. Turkish opinion in Georgewicz's day held that 
the ' Red Apple ' symbolized ' some strong and well- 
fortified imperial city V but as to its identity opinion 
was divided. Some said Constantinople was meant, 
others Rome : the latter interpretation in the end 
became generally accepted, despite the fact that Rome 
was never taken by the Turks. Both these interpreta- 
tions of the c Red Apple ' arc indicated by the gloss (cur- 
rent already in Georgewicz's time) Vrum papai, which 
might be translated, according to fancy, ' the pope (i. e. 
patriarch) of the Greeks ' (Rum, 'Paj/imot) or 6 the pope 
of the Romans ' of Rome. As we shall see, both inter- 
pretations were harmonized by seventeenth-century 

The interpretation current among the Turks of the 

1 Ed. Wright, p. 130 : cf. Procopius, de Aedif., i, 2 ; cf. Schiltberger, 
Travels, ed. Telfer, p. 80 and note, and for Mandeville's sources, Boven- 
schen in Z.f. Erdk., 1888, p. 211. 

2 4 Kizil Elma dicunt esseurbem aliquam fortissimametmunitissimam 
imperialem 9 (Georgewicz's commentary), whence doubtless the anony- 
mous writer in Ausland draws the erroneous inference that ' Red 
Apple ' was a synonym for any strong city. 

738 The Prophecy of the Red Apple 

seventeenth century, which sought to identify the 
Byzantine and the Roman * Red Apple ', is given by 
Evliya Efendi. In S. Sophia's long ago was an image of 
the Virgin holding in her hand a carbuncle as big as 
a pigeon's egg, by the blaze of which the building was 
lighted every night. This carbuncle was removed on 
the birth-night of the Prophet to Kizil Elma (Rome), 
which received its name ' Red Apple 9 from thence. 1 
There is no attempt to explain the connexion of car- 
buncles with ' red apples '. A carbuncle is, of course, 
a garnet (ML. Lapis granatus, Fr. Grenat), so called 
from the likeness of its colour to that of a pomegranate. 

Of 'red apple 5 as a paraphrase either for c carbuncle' 
or pomegranate the ordinary Turkish word for the 
latter is the Persian nar I can find no distinct indica- 
tion : * but we shall detect later hints of the connexion. 3 
Modern Turkish tradition identifies the * Red Apple ' 
of Rome with the gilded dome of S. Peter's, which is 
said to be visible from the sea. 4 

Evliya quite inconsistently continues, evidently draw- 

1 travels, I, i, 57. A Russian pilgrim (Khitrovo, Itin. Russes, 
p. 91) notices in S. Sophia a statue of Leo the Wise which had this 
property. For other stories of carbuncles that lighted buildings see 
C. W. King, Natural History of Precious Stones, p. 239. 

2 There may be a play on this in a Turkish couplet quoted by Gibb 
(Ottoman Poetry, iv, 25). 

3 ' Red Apple ' for pomegranate has an exact verbal parallel in the 
Latin name (Malum Punicum) of the same fruit. The Arabic for 
pomegranate is rumman, which gives a distinct point if the ' Red 
Apple ' means Rome. Round Granada the wood of pomegranates is 
called c soto de roma ' (Bradshaw's Spain, p. 48). For the curiosity 
of the subject I note here that there is a mountain called Kizil Elma 
Dagb (' Red Apple Mountain ') in the Troad : the name is not derived 
from the colour of the mountain, possibly from its shape (as apparently 
its ancient name KorvXos, ' wine-cup ? ). Other Kizil Elma mountains 
are shown in R. Kiepert's map above Bartin in Paphlagonia and near 
Kestelek on the Rhyndacus. 

4 Gibb, Ottoman Poetry, iv, 25, note. The globe on the dome is 
probably meant. 

Identifications 739 

ing upon an independent tradition : ' The Spanish 
infidels were once or twice masters of Islambol [Con- 
stantinople], and thence that egg [i.e. the carbuncle] 
came into their hands/ l He thus implies that the ' Red 
Apple ' was, according to one version, in Spain. After 
what we have said elsewhere 2 as to the emigration of 
Spanish Moors to Constantinople about the end of the 
sixteenth century, it is hard to resist the suggestion that 
here again we have stumbled across the equation ' Red 
Apple' = Carbuncle = Pomegranate, the 'Red Apple 5 in 
this case symbolizing the long-lost Moslem kingdom of 
Granada. Though the derivation of the name of Granada 
from its abundance of pomegranates is not universally ac- 
cepted by philologists, it is so far the received popular 
etymology that the pomegranate figures in the arms of 
the city ; and the modern surname Nar, which occurs 
among the Spanish Jews of Turkey, is surely a transla- 
tion of the name Granada, implying the same identi- 

The prophecy of the ' Red Apple * was thus applied 
to two, if not three, cities. A later edition of George- 
wicz's Praesagium connects it, giving no reason, with 
a fourth, Buda-Pest ; so far as we can see, this is merely 
an arbitrary application of a prophecy to a city which 
was long the goal of Turkish arms and eventually (1526) 
fell .to them. Certain it is that in 1538, twelve years 
after the taking of Buda, portents were seen in the sky 
at Constantinople foretelling the imminent ruin of the 
Turks by the Christians. 3 Were these interpreted in 
the light of the prophecy of the Red Apple, backed by 
the recent Christian victories of Andrea Doria ? 

Another possible claimant is the city of Rhodes, 
taken in 1522, after an unsuccessful siege in 1480. Al- 
ready in the early fifteenth century was current a deri- 
vation of the name of Rhodes, not from p68ov (rose), 

1 Loc.cit. 2 Above, p. 723. 

3 Avisi di Costantinopoli, Venice, 1538. 

74 The Prophecy of the Red Apple 

but from po?St (pomegranate), on the ground that the 
city was as full of men as a pomegranate of seeds. 1 We 
have already remarked on the obscure connexion which 
seems to exist between the ' Red Apple * and the pome- 
granate. If Rhodes were taken as the ' Red Apple ' of 
the prophecy, the destruction of the Turkish power by 
the Christians would be due to occur in 1534. It may 
be significant that superstitious Turks, arguing from 
omens, augured ill of the chances of a Turkish army 
which marched into Hungary in that year. 2 

1 Buondelmonti, Liber Insularum (1420), ed. de Sinner, p. 72. 

* Schepper, Missions Diplomatique*, p. 136. In this year the marble 
lion of the Bucoleon was said to have turned its head away from 
Europe and towards Asia. Such stories are rather the effect than the 
cause of superstitious fears. 



AIDEN'S TOWER 5 , 'Maiden's Castle 

J Maiden's Palace' l are in Turkey among the 
commonest popular names for ruins whose history is long 
since forgotten. On the Greek side of the Aegean ' Castles 
of the Fair One ' 2 are no less numerous. The present 
chapter is an attempt to examine and classify the folk- 
stories current regarding the various ' Maiden's Castles ' 
in the Greco-Turkish area, which will be found, as 
might be expected, to be variations of a comparatively 
small number of motifs, some of which have achieved 
a very wide vogue through their adoption by popular 
literature. The broad division is into ' strategic ' and 
' romantic ' themes ; both of these have many variants, 
which, we shall find, will lead us to include in the general 
category of * Maiden's Castles ' certain ruins bearing 
names apparently irrelevant to our inquiry. The setting 
of the stories ranges from the fairy-story pure and 
simple, where the figures are nameless types and magic 

1 Kiz Kulasi, Kiz Kalesi (or Kiz Hisar), Kiz Serai : a ' palace y in my 
experience generally has columns, cf. Choisy, Asie Mineure^ p. 134 
(temple of Aizani). Outside Turkey ' Maiden's Castles ' are cited 
from Transcaucasia (Gulbenkian, Transcaucasie^ p. 210 : cf. Koechlin 
Schwartz, Tourists au Caucase, p. 161), from the Crimea and from 
Persia (from Kerman in Hume Griffith, Behind the Veil in Persia^ 
p. 32 ; and P. M. Sykes, Ten Thousand Miles in Persia, p. 190). The 
name does not appear to be common in the Arab-speaking area but is 
recorded at Jaber in North Mesopotamia by Cahun (Excursions sur les 
Boris <Le FEuphrate, p. 188) : cf. the * Maiden's Mount ' mentioned 
by Palmer, Desert of the Exodus^ p. 91, and by Stanley, Sinai, pp. 29 f. 

3 Kdcrrpo rfjs 'Qpaids: cf. e.g. Buchon, Grece Continental, pp. 373, 
397. The ' Fair One ' is of course the ' Beauty of the World 5 of the 
Turkish folk-tales. 

742 The Maiden's Castle 

machinery is freely employed, to the pseudo-historical, 
in which the heroine at least is provided with a name 
and approximate date. 

I. 'Strategic'' Legends 

The usual role of the Maiden in the ' strategic ' type 
of story is that of the Amazon defender. The concep- 
tion of the woman-warrior is common to all nations I 
and backed by historical examples. In the folk-tales the 
* Maiden's Castle ' is usually taken despite the valiant 
efforts of the heroine, who, to avoid capture, throws 
herself from the castle-walls and is killed. z Another 
motif v try dear to Greek folk-tale and song is that of the 
youthful janissary who, disguised as a woman with 
child, takes advantage of the humanity of the maiden 
defender of the castle, who is often a princess, in order 
to secure an entrance, and is of course followed by his 
concealed comrades in arms. 3 

A link between the * romantic ' and c strategic ' types 
is formed by the legends which represent the maiden 
inside the castle as in love with one of the attacking 
army ; the denouement turns on her treachery. A love 

1 Even in Turkish folk-lore the figure of the girl-ghazi is not un- 
common : see an example in Wiss. Mitth. Bosnien, i, 479 (cited by 
Bjelokosic) : cf. Bordeaux, Bosnie Populaire, p. 174. One of the seven 
warrior saints (CTTTCI e/SXidSes) buried in the moat at Candia is reputed 
to have been a woman (F. W. H.). Cf. Lane, Mod. Egyptians, ii, 137, 

H 1 - 
a Polites, IlapaSoaeis, nos. 86, 87, gives texts of such stories from 

Thessaly (cf. Chirol, Twixt Greek and Turk, p. 118) and Alaja Kale in 
Pontus, with references to all parts of the Greek world. A Georgian 
version is cited by Palgrave (Ulysses, p. 76). At the ruined castle of 
Kilgra in Bulgaria is shown the place where forty maidens threw 
themselves headlong to avoid capture by their conquerors (Jirec'ek in 
Arch. Epigr. Mitth. x (1886), p. 189). Cf. the story in Miller, Latins 
of the Levant, p. 38. 

3 Polites, op. cit., no. 88 (Kynouria) : Chaviaras in Aaoypcufria, ii, 
572-4 (songs from Symi, Nisyros, Castellorizo). The theme has 
entered into the common stock of Greek minstrels. 

c Romantic ' Legends 743 

affair between a Christian and a Moslem, the lady being 
usually converted to her husband's religion, is a natural 
theme in the chivalric-romantic folk-literature of the 
Near East. 1 The lady either warns her lover of danger 
or suggests to him the stratagem which leads to the fall 
of the fortress. 

As an example of the first, the * romantic ', type we 
may quote the tragic loves of Sidi Battal and the Chris- 
tian princess. The scene is the Christian c Castle of the 
Messiah ', besieged by the Arab armies with Sidi Battal 
at their head. Within the walls is a Christian princess 
enamoured of the Arab captain. Hearing of a plot 
against her beloved, she drops a stone from the wall to 
give him warning. The stone falls on him and kills 
him ; the heroine destroys herself from remorse and is 
eventually buried by his side. 2 Of the second, the 
' strategic ', type a good example is the Rhodian legend 
of the castle of Phileremo. In it a Rhodian knight 
besieging the place succeeds in obtaining an entrance 
by disguising himself in the skin of an animal, this not 
very brilliant stratagem being suggested by his Greek 
mistress within the walls. 3 

What may be regarded as the converse of this strata- 
gem, because it involves the disguise of animals as men, 
is familiar from the well-known ruse of Hannibal. The 
besiegers of a castle suggest a retreat by driving off by 
night a herd of goats with lights attached to their horns ; 
the beleaguered garrison, thrown off its guard, opens 
the gates and the besiegers, ambushed outside, easily 

1 Cf. especially the tale told at Mecca of the captive Moslem and 
the Christian princess : see above, p. 73. On the Christian side the 
elopement of Digenes Akritas with an emir's daughter (Rambaud, 
t. Byz., p. 79) is a case in point. 

* Ethe, Vahrten des Sajjid Battbal, ii, 234 if. : the site of the * Castle 
of the Messiah ' is presumably to be sought near the reputed tomb of 
the hero south of Eskishehr in Asia Minor, for which see above, 
pp. 705-10. 

3 Above, p. 647, n. 2 

744 'Ike Maiden's Castle 

force an entrance. This is related on the Greek side of 
the capture of Serfije [Servia] in Macedonia and Nico- 
media by the Turks, 1 and on the Turkish side of the 
numerous ruins called ' Goat Castle ' (Kechi Kalesi). 2 
One of these at least bears the alternative name of 
' Maiden's Castle V from which we may suspect the 
interweaving of a c romantic ' motif. 

2. ' Romantic ? Legends 

The chief varieties of the ' romantic 5 type of legend, 
in which the heroine is normally a princess, are : 
(a) the immured princess, 
() the bewitched maiden, and 
(<;) the princess and the rival lovers. 

(a) The immured princess motif , familiar from the 
stories of Danae, S. Barbara, and Rapunzel, is especially 
associated with isolated castles or towers. Typical are 
the so-called ' Tower of Leander ' (in Turkish ' Kiz 
Kulasi ' = ' Maiden's Tower 5 ) at Constantinople, which 
is surrounded by water, and the similarly situated tower 
at Korykos in Cilicia. Of ' Leander's Tower ' two dis- 
tinct stories are told, both with a pseudo-historical 
setting. In the first the daughter of the Greek governor 
of Skutari is immured with her father's treasure in the 
tower in order to preserve both from the Arab hero, 
Sidi Battal. 4 The story coming from a Mohammedan 
source, it is hardly necessary to add that the precaution 
is taken in vain. The second story is more typical. It 

1 Polites, /Ta/oaSocreis', nos. 17, 1 8. 

2 e.g. near Yuzgat (Hamilton, Asia Minor, i, 387), near Bicker on 
the Angora line (von Diest and Anton, Neue Forschungen, p. 27), and 
near Smyrna (Cochran, Pen and Pencil, p. 232). The two latter alone 
give the story. The French call a castle outside Sidon the * Chateau 
des Chevres ' (Goujon, Terre Sainte, p. 54). Niebuhr (Reisebescbrci- 
bung, iii, 142) tells the story of an unnamed Anatolian castle. 

3 The ruin near Smyrna (Texier, Asie Mineure, ii, 278). 

4 Evliya Efendi, Travels, I, ii, 78. 

Princess Immured 745 

represents the immured maiden as the daughter of a 
Turkish sultan, of whom a dervish prophesied that she 
would die at fourteen. The tower was built to defeat 
the prophecy by affording the princess during the 
dangerous period a refuge whence chances of accidental 
death were so far as possible eliminated. Fate cannot, 
however, be thus cheated, and the doomed girl died 
from the bite of a scorpion brought her in a basket of 
fruit. A more elaborate version of the same story, told 
at great length by Castellan, makes the heroine a daugh- 
ter of Selim II and interweaves a romantic motif and 
wins to a happy ending on Sleeping Beauty lines, the 
introduction of her lover causing the dead princess to 

revive. 1 

At Korykos, z where the Greeks of the Sporades local- 
ize their folk-songs and legends of ' Beauty's Castle \ 
there are well-preserved remains of a medieval fortress 
on the shore and an isolated tower on an adjacent island. 
Of the mainland castle is told the story of the disguised 
janissary. 3 Both castles are also represented as elaborate 
precautions to save from her fate a king's daughter, 
whose early death by the bite of a snake was foretold to 
her father. The snake is eventually introduced in a 
basket of figs, sent to the princess, according to one 
version, by her lover. 4 

1 J. Reid, Turkey and the Turks, p. 298 : cf. Tollot, Voyage^ p. 320 ; 
Castellan, Lettres sur la Moree, pp. 190 ff. Melek Hanum (flrente 
Ans dans les Harems cFOrient, p. 2) tells the story, but the only point 
is the inevitability of fate. Regla (Turquie Officielle^ p. 296) has the 
story complete. An entirely different story of Leander's Tower, in 
which a treasure motif is prominent, is given by Carnoy and Nicolaides, 
Folklore de Constantinople^ pp. 41 ff. 

z For Korykos see Beaufort, Karamania^ pp. 240 ff. ; Langlois, 
Cilicie, pp. 211 ff. ; Cuinet, Turquie d?Asie> ii, 74. 

3 Chaviaras in Aaoypa(f>ia y ii, 572-4. 

4 Ibid. 557 f. Some similar legend appears to be told of the ruins 
of Pompeiopolis near Mersina : these are said to be the work of a Jew 
named Hakmun, who built a castle near by for his daughter Hind 
(Barker, Lares and Penates, p. 131). 

3295.2 c c 

746 The Maiden's Castle 

(V) The * bewitched princess ' motif is associated with 
remote and lonely castles and is frankly magical. At 
Kos the heroine is the daughter of Hippocrates, be- 
witched by Diana into the form of a frightful dragon. 
Any one who was brave enough to kiss her on the lips 
might turn her back into human form and win the 
reward of her hand and the lordship of the island. 1 
A somewhat similar story, evidently lacking in some 
particulars, is related by Schiltberger of an enchanted 
princess in a castle near Kerasund ; the narrator tells 
the story quite simply and evidently believed it. Indeed 
he was minded to explore the castle himself, had he not 
been dissuaded by equally credulous Greek priests, who 
told him that the Devil was in it. His words are : 

* There is on a mountain a castle, called that of the sparrow- 
hawk. Within, is a beautiful virgin, and a sparrow-hawk on a 
perch. Whoever goes there and does not sleep but watches for 
three days and three nights, whatever he asks of the virgin, that 
is chaste, that she will grant to him. And when he finishes the 
watch, he goes into the castle and comes to a fine palace, where 
he sees a sparrow-hawk standing on a perch : and when the 
sparrow-hawk sees the man, he screams, and the virgin comes 
out of her chamber, welcomes him and says : " Thou hast 
served me and watched for three days and three nights, and 
whatever thou now askest of me that is pure, that will I grant 
unto thee." And she does so. But if anybody asks for some- 
thing that exhibits pride, impudence, or avarice, she curses him 
and his offspring, so that he can no longer attain an honourable 
position. 52 

The fate of three typical adventurers is given. The 
first, * a good poor fellow ', asked only that he and his 
family might live with honour and had his wish granted. 
The second, a prince of Armenia, asked for the hand of 

1 Ed. Wright, p. 139: cf. Fabri, Evagat. iii, 267-8. See also 
Polites in JeAr/ov 'larop. 'Eraipctas, i, 85 ff. 

* Schiltberger, ed. Telfer (for the Hakluyt Society), p. 41, 30 : cf. 
Mandeville. ed. Wright. D. 202. 

Princess with Rival Lovers 747 

the lady ; and the third, a knight of Rhodes, for an 
inexhaustible purse ; these were cursed for the sins of 
pride and avarice respectively. The introduction of 
the hawk, though without much relevance for the story 
as here told, is of interest as explaining the name 
6 Hawk Castle 5 (Doghan Hisar) borne by several ruined 
castles in Turkey. 1 

(c) The ' Princess with Rival Lovers ' motif demands 
a rather more elaborate setting. The theme is a com- 
petition between the lovers for the hand of the heroine. 
One of them undertakes as his task to build the castle 
of which the story is told, the other generally an aque- 
duct. The latter feature seems to be an adaptation from 
the somewhat different story of the loves of Ferhad and 
Shirin, originally Persian and located in Persia, 2 after- 
wards treated by several Turkish poets 3 and given a 
picturesque Turkish setting in the neighbourhood of 
Amasia, where the aqueduct hewn in the rock byFerhad 
for the service of his mistress, and even the grave of the 
faithful lover, are shown. 4 

The juxtaposition of castle and aqueduct in Greco- 
Turkish lands seems almost inevitably to attract the 
story of the Rival Lovers. 5 A variant of some interest 
was told me in 1915 of Nikopolis. Here the rivals were 
three brothers who each produced a masterpiece in 

1 e. g. near Panderma (Hamilton, Asia Minor, ii, 95). The doghan 
is a species of goshawk. 

2 At Kasr-i-Shirin (Browne, Li*. History of Persia, ii, 405 ; Gibb, 
Ottoman Poetry ', i, 318). The Persian story in its literary form is 
at least as early as the twelfth ceatury. 3 Gibb, op. cit., i, 318 ff. 

4 Haji Khalfa, Djibannuma, tr. Armain, p. 682 ; Sestini, Viaggio 
a Bassora, p. 45 ; Skene, At.adol, p. 104 ; Hamilton, Asia Minor, i, 
373. For a Greek parallel or derivative cf. the Cypriote story of 
Digenes and Regina (Polites, /Ja/oaSoaeis", no. 73). 

5 It is told of a castle in Acarnania (Polites, op. cit., no. 164) ; of 
the Kdarpo rrjs '^pata* in Doris (ibid., no. 165) ; of Corinth (ibid., 
no. 162) ; of Attica (ibid., no. 163) ; of a castle in Naxos (ibid., no. 167) ; 
of Aspendus in Pamphylia (ibid., no. 149) ; and of Phyle in Attica 
(Collignon in Mem. Ac. Inscr. xxxix (1914), p. 423). 

c c 2 

748 The Maiden's Castle 

competition for the hand of the princess at Preveza 
(i.e. Nikopolis), where there are several ruins suitable 
for the legendary princess's palace. The first built the 
aqueduct of Nikopolis, the second the church of the 
Panagia Paregoritissa at Arta, while the third in one day 
planted a vineyard and gathered its fruit. The three 
having been declared equal, they prayed that the prin- 
cess might be smitten with leprosy so that none of them 
could have her. Which prayer being granted, the story 
comes to an unromantic end. 

3. Perversions 

Professor Polites' learned note on the various stories 
of the * Castle of the Fair One ' makes it clear that the 
original 'Qpaia has in some cases undergone consider- 
able perversion. Notable are the confusions with Syria 
(Kdarpo rfjs *Qpaia$ = Kdarpo rrj$ Sovpias) in the Stories 

from the Sporades concerning the castle of Korykos, 
and with the Macedonian castle of Servia (Kdarpo 
rfjs 'Qpaias Kdarpo rfjs 2pftta$) in the story there 
localized. Still more widely spread is the perversion 
of 'Qpaia into *0f3paia (for 'Eppata = Jew), which is, 
partly at least, 1 responsible for the numerous * Jews' 
Castles ' ('OfipacoKaarpo, Turkish Chifut Kale si) on both 
sides of the Aegean. 

We have thus found that many of the commoner 
names given to ruined castles in the Greco-Turkish area 
(Kdarpo rfjs 'Qpalas = Kiz Ka^esi, 'OfipaioKaarpo Chifut 
Kalesi, Doghan Hisar, Kech! Kale) may be derived 
from the c Maiden's Castle ' cycle of folk-legend or 
attached to it with a little ingenuity. The essential 
for the ' strategic ' type is inaccessibility, for the ' im- 
mured princess ' isolation, for the ' bewitched maiden ' 
remoteness. All these characteristics may be combined 

1 The influence of the genuine Chifut Kalesi, a colony of Karaite 
Jews in the Crimea, must also be taken into consideration. 

Belkis by False Etymology 749 

in the same castle, and the presence of an aqueduct 
or other remarkable building near it would render it 
eligible for the ' rival lovers ' motif. One building 
could therefore lay claim to more than one legend, as 
is conspicuously the case with ' Leander's Tower ' and 

In conclusion, it seems worth while to draw attention 
to a development on the Turkish side of the ' Maiden's 
Castle ' cycle, which brings it into connexion with an 
entirely new range of associations. In more than one 
instance the anonymous maiden (kiz) heroine of these 
castle legends is identified by the simple process of 
adding the syllable bel to the already existing kiz, and 
so arriving at Belkis, who figures in eastern legend as 
the Queen of Sheba and wife of Solomon. A ruin which 
is so large or so beautiful as to suggest supernatural 
builders is thus appropriately enough brought into con- 
nexion with Solomon, the arch-magician. Such palaces 
of Belkis are found in the theatre of Aspendus, 1 the 
temple on Cape Sunium, 2 and that of Hadrian at Cyzi- 
cus. 3 The column of Julian at Angora figures as the 
Minaret of Belkis. 4 But at Aspendus Belkis in her turn is 
thrown into the melting-pot of popular etymology and 
emerges with an entirely new setting based on the equa- 
tion of the first syllable of her name to the Turkish bal 
(honey). Bal Kiz, the * Honey Maiden', figures as the 
daughter of the Queen of the Bees ; she is courted by 
the King of the Serpents, who eventually carries her off 
by means of a cleverly contrived bridge. This bridge is 
evidently the remarkable siphon-aqueduct of Aspendus, 

1 Texier, Asie Mineure, iii, 218. The same author remarks (ii, 169) 
that Belkis is associated also with Sagalassus. For her at Baalbek 
see Petermann, Reisen im Orient, p. 315. 

* Piri Reis in Aih. Mittb. xxvii, 427. 

3 Texier, Asie Mineure, ii, 169 ; Hasluck, Cyzicus, p. 5, cf. p, 204 ; 
Piri Reis, loc. cit, 

* H. Barth, Reise y p. 79 ; here again there is a fluctuation between 
* Kiz, Minare ' (Tournefort, Voyage^ Letter xxi) and * Belkis Minare '. 

750 The Maiden's Castle 

which is made use of also in the local version of the 
c Rival Lovers and the Princess V 

1 The latter part of this development is possibly paralleled in the 
case of a notable castle in Cilicia called Shah Meran Kalesi, or, in 
Turkish vernacular, Yilan Kalesi (Snake's Castle), which is supposed 
to be the actual residence of the King of the Serpents (Haji Khalfa, 
Djihannuma, tr. Armain, p. 662 ; Menasik-el-Haj, tr. Bianchi, in 
Rec. de Voyages, ii, 102 ; Langlois, Cilicie, p. 469 ; Davis, Asiatic 
Turkey, pp. 73 ff. ; Cuinet, Turquie d'Orient, ii. 43, 93 ; H. J. Ross, 
Letters from the East, p. 283). If we take into consideration the facts 
(a) that Cilicia was once part of the medieval kingdom of Armenia and 
() that Semiramis (Shah Miram) is a prominent figure in Armenian 
folk-lore (see Tozer, Turkish Arm., pp. 349 ff. ; Bore, Armenie, p. 75 ; 
Scott-Stevenson, Ride through Asia Minor, p. 273), it seems probable 
that Shah Meran is a perversion of Shah Miram (Semiramis), just as 
Balkiz is of Belkis. 


DOWN to our own times, certainly as late as the 
sixties of the last century, the city of Jerusalem 
solemnly closed its gates every week during the time of 
the Mohammedans' midday prayer on Fridays. 1 More 
than one tourist has been disagreeably surprised, on 
returning from a morning excursion outside the walls, 
to find himself obliged to wait at the closed gate till 
the ordinary traffic was resumed. This curious custom 
arose, not from any religious scruple on the part of the 
Turks, but on account of an alleged prophecy, which 
foretold that on this day of the week and at this hour 
a Christian army should one day surprise the city. The 
superstition appears to have been more or less general 
in the Turkish empire, and can be traced as far back as 
the latter half of the sixteenth century. A western 
traveller, Dr. Rauwolff, writing in 1575, says* that 
Turks believed their power was to be overthrown a 
thousand years after its inception. As their millennium 
fell a few years later (in 1592-3), they were in his time 
in great fear of the Christians, and on holidays shut the 
gates of their towns and public buildings early to pre- 
vent being surprised by the Christians. 

Later, the custom of closing the town gates during 
Friday prayer is recorded at Rhodes by several travel- 
lers, 3 and at Tangier by Borrow, the gypsy-scholar. 4 At 

1 Cf. E. Robinson, Palestine, i, 356 ; Saulcy, Voyage en Terre 
Sainte, p. 295 ; Tobler, Topogr. von Jerusalem, i, 147 ; Thevenot, 
Voyages, ii. 653. 

3 In Ray's Voyages, i, 31 1 : quoted in full above, p. 721. 

3 Jowett, Christian Researches, p. 416 ; Turner, Tour in the Levant, 
iii, 17 ; C. B. Elliott, Travels, ii, 175. 

4 Bible in Spain, p. 332 : cf. Drummond Hay, Marokko, pp. 4 f. 
At Alexandria the Turks shut the fondics of the Prankish merchants 

752 A Modern Tradition of Jerusalem 

Jerusalem itself it cannot be traced earlier than the 
early seventeenth century, 1 and the silence of the very 
numerous earlier pilgrims makes it improbable that it 
obtained much before this. Indeed, the starting-point 
of the idea is probably rather Rhodes than Jerusalem, 
since it is a matter of history that in 1525, only three 
years after the loss of Rhodes to Christendom, a plot 
was elaborated for its surprise and recapture. This de- 
pended on taking advantage of the slack watch kept by 
the garrison during the time of Friday prayers. 2 At 
Jerusalem, however, as often happens, this comparatively 
recent tradition of the weekly hour of danger was amal- 
gamated with the originally independent idea that a 
victorious Christian army was fated one day to enter 
the city by the Golden Gate of the Temple area, 3 the 
traditional site, not only of Christ's triumphal entry, 
but also of that of the victorious Byzantine emperor 
Heraclius, bearing the True Cross recovered in his 
Persian campaign, 4 

The Golden Gate has been walled up for many 

centuries. 5 Probably on some theory of recurrent 

at night and during the Friday prayer (De Breves, Voyages, p, 235). 
Shaw ({travels to Barbary, i, 402) says the practice was general all over 
the Turkish area. 

1 Tobler, Topogr. von Jerusalem, \, 147, citing Troilo (1666- ?), p. 1 52. 

2 Torr, Rhodes, p. 33. 

3 Thevenot, Voyages, ii, 653 ; Maundrell, ed. Wright, p. 173 ; 
Goujon, Terre Sainte, p. 122 (emperor of France to enter conquered 
Jerusalem here) ; Pierotti, Legend* s Racontees, p. 35 (a king of the 
West to enter). 

4 I. Burton, Inner Life of Syria, p. 371. 

5 De Breves, Voyages, p. 158 ; d'Arvieux, Memoires, ii, 214 ; Theve- 
not, loc. cit. ; Tischendorf, Terre-Sainte, p. 189. Lady Burton (loc. 
cit.) says it has been closed for 713 years ; the Citez de Hierusalem 
(1187), cited by Tobler, Topogr. von Jerusalem, ii. 994, says the gate 
was already walled up. Williams (The Holy City, i, 152) records the 
tradition that it had been closed by Omar, For the evidence of its 
temporary opening on the festivals of Palm Sunday and Holy Cross, 
see below, p. 753, n. 6. 

Historical Basis 753 

cycles, it appears to have been fairly usual for a Moham- 
medan conqueror to block the gate by which he entered 
a conquered city, presumably to prevent the operation 
being repeated to his prejudice by a hostile force at 
a subsequent period, when the constellations should 
again be in favourable conjunction for entry. 1 Histori- 
cal instances of this occur at the conquest of Rhodes in 
1522 z and of Bagdad in 1638.3 Elsewhere in the East 
blocked city gates are not uncommonly associated, 
rightly or wrongly, with this superstition. 4 Greek 
tradition, for example, holds that the Golden Gate of 
Byzantine Constantinople was blocked for a like reason. 5 
It seems evident, from the passage in Rauwolff, that 
the gates of Turkish towns were closed on Fridays in 
apprehension, not of an isolated attack, but of a more 
general catastrophe to Moslem arms, coincident with 
the year 1000 of the Mohammedan era (A. D. 1592-3) ; 
and it is probable that the idea, starting from Rhodes, 
developed in that sense. At Jerusalem the Golden 
Gate appears to have been walled up already in crusad- 
ing times, 6 though it was temporarily opened twice a 
year for the two festivals of Palm Sunday and Holy 

1 Cf. the case of the Persian ambassador in 1806 cited above, p. 203, 
n. 5. 

* Belabre, Rhodes of the Knights, p. 64. 

3 Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabic^ ii, 240. 

4 The Turks walled up a gate at Damascus for this reason 
(Thevenot, Voyages, iii, 49 : there is a view of it in Porter, Damascus). 
A certain gate at Cairo was unlucky for Mohammed Ali, who never 
used it (Mills, Three Months, p. 53). 

5 Polites, 77apa8ocrei9, p. 669. 

6 Joannes Wirziburgensis (c. 1165 : cited by Tobler, Descr. Terr. 
Sanct. ex saecc. viii, ix, xii, xv, p. 128) says it was * lapidibus obstructa ' 
except when opened for Palm Sunday and Holy Cross. Similarly, 
Ludolf von Suchem (De Itinere (c. 1350), p. 76) says it was ' semper 
clausa ', but describes the Palm Sunday procession. There were 
wooden doors there in the sixteenth century according to Meggen 
(1542), Villinger (1565), Fiirer (1566), and Lussy (1583), all cited by 
Tobler, Topogr. von Jerusalem, i, 156. 

754 ^ Modern Tradition of Jerusalem 

Cross, 1 commemorating the entries of Christ 2 and 
Heraclius 3 respectively. But the Turks' apprehension 
of attack was sufficiently real to induce them to set 
a special watch inside the blocked gate during the fatal 
hour. 4 

It will be remembered that our own troops, who in 
a sense may be held to have fulfilled the belated pro- 
phecy, marched into Jerusalem by the commonplace 
Jaffa or Hebron gate used by every visitor driving from 
the station before the war. Thus the ' prophecy ' ap- 
pears to have been no more though perhaps it is fair 
to add, no less successful than many others made in 
recent times. 

1 Sept. 14. 

2 The superstition that Christ shall re-enter Jerusalem by the 
Golden Gate during the Friday prayer is mentioned by Quaresimus 
(1616-26), Troilo (1666-?), and Chateaubriand (1806), according to 
Tobler, Topogr. von Jerusalem, i, 156. Petachia (tr. Carmoly, in 
Nouv. Journ. As. viii, 1831, p. 404) says that the Jews of his time had a 
tradition that the Sechinah went into exile by this gate and should one 
day return in triumph by it : in support of the tradition he quotes 
7<ech. xiv, 4 and Is. lii, 8. 

3 Burton, Inner Life of Syria, p. 371 : Tobler, Descr. Terr. Sanct. 
ex saecc. viii, ix, xii, xv> p. 128 (Joannes VVirziburgensis). 

4 Pierotti, Legendes Racontees, p. 35 : Tobler, Topogr. von Jerusalem, 
i, 146. That the Arabic root fetb should mean both to enter and to 
conquer may also have contributed towards the growth of the legend. 


L "The Parthenon as a Mosque l 

La Guilletiere, Athene s Ancienne et Nouvelle, pp. 193 f. 

* TL n'y a pas quinze ans que le Temple de Minerve 
JL estoit une des plus celebres Mosquees du Monde. 
Elle avoit este mise en reputation par les Derviches, qui 
sont des Religieux Turcs ; Et avant que le grand Vizir 
. . . irrite des fraudes qu'ils faisoient dans la Religion 
Mahometane les eust chassez de PEurope pour les 
renvoyer a Cogna, lieu de leur institution, on ne faisoit 
point d'estat d'un de ces Religieux s'il n'avoit este en 
pelerinage a la Mosquee d'Athenes. Ces sortes de 
Pelerins avoient defigure le dedans du Temple par une 
quantite de morceaux de taffetas, et de vieilles escharpes 
qu'ils avoient arborees de tous costez. II n'y avoit pas 
jusqu'a leurs Devots . . . qui n'attachassent aux mu- 
railles quelque petite Banderolle mi partie de rouge, & 
de jaune, & quelquefois de jaune & de vert . . . Enfin on 
y attachoit quelque curiosite qu'on avoit apportee des 
pays estrangers, & un Artisan Turc qui avoit fait quel- 
que chef d'oeuvre de son art, le venoit estaler le long des 
murailles. Ce grand attirail d'offrandes en est presque 

II. Extracts on Lampedusa 2 

(a) Thevenot, Travels (1656), p. 271. 

c It is an Island that produces nothing, and is only 
inhabited by Coneys : but because there is good Water 
upon it, and a good Harbour, Ships put in there for 

In that Isle there is a little Chappel, wherein there is 

1 To illustrate p. 14. - To illustrate p. 46. 

756 Original 

an Image of the Blessed Virgin, which is much Rever- 
enced both by Christians and Infidels, that put ashoar 
there ; and every Vessel always leaves some present 
upon it. Some Money, others Bisket, Oyl, Wine, Gun- 
powder, Bullets, Swords, Musquets, and in short, all 
things that can be useful even to little cases ; and when 
any one stands in need of any of these things, he takes it, 
and leaves Money or somewhat else in place thereof. 
The Turks observe this practice as well as the Christians, 
and leave Presents there. As for the Money no body 
meddles with that, and the Galleys of Malta go thither 
once a year, and take the Money they find upon the 
Altar, which they carry to our Lady of Trapano in 
Sicily. [Follows a story of a ship which could not leave 
the island, one of the ship's company having stolen from 
the Virgin] . . . Many Miracles are wrought in that 
place, at the intercession of our Blessed Lady, which 
are not so much as doubted of, neither by Christians 
nor Turks. 5 

(b) Sir Dudley North (1680), in R. North, Lives of the 
Norths, ii, 160 f. 

c Lampadoza . . . they say is uninhabited, and hath 
on it only one vaulted building, or church ; on one side 
whereof, there is an altar for the Christians, and, on 
another place, for the devotions of the Turks ; and so 
it is by all esteemed holy. In this building, they say, 
are always found most things necessary for seafaring 
men ; clothes of all sorts, cordage, biscuit, &c., and 
a treasury of all sorts of money, though in no great 
quantity. It is lawful for all, that come here, to serve 
their occasions with what they find and need ; but they 
must be sure to leave in value somewhat else that may 
be equally needful on other occasions, be it money or 
goods ; which if they perform not, it is said that they 
can never sail from the island, but will stand still in the 
sea, be the wind never so fresh. For this reason, it is 

Lampedusa 757 

said that, whenever any vessels or gallies of Corso, come 
here, who are full of lawless needy rogues, they, that 
command in chief, have care to send some principal 
man, to see that nothing be embezzled by any of their 
company, for fear of being punished by the winds, &c.' 

(c) Sieur Dumont, Nouveau Voyage du Levant, 1694, 

p. 224. 

4 II y a dans cette He une petite Chapelle dediee a la 
Vierge, dans laquelle il y a un Autel, & tout aupres un 
cercueil, avec un turban au dessus, & on apelle cela le 
Tombeau de Mahomet. Les Turcs & les Chretiens ont 
une si grande devotion a cette Chapelle ; qu'il n'y 
passe jamais ni des uns ni des autres, sans y faire quelque 
ofrande soit d'argent, soit de vivres ou autre chose ; 
nous y trouvames dessus deux grosses pastaiques fraiches, 
un sequin d'or, des aspres d'argent, & quelque petite 
monnoye de Malthe, que notre Capitaine augmenta 
d'une piece de trois sols & demi de France. Notre 
nocher me dit que tout ce qu'on metoit la, etoit pour 
le secours des pauvres Esclaves, qui se sauvoient sou- 
vent de Malthe ou d'Afrique par cet endroit, & deve- 
noit si sacre & miraculeux ; que si quelqu'un qui ne 
seroit pas esclave, avoit pris quelque chose sur cet Autel, 
il ne pouroit jamais sortir de Tile. 5 

(d) J. Otter, Voyage en Turquie(ij^) y ii, 371 ff. 

* L'Isle n'a point d'autre habitation qu'un Hermi- 
tage, 1 ou Pon voit une petite Chapelle dediee a la sainte 
Vierge, & le Tombeau d'un Murabit nomme Beni 
Mubarek, Pun & Pautre tattles dans le roc. 

1 The hermit is mentioned already by Ariosto. In Orlando Furioso, 
XLIII, cl ff ., he mentions the island as the scene of a combat between 
Christians and Saracens. Ibid. XLI, i ff., he relates how Roger, on 
his way from Biserta, is cast ashore on a desert island inhabited by a 
hermit who baptizes him. The island, however, is never named. 
In XLIII, clxxxvii ff., Ariosto indicates that the hermit and island 
are near Sicily. 

758 Original Texts 

' Get Hermitage appartient aujourcThui a un Pretre 
Maltois, qui dessert la Chapelle. II a aussi soin de tenir 
la grotte du tombeau bien propre, & d'y faire bruler 
une lampe. Ce n'est meme qu'a cette condition qu'il 
y est souffert par les Turcs & par les Barbaresques, 
comme il paroit par des Patentes accordees a 1'Hermite 
par un Capoudan Pacha, et par les Begs d'Alger & de 
Tripoli . . . Les vaisseaux qui y relachent en assez grand 
nombre laissent tous quelque chose a PHermite, soit 
en argent, soit en provisions. Frere Antoine m'avoua 
meme qu'il arrivoit souvent que de bonnes ames 
Mahometanes, attirees par la devotion au tombeau de 
Beni Mubarek, laissoient des aumones pour Pentretien 
de sa lampe.' 

(e) Pococke, Description of the East (1737), II, ii, 183. 

4 [Lampidosa] did belong to a Christian hermit, and 
a Marabut or Turkish hermit, and served as a place both 
for Christians and Turks to take in provisions, with an 
agreement that neither of them should suffer from 
those of the different religion. The Marabut dying not 
long ago, the Mahometan Corsairs seized on what was 
in the island, and carried the Christian away captive, 
of which great complaint was made by the French 
consul, who demanded the captive.' 

(/) Egmont and Heymann, Travels^ i, 63. 

' Its only inhabitant is a French priest, called father 
Clement, who lives in a cave like a hermit, probably by 
way of penance, to atone for the disorders of his life 
while a pirate, which for many years was his occupation. 
Some part of his provisions he fetches from Malta in 
a boat, though scarce a ship touches here without making 
him some acknowledgment. He has also made himself 
a garden, and erected an altar, where he reads mass 
before a statue of the Virgin Mary, pretended to be 
miraculous. Close by this harbour is interred a Turkish 

Mamasun 759 

Saint, in great repute among the Mahometans, who, 
on passing by this island, never fail to offer up their 

III. Extracts on Mamasun l 
(a) Pharasopoulos, Td ZVAara, 1895, p. 74. 

Ma/zacro9 . . . evravda 8iarrjp Irai . . . o raos rov dyiov Md^iav- 
os ei> f$pdx<*> K0 ^ 7T^p^X a)V T( * Aew/rava rov irpo- 
dyt'ou, <Lv re/xa^ta rwa rrrjpyvpa}p,va <^4povai 
*ApiLViKa. emends vrrdpxet, Kal apyvpd Ofa?], zv fj 
V d>\viov Kal ev KepK&iKov ovTovv. 'Yrrdpx^ S 
Kal ev apyvpovv TreptAat/xto^, 8&* oS Trept^SaAAoucjc rou? Aac/zous' 
avrcov, 06 Kara Kaipovs Trpos laaw ^pxo^voi daOzvels. 

*Ev rfj KK\r)<jia ravrr) Xpioriavoi Kal 'O^co/zavot, ev CLTTI- 
arevra) Kal irpajrocfravfj (sic) dp/xovta e/creAouat rd dprjaKevrcKa 
avra>v KaQrfKovra 6/cdrepot Kara rd vei>o/ucr/xeVa. EvpiaKovrai 
8e V avrfj evvia G.IKOVG.S Trapiarwaat, rov ayiov Md^iavra^ rovs 
ay. Kwvoravrlvov Kal *E\4vriv Kal rr)V &OfJL7Jropa. 

i.e. ' At Mamasos is preserved the rock-hewn church 
of S. Mamas, which contains the relics of the saint. 
Some portions of these have been silvered over and have 
Armenian letters on them. There is also a silver reli- 
quary which contains one arm and one shin bone, and 
a silver necklace which is put round the neck of the sick 
persons, who come from time to time for healing. 

In this church both Christian and Turk perform 
their religious duties, each after his manner, strange to 
say without the least friction. There are in it nine 
pictures (et/coves-) representing S. Mamas, SS. Constan- 
tine and Helen, and the Virgin.' 

(fc) Levides, At lv Movo\lQois Moval rfjs Karrrra8oKia^ 9 pp. 

130 f. 

*Ev rfl Svo wpas ravrr)$ [sc. *AK Uapai] drrexovaTj Ka)/j,r) 
Mafiaarjv aa)^erai KK\r]aia ri/xoyxei/T] en-' ovo^ari rov dyiov 
Md/jiavros Kal rov dyiov Kaivaravrivov dpxaia 

els Movaarripiov ^petTTtco/xeVov, onep ol 

1 To illustrate p. 44. 

760 Original "Texts 

ariavol OeXovres VOL avaKawlaaxjw eKnaav Trepi rrjv c 
olKr)fjiard TWO. et? KarotKrjmv TCOV Sts* rov erous 1 , Trj te' Avyovcrrov 
Koi Ka Matov e/c KapfidXrjs, M/o^eAa'tSa^ [Ak Serai] /cat Nearro- 
Aeco? [Nevshehr] /o^o/xeVct>i/ TrpocrKVvrjrcov. 6 veaiKopos rov vaov 
rovrov &> rovpKos, Set/ewe t Se evros Kt/Jom'ou Aet't/rava rtva, 
artva evpeOrjaav avr69c /cat Aeyerat ore etcri roC aycou Md^avros^ 
OTL [lev Sev tv TOW ayiov MdfjiavTos SrjAotJrat, etc., etac Se 
ot)^i 1^09, aAAa Suo ^ /cat rptcSv dytcov Xetyava. 

i.e., ' In the village Mamasin, two hours from Ak 
Serai, is preserved an ancient rock-cut church dedicated 
to S. Mamas. This belonged to a monastery now 
ruined, which the Christians of the neighbourhood had 
the idea of restoring. They have erected near the 
church buildings for the reception of the pilgrims who 
come twice a year (15 August and 21 May) * from 
Karvala, Ak Serai, and Nevshehr. The custodian of 
this church is a Turk, who exhibits certain relics in a 
box. These were found on the spot and are said to be 
those of S. Mamas, but it is clear that they are not his, 
from what we have said in the chapter on Caesarea about 
the martyrdom of this saint. Further, they are not the 
remains of one, but of two or three, saints.' 

(c) Carnoy and Nicolaides, Traditions populaires de 
PAsie Mineure, pp. 192 f. 

c Le couvent de Saint-Mamas etait, il y a longtemps, 
bien longtemps, une maison en ruine ou un Ottoman 
serrait de la paille. Or, un jour, le feu prit de lui-meme 
dans la masure et consuma toute la paille. Le Turc ne 
comprit rien a ce prodige qui se renouvela plusieurs fois. 

De guerre lasse le proprietaire fit une etable de la 
maison ruinee, et y enferma ses bestiaux. Le lende- 
main, un de ses animaux mourut : le surlendemain, ce 
fut un autre ; puis un troisieme, un quatrieme, jus- 
qu'au dernier. 

1 Assumption and S. Constantine. S. Mamas is celebrated on 
2 Sept. 

Eski Baba 761 

L'Ottoman, qui etait un homme pieux, souponna 
quelque mystere. II fit des fouilles dans le sol de la 
masure et decouvrit d'abord une eglise grecque, puis 
les reliques de saint Mamas. 

Le proprietaire fit de Petable un lieu de pelerinage, 
moitie mosquee, moitie eglise. 

Mama^on-Teguessi convent de Mamas se trouve 
dans un petit village turc.' 

IV. Extracts on Eski Baba I 

(a} S. Gerlach (1578), Tage-Buch, p. 511. 

' Es vor dem Dorff daraussen eine alte Griechische 
Kirche hat, darinnen vor Zeiten St. Niclaus Bischojf 
gewesen. Die ist jetzunder gleich wie ein Spital der 
Tiirckischen Monch und Heiligen, welche nun darinnen 
wohnen. Vor derselben heraussen an der Mauren han- 
gen viel Schaffs-Felle, die sie iiber sich nehmen, wann 
sie aussgehen. In der Kirchen drinnen ist zur rechten 
Hand ein Ort mit einem Gegitter von der andern 
Kirchen unterscheiden, da an der Wand einander nach 
herumb hangen ein Hauffen Rosenkrantz von schwar- 
tzem Holtz : eine Stangen von einem Fahnen, wie sie 
die Arabische Bettler tragen : Ein ubergiildtes Straussen 
Ey : Ein grosser JBuzigan : 2 Ein Bischofs Hut, in der 
Mitte gleich, und ein Rosen-Krantz dabey : recht 
unter diesem ist es zugerichtet wie ein Bettlein, zu 
dessen Flissen 5. Leuchter stehen, und wieder eine 
Stange wie der Arabischen Bettler, in der Mitten dieser 
Leuchter brennet ein ewiges Liecht. Neben dem Bi- 
schoffs-Hut hanget an der Wand ein grosser eiserner 
Pfeil) ein iiberaus grosser Bogen, des Alibides holtzernes 
Schwerd, zween holtzerne Colben, eine Tartschen, 3 ein 
Danlein und Hirschhorn, endlich 4. Hirschfusse. Diese 
Waffen, sprechen die Turcken, habe St. Niclaus gefiih- 

1 To illustrate p. 54 ff. * Bosdagban (Tk.) mace. 

3 Round shield. 

3-95-2 D d 

762 Original *Iexts 

ret : Die Griecben aber sprechen, die Tiircken habens 
nur hinein gehanget. Heraussen ist die Kirche mit 
schlechten Deppichen bedeckt, als ob stats etliche 
Schneider da waren : An der Wand stehen Arabiscbe 

(b) Robert Bargrave, Travels (1652), Bodleian Codex 

Rawlinson, C. 799, f. 50 vso. 

' Sept. 14(1652). We came to a Toune calld Baba 
Sari Saltik (Father yellow Pate) which has its name from 
a Chappell therein, so calld by ye Turkes, but by ye 
Greeks, Aghios Nicolas, where a Xtian saint is sayd to be 
buryed ; to whom belongs this Story : When ye 
Turkes first conquerd these Parts, they assayd divers 
times to burne this Chappell but were still miraculously 
preuented, wherefore they conclude that Saint to have 
been in part a Mussleman (of theyr Relligion) and so 
proclaime him to this day. It is now lookd to by a 
dervis-woman who keeps a Lamp allways burning in it 
and it is called a Tekie.' 

(c) Covel, Diaries (1675), ed. Bent, p. 186. 

' An old Turk took it (Bobbas-cui) from the Chris- 
tians, and from him it is now so named, for bobba is the 
common name for Father ', and is given to every old man 
in common discourse. He lyes buryed in St. Nicholas' 
church, the one thing remaining of the Greekes memo- 
riall or building here. It is made a place of prayer, and 
he is reckoned a great saint among the common people. 
When we went into it to see his tomb we met another 
old Turk, who had brought three candles, and pre- 
sented them to an old woman that looks after it, and 
shews it to strangers. He said he had made a vow in 
distresse to do it. The old woman told us : Yes, my 
sons, when ever you are in danger pray to this good 
holy man, and he will infallibly help you. Oh fye ! 
sister, quoth the old Turk, do not so vainly commit sin, 

Hafiz Khalil 763 

for he was a mortall man and a sinner as well as we. 
I know it, quoth the old wife, that onely God doth all 
and he doth nothing ; but God for his sake will the 
sooner hear us ; and so ended that point of Turkish 
divinity. This Church is standing pretty intire. It 
is but little . . . but very handsome, in the same forme 
almost with Sta. Sophia, with a great Cupola over the 
body of it ; but the outward wall is scaloped.' 

V. Extracts on the Tekke of Hafiz Khalil, Balchik I 

(a) Jirecek, Bulgarien (1891), p. 533. 

' Von den sechs und zwanzig Derwischen, die Kanitz 
1872 hier fand, ist nur ein Einziger iibrig. Der Heilige 
dieses Klosters ist ein merkwiirdiger utraquistischer 
Mann ; den Tiirken gilt er als Akjazyly-Baba, den 
Christen als St. Athanas und wird von Christen und 
Mohammedanern besonders zur Entdeckung von ge- 
stohlenem Vieh angerufen. Vor dem Krimkrieg soil er 
nur das Vieh der Musulmanner beschiitzt haben, aber 
seitdem fanden die schlauen Derwische Wege ihn auch 
den Christen genehm zu machen. Im Jahre 1883 wur- 
den die Geschenke fiir jede der beiden Personen des 
Patrons besonders gesammelt und das christliche Geld 
zu einem Schulbau in Balcik verwendet. Jetzt hat die 
Kirche diesem Doppelcultus ein Ende gemacht, dem 
wir bald in einer zweiten, vielleicht aheren Gestalt 
begegnen werden. Das ' Tekke ' selbst ist ein thurm- 
artiges Siebeneck aus schonen Quadern mit starkem 
Echo im Innern ; das Grab des Heiligen ist ein nie- 
driger dachformiger Sarkophag mit einer griinen Decke, 
umgeben von Leuchtern und Lampen. Dabei licgen 
der Koran, die Schiissel, das Siegel (ein metallener 
durchlocherter Deckel) und die Pantoffel des Akjazyly- 
Baba, in welchen Fieberkranke Rundgange um das Grab 
zu machen pflegen. Die Russen sollen 1828 den Schadel 

1 To illustrate p. 91. 

D d 2 

764 Original lexts 

des Heiligen entfuhrt haben. Auf dem Hofe zeigt man 
unter einem Aprikosenbaum einen Stein, bei welchem 
Akjazyly-Baba badete oder nach der christlichen Legende 
St. Athanas getodtet wurde. Gegeniiber liegt die 
malerische Ruine eines siebeneckigen Imarets (Gast- 
hauses), auf dessen Hof hohes Gras mit Disteln und 
Klatschrosen wuchert und dessen Kamin Nachteulen 

(b) ]. Nicolaos, *H y 08r]a<j6$, pp. 248 ff. (Translation.) 
' In the village of Tekke, situated four hours north- 
east of the city [Varna] on the Balchik road and now 
inhabited by Circassian refugees, is a church called 
Tekke, from which the village takes its name. This 
church was once Christian and dedicated to S. Athana- 
sius ; it was undoubtedly in Christian hands originally. 
It is now occupied by Mohammedan dervishes. It 
stands alone on a steep hill opposite the village, which 
occupies the lower slopes of an adjacent valley. On the 
second of May, when the feast of S. Athanasius is 
celebrated by pious Christians, it has been frequented 
time out of mind by the population of the city [Varna] 
and the neighbouring villages, and every year there 
takes place an important panegyris, since the healing 
virtue of the church is celebrated and attracts crowds 
yearly to the spot. The church is always open and any 
one who wishes may go and light a candle there. In it 
is the tomb of the saint, half a metre high and built of 
marble ; on it are a Gospel and lamps, and near it is 
a hole in the paved floor. When any one is ill, or has 
damaged a limb, he is carried by his relatives to the 
tomb of the saint, near which is a pair of women's 
slippers. 1 Then the dervish asks the sick man whether 
he is not afraid to pass the night there : if he says he is 
not, the dervish shuts the door, and the sick man stays 

Hafa Khalil 765 

by the tomb or sleeps there, thrusting his maimed hand 
or ailing foot into the hole mentioned above, and at 
dawn comes out cured. 

6 One such sufferer, whose thigh was injured, relates 
that he stayed there all night with his foot thrust into 
the hole ; the dervish retired to his house to sleep, the 
church was locked, and the patient remained alone in 
it. All night he felt his foot dragged downward by 
a violent force, and thought he would be sucked down 
altogether. To increase his alarm, he heard in the 
silence of the night a noise as of a man, or rather a 
spirit, trailing the slippers we have mentioned regularly 
over the paved floor of the church. The wretched man 
shrank into himself with fear, and never raised his eyes 
to see what was happening, but only listened. The noise 
continued till it was nearly morning. At last, thinking 
he was going to be sucked down altogether into the 
earth and making up his mind to hold out to the end, 
whatever might happen, he fell asleep at the hole about 
dawn. In the morning the dervish opened the church ; 
there was no supernatural noise or disturbance. The 
sufferer took his foot out of the hole, came out entirely 
cured, and returned home telling what had happened. 

* A woman of Varna, who did not believe what was 
reported of the healing power of the church, put her 
hand into the hole, pretending it was ailing, whereas in 
reality it was perfectly sound. She remained all night 
in the church alone, shut in by the dervish, and had the 
same experience, that is to say, she was drawn down 
with irresistible force by the arm she had placed in the 
hole, and heard the noise of the spirit walking in the 
church with the slippers trailing over the floor. But in 
the morning, when she wanted to take her arm from the 
hole, they say she was totally unable to do so until a 
posse of villagers came and dragged it out by force. 
The woman herself was so frightened that she died a few 
days after.' 

766 Original Texts 

VI. Extract * on the Bektashi Tekke s of Thessaly 2 

TIPOMH&EYS, 1893, no. 55, pp. 442 f. (Translation) 

' South-east of this village [Irinior Rini in the deme of 
Skotousa], in a hilly and romantic situation among tall 
and shady trees (planes, dwarf-oaks, and cornels), stands 
the tekke of the Bektashi, an establishment famous 
throughout all Thessaly. In it, according to Govern- 
ment statistics, reside thirty-nine dervishes, but at the 
time of my visit (1888) I was told that there were, 
exclusive of servitors, fifty- four, all illiterate and super- 
stitious Albanians. An intelligent dervish informed me 
that the tekke was formerly a monastery of the western 
church, 3 and that the Turks took it over about 1630-40; 
there was a church of S. Demetrius, but the dervishes 
say it was dedicated to S. George, on account of the 
greater veneration they affect towards the latter. 4 For 
a time the tekke was occupied by Turkish dervishes 

1 To illustrate p. 93. 

3 This is a translation of an article from the Volo periodical to which 
my attention was called by M. Pericles Apostolides of Volo. The 
periodical in question was edited, and seems to have been written also, 
by an Athonite monk, Zosimas. 

3 On this point Mr. Apostolides has kindly supplied me with the 
following additional information : * I was told at the tekke of Rinl 
that an inscribed slab with Latin characters was preserved there : this 
may be the tomb of some Franciscan abbot. According to a cbryso- 
boullon of the monastery of Makryniotissa the lands of this foundation 
extended to the district of Seraji Irini (Scpar^fj *Ipwv). It is therefore 
most probable that this site was occupied and the monastery built 
by Franciscans in the Prankish period.' The existence of a Franciscan 
monastery in seventeenth-century Thessaly seems to me highly im- 
probable. Confusion has probably arisen from the inscription in 
letters really or supposedly 4 Frankish '. 

* In npofJL7)0vs: 9 1891 (p. 268), the same author writes : ' There is a 
local tradition that the dervishes preserve to the present day a picture 
of S. Demetrius and burn lamps before it. I questioned the dervishes 
on this subject, but was not allowed to see the picture.' 

Rini 767 

from the great tekke, called Kulakli Baba, at Konia. 1 
But during the despotic reign of the famous Ali Pasha of 
Tepelen (according to thePbonl touLaou), 2 who justified 
his contempt for religion by pretending to be a follower 
of the liberal Bektashi, it was given to the Albanians ; 
at this time there were founded in Thessaly certain 
convents which were rather political rallying-points for 
the surrounding population than religious establish- 
ments. There were four such convents, all situated at 
strategic points, commanding the more frequented 
highways. These were the tekkes of Turbali Sultan 
near Rini, on the road from Volo to Pharsala and 
Karditsa ; of Balli Baba, near the village of Tatar, on 
the road between Lamia, Larissa, and Pharsala ; of 
Shahin Baba, near the village of Kupekli ; and Baba 
Tekke, in the celebrated Vale of Tempe, on the road 
from Larissa to Chaisi. These tekkes became the regular 
resorts of criminals, who plundered and spoiled the 
surrounding populations. So that, at the time of the 
destruction of the Janissaries by Sultan Mahmud, in 
1826, an imperial order was issued for the destruction 
of the Bektashi, and the population, both Christian and 
Mohammedan, fell upon the tekkes and drove out their 
inmates. Two tekkes, those of the villages Tatar and 
Kupekli, were burnt ; that of Rini, either because its 
inmates put up a more determined resistance, or be- 
cause it lay some distance from Pharsala, was spared. 
From 1833 onwards all sorts of rascals, sometimes even 
brigands, began once more to congregate in it on the 
pretence of doing penance, and this state of things 
continued till the last years of Turkish rule under the 
direction of a former servant of the Muslim Aga, a 
certain Bairam Aga, who continues to preside over the 

1 The ' great tekke at Konia ' can hardly be other than that of the 
Mevlevi dervishes, who wear a headdress called Kula ( c tower '). 

2 Apparently the Volo newspaper (1882-4) of that name, but I have 
searched it in vain to find this reference. 

768 Original Texts 

tekke. Under him the system of rapine and pillage 
reached its height : the whole countryside was subjected 
by the raids of his armed brigands. A wily and far- 
sighted man, he legitimized his oppressive acts after the 
Union x by forged documents, supplied him by the 
Turkish authorities, making the tekke his personal pro- 
perty. He had still two or three monks and a few servi- 
tors to back him. 

There is a local tradition that the tekke was built on 
the site of an ancient Byzantine monastery of S. George, 
but it is impossible to confirm this by investigation as 
long as the Albanians remain in possession. The tekke 
has defences like a small fortress 2 and entrance is for- 

At the time of the Union there were fifty monks or 
dervishes in the tekke : there are now only three and 
some paid servitors of Bairam Baba, all Albanians. The 
dervishes who formerly lived here were remarkable for 
the fact that they wore in their right ears a great iron 
earring, 3 and hanging on their breasts an eight-sided 
stone ; 4 the novices wore white caps, and all shaved 
their heads once a week. 

1 i.e. of Thessaly with Greece, 1882. 

2 This is an absurd exaggeration : the chief defences are two sheep- 

3 This is the distinguishing mark of celibate dervishes of the Bektashi 

This is evidently the Tsslim Task (' Stone of Resignation ') of the 
Bektashi, which has, however, generally a twelve-pointed form. 


Abdal, fool-saint. 

Akbi Dede (or Dede Baba], ' apostolic ' 
successor of Haji Bektash. 
, votive offering. 

I, exhumation of bones. 
Anastasis (Gk.), Resurrection. 
ashik, lover. 
ayasma (aytacr/ia), holy well. 

baba, father, Mohammedan abbot. 
bey, squire, holder of a certain rank. 

Cbelebi, Head of the Mevlevi of Ko- 

nia ; * hereditary ' successor of Haji 

Bektash at Haji Bektash. 
cheshme, fountain. 
cbiftlik, farm (///. the amount of land 

that can be ploughed with a cbift, 

or pair of oxen). 

dagb, mountain. 

decollati (Lat.), executed criminals. 
dede, grandfather, dervish, holy man. 
Dede Baba = Akbi Dede, q. v. 
derebcy, kind of Turkish governor 

now obsolete, robber baron. 
dervish, kind of Mohammedan monk 

or religious mendicant. 
dev (Pers.), monster. 
duden, underground channel. 

efrit (Arab.), hideous demon. 
eikon (Gk.), Orthodox Church pic- 

emir (Arab.), chief, prince. 
enkolpion (Gk.), pocket eikon. 
vxoX6yLov, Greek prayer-book. 

fatiba, opening chapter of the Koran. 

gbazi, champion of religion (title 
given to sultans or generals who 

have gained a victory over non- 

haga, i.e. agba ('Mr.'). 

baji, pilgrim to Mecca or other holy 


bammam, bath. 
begoumenos (Gk.), Greek abbot. 

ibadet khane, house of worship. 
ilija, natural tepid spring. 
imam, Mohammedan priest, leader 
in the ritual performance of prayer. 
imaret, soup-kitchen for the poor. 
in, cave. 

jami, mosque. 

jebar, tyrant, oppressor. 

jigber, liver. 

jinn, one of the genii. 

junta, Friday, day of congregation. 

kabile, tribe, clan. 

kadi, district judge administering the 
religious law. 

kale, castle. 

kapu, gate. 

kara, black. 

karaja, roebuck. 

kavass, gendarme, man-servant. 

kaza, sub-division of a sanjak, q. v. 

khalife, successor of Mohammed, 
higher grade of Bektashi abbot. 

khan, galleried inn. 

kbane, house. 

khirka, long cloak, monk's habit. 

kboja, schoolmaster. 

kbutba, public prayer for the sove- 

kilise (from Gk.), church. 

kirk, kirklar, forty. 

1 Words which occur only once in the text and are there explained are not 
cited here again. Except where indicated, the words cited are of Turkish 
origin or commonly borrowed by Turkish. Greek terms are not given in 
Greek script unless that is found in the text. The meanings given are drawn 
from the usual dictionaries of the various languages concerned. The glossary 
as a whole owes much of its value to Sir Harry Lamb, G.B.E., K.C.M.G. 



kiz, girl. 
kizil, red. 

kubbe, domed edifice. 
kula, tower. 

kurban, sacrifice (lit. means of ap- 
kutb (Arab.), chief of velis, q.v. 

lama (Gk.), settlement of monks 
round a common church. 

liva, brigadier-general : in civil ad- 
ministration = sanjak, q.v. 

maballa, quarter of a town or village, 

sub-division of a tribe. 
w0A0w(Arab.), sanctuary (see p. 237). 
mar abut (Arab.), one who devotes 

himself to the service of the faith. 
masbaallab, what God wills ! 
medreseb, college for study of law and 

tneidan, vacant space, square, Bektashi 


meidan fash, see p. 276. 
mesjid, mosque, 
ficrpov Aa/ijSavctv, to measure. 
mevlud, birthday, particularly of the 

mibrab, prayer-niche, indicating the 

direction of the Kaaba. 
mollah, judge (if following a name), 

student (if preceding a name). 
mudir, governor of a mudirlik, i.e. 

sub-division of a kaza, q.v. 
muezzin, crier who calls to prayer. 
mufti, expounder of the religious law. 
mubib, Bektashi adherent (lit. friend). 
mujerred, celibate. 
mursbid, spiritual guide. 
mutebbil, married. 
muteveli, administrator of a vakuf, 


Nakib-el-Asbraf, Registrar of the 

Prophet's registered descendants. 
nameh (Pers.), book. 
nisbanji, High Chancellor (obsolete). 

oda, room. 

oda of Janissaries, company. 

oke, Turkish pound (2! lb.). 

pallikar (Gk.), young man, hero. 
Panagia (Gk.), Virgin Mary. 
panegyris (Gk.), festival. 
para, Turkish farthing. 
peri, fairy. 
pilaf, cooked rice. 

pir, old man, patron saint of a guild, 
superior of an order. 

said, holy man, descendant of Mo- 

sanjak, sub-division of a vilayet, q.v. 

saranda (Gk.), forty. 

sari, yellow. 

serasker, commander-in- chief. 

sheikh, Mohammedan ecclesiastical 
dignitary, e.g. head of a religious 

Sbia, non-orthodox Mohammedan. 

silibdar, esquire. 

skete (Gk.) =-? lavra, q.v. 

suji, ascetic rationalist. 

Sunni, orthodox Mohammedan. 

synaxaria (Gk.), Greek acta sanc- 

taj (Pers.), crown. 

Takbtaji, woodcutter. 

task, stone. 

tawwaf (Arab.), circumambulation of 

the Kaaba. 

tekke, Mohammedan monastery. 
templon (Gk.), screen between chancel 

and nave. 
tesbib, rosary. 

teslim tasb, stone of resignation. 
trisagion (Gk.), see p. 24, n. 4. 
turbe, mausoleum. 

vakuf, property in mortmain. 

veli, saint. 

vergbi, tribute, now applied only to 

direct taxes on property. 
vilayet, a chief province. 

yedi, yediler, seven. 
yildiz, star. 
yoghurt, curdled milk. 
Turuk, nomad. 

ziaret, visit of ceremony, devotion, 
or friendship. 


Small figures above the line refer to the notes. Double Moslem names are 
indexed under the first one. Christian and Moslem names prefixed by a title and 
denoting place-names are indexed under the title. Names prefixed by the titles 
of abdal, haji, said, saint, and sidi, are indexed under those titles; and those 
prefixed by the titles of baba, ghazi, imam, khoja, king, nebi, shah, sheikh, and 
sultan are indexed separately and not under their titles. 

Aaron, invoked, 26I 1 , 560. 

Aatik Ali, mosque of, 327, 327*. 

Abaza Hasan, palace of, 136*. 

Abbas, Shah, founded New Julfa, 
iQS 6 ; grouped Shahsavand Kurds, 
J 35; n metempsychosis, 57o 2 . 

Abbas Ali, Bektashi tekke of, 93 2 , 548, 
548 8 ; dogs of, 8i 2 ; sacred earth from 
tomb of, 685*; S. Elias as, 93 2 , 548, 
548 2 . 

Abbasides, Mollah Hunkiar and, 615. 

Abd Allah abu-'l Husain el Antaki, see 
Sidi Battal. 

Abd-el-Wahab, in Battal cycle, 711, 

7 ii'. 

Abdals, Bektashi saints as, 567 ; Forty, 
394; at Kuri Yalova, 107-8, loS 1 ; 
renegades as, 449'; of Rum, 5o6 8 . 

Abdal Chetim Tess Baba, 185, 359-60. 

Abdal Deniz, see Deniz. 

Abdal Kadir, 252 1 . 

Abdal Murad, Bektashi warrior-saint, 
230, 306 1 , 509, 654*. 

Abdal Musa, Bektashi saint, 509; 
buried near Elmali, 506; Geyikli 
Baba and, 290; Kaigusuz Baba and, 
514; Kilerji Baba and, 507; Yatagan 
Baba and, 340, 508. 

Abdal Yuruks, 128, 128, 129, 476. 

Abdi Bey Sultan, Bektashi saint, 508. 

Abdul Aziz (1861-76), girding of, 6i6 4 , 
617; religious benefactions of, 296, 
316, 617, 617*. 

Abdul Hamid (1876-1909), and Al- 
banian nationalism, 539, 552; der- 
vishes and, 606', 62o 2 ; girding of, 

Abdul Mejid (1839-61), dervishes and, 
i6o 2 , 539, 621; girding of, 616, 622. 

Abdullah Baba, Bektashi saints, 544, 

Abdullah el-Maghawri, Sheikh, set 
Kaigusuz Sultan. 

Abdullah, Sheikh, Bektashi saints, 516. 

Abgarus, Christ's letter to, 37. 

Abiddin Baba, Bektashi saint, 545. 

Ablutions, Chian earth used for, 671*; 
Mohammedan, 32 1 , 384, 386, 602% 
668 7 . 

Abraham, calf of, 31 3 s ; conversion of, 
445; (sacred) fish of, 245, 245*; 
foot-prints of, 185, 187, 187*; 
Ishmael sacrificed by, 232 ; Kizilbash 
prophet, 145; Nimrod tortured, 
*94 6 > 3 r 7? 3i7 4 ; pre-Islamic Moslem, 
445; sheep but not goats protected, 

3i7 4 . . 
Absorption, ritual of, 2io 2 , 2i9 2 , 220; 

see also drink. 
Abu Bekr, Caliph, and Christians, 

Abu-1-Hajjaj of Luxor, Coptic offerings 

to, 374 1 - 

Abu Hanifa's tomb 'discovered', 716. 

Abu Ishak, 'ambiguous' cult of, 107. 

Abu Sufian, title of Caliph Moawiya, 
727 3 ; see also Sufian. 

Abu Taleb, Imam, oath by grave of, 
569*; sun stayed by, 303*. 

Abu Zeitun, Sheikh, cult of, 177^. 

Abu Zenneh, tomb of horse of, 269 6 . 

Acarnania, rival lovers in, 747*. 

Accursed, akin to sacred, 242, 253, 
253 3 , 456; fish, 244 3 . 

Achilles, tomb of, 103-4. 

Acre, see Akka. 

Adala, Kenger at, 128. 

Adalia, 'ambiguous' cult at, 74, 574; 
arrested transference of church at, 
23; Bektashi in, 506, 574; cross 
defaced at, 30'; cvypto-Mussulman 
in, 74, 74 a , 574; Kaigusuz Sultan 
from, 516; Kirk Jamisi near, 398, 
398 s ; S. Athanasios neo-martyr of, 
457 1 ; S. George, Lupus, and dragon 
at, 650*; Shahkuli captured, 170; 

77 2 Index 

Adalia (contd.) 

Tekke another name for province of, 
135, 168; Tekke-oglu derebeysof, 136. 

Adam, invoked by Bektashi, 560; 
Kizilbash prophet, 145. 

Adana, Bektashi not at, 513; Kurdish 
tribes near, 482*; strongly Sunni, 
513; Turkomans near, 138, 479, 
481; Veli Khalife's revolt near, 174; 
Yuruks near, 137', 477, 478. 

Adonis, and Holy Sepulchre, 89*. 

Adrianople, Bektashi tekkes at or near, 
422, 501, 518-22, 522 1 ; Christian 
Forty Saints at, 51, 51", 394, 394% 
397; Cyril, archbishop, at, 379; Eski 
Baba near, 430; Hasan Baba's 
cenotaph at, 357; Katmir's tail at, 
313*; Khidr and S. George at, 328, 
519, 5i9 l ; transplanted populations 
at, 519, 519*; Xeropotamou monas- 
tery and, 394*. 

Aesculapius, see Asklepios. 

Aetiological legends, 190*, 202, 203 5 , 
282-5, 285*, 287% 411 , 4I3S 465 1 . 

Afiun Kara Hisar (Akroenos), Divani 
Sultan buried at, 266; fish sacred at, 
249, 249*; khidrlik at, 328; Kizilbash 
near, 141; Sheikhli Yuruks near, 
339> 476; Sidi Ghazi and Malik 
Ghazi fell at, 708; talisman horns at, 


African influences on Turkish folk-lore, 

121, 346. 
Afshars, chiefs of Christian villages, 

156, 156*; habitat of, 129, 156; 

racial affinities of, 128, 129, 156, 

156% 477% 479> 482; Sunni, 130', 

156; women unveiled, 130*, I37 7 . 
Agarini (Agerini), Turks called, 33*. 
Agate, of Haji Bektash, 287-8, 287 3 . 
Agia (Magnesia in Thessaly), Bektashi 

tekke near, 534. 
Agora, situation of, 428 3 . 
Agriculture, natural cults and, ioo s , 

106-7, in. 

Agrinion, see Vrachofi. 
Ahi Baba, see Ahiwiran Baba. 
Ahiwiran (Ahi) Baba (Akhi-evren), 

55> 55 4 - 
Ahmed I (1603-17), Sultan, fountain 

of, 228; mosque of, 182, 328. 
Ahmed III (1703-30), Sultan, girding 

of, 611. 
Ahmed IX, Caliph, Melik Mensur and, 


Ahmed, Arabian saint, 252*. 
Ahmed, neo-martyr, 454 8 . 
Ahmed Baba, Bektashi saint, 544. 
Ahmed Baba Binbiroglu, Bektashi 

saint of Bunar, 519, 579, 579*. 
Ahmed Fazil, Ghazi, sailors' saint, 

348% 350, 518. 
Ahmed Rifai, Haji Bektash and, 84, 

285*, 287 1 , 289, 289*, 460*; tomb of, 

620 2 . 

Ahmed, Said, see El Bedawi. 

Ahmed, Si, renegade, 451, 45i 2 . 

Ahmed of Yasi, Khoja, Asia Minor and, 
403; Bektashi and, 403, 404, 405; 
dervishes sent to Rum by, 340, 404*; 
Evliya and, 405; Geyikli Baba and, 
509; Haidar and, 52, 403, 566, 572; 
Haji Bektash and, 52-3, 52% 135, 
403, 404, 4Q4 2 ' 3 , 4Q5> 566; Karaja 
Ahmed and, 340, 403-5* 44% 45> 
572; married Mene, 52-3, 53% 403, 
43 8 > 57 2 J Sari Saltik and, 340, 429. 

Ahmedli, Yuruk tribe, 127, 340, 405*, 


Ahua, fabulous beast, 505*. 
Aiali, Turkoman tribe, 480. 
Aidareka, see Kochairah. 
Aidin, Karaosmanoglu at, 598; moor- 

ing-rings at, 285; strongly Sunni, 

513; Yuruks near, 475~7- 
Aidin vilayet, see Smyrna. 
Aidin Baba, Bektashi saint, 526. 
Aidinli, Bektashi tekke at, 534, 534* ~ 2 , 


Aikaterini, Bektashi tekke at, 531. 
Ain Shemes, Samson at, 278 1 . 
Aine AH, Bektashi saint, 508. 
Ainegueul, Bakmaja near, 269. 
Ainos, 'ambiguous' cult at, 52o 2 , 581, 

58i 2 ; Yunuz Pasha conquered, 58 1 2 . 
Aintab, Bektashi not at, 513; Sam 

near, 245'; Turkomans near, 479, 
Airak, near Changri, 511. 
Aivali, Thessaly, ' ambiguous ' cult at, 

93> 437, 531-2, 582. 
Aix en Provence, dragon-processions 

at, 657; see S. Mitre. 
Aizani, door-stelae at, 207-8; giants 

built, r99 3 ; Maiden's Palace at, 

74I 1 ; treasure at, 194*, I99 3 . 
Ajemoghlans, see Janissaries. 
Ak Baba, Mohammedan Forty at, 

395, 395"- 

Ak Bashi (Sestos), Bektashi tekke at, 
518; tumuli at, 283. 



Ak Elven, tekke of, 505. 

Ak Serai, artificially founded, 137, 

i37 l 4 - 

Ak Shems-ed-din, Eyyub's tomb and, 
607, 608, 715; Mohammed the Con- 
queror and, 608. 

Akal, ascetic brotherhood of Druses, 

7 02 *- 
Akbar, and religious fusion, 377. 

Akbeyik Sultan, Bektashi or Bairami 
saint, 509. 

Akchi Baba, buried at Brusa, 107, 

Akdaghli, Yuruk tribe, 127, 127*, 476. 

Akh Murtaza Keshish, and Husain's 
head, 146. 

Akhi, in Greek inscription, 383, 383 5 ; 
meaning of, 505-6, 5o6 3 . 

Akhi Dede (Dede Baba), one Bektash 
Superior, 161, 503, 506, 537*; 
Chelebi and, I64 1 . 

Akhi-evren, (i) = Ahiwiran Baba, 
q.v.; (2) = Bektashi saint, 505; (3) 
Haji Ouren, q.v. 

Akhi Mirim, Khalveti saint, 505 2 . 

Akhisar on the Sakaria, Karaja Ahmed 
buried at, 404, 404*' 6 , 405, 405 1 . 

Akhisar (Thyatira), 'ambiguous 1 cult 
(S. John) at, 82; arrested transfer- 
ence of church at, 22; dervish con- 
verted and martyred at, 421, 449', 
453 6 > Shia Turkomans near, i3o l ; 
* weeping' column at, 22. 

Akje Koyunlu, Turkoman tribe, i63 2 , 


Akka (Acre), arrested transference of 
mosque at, 2O 1 ; fish sacred perhaps 
at, 245 3 . 

Akkerman, Durmish Dede from, 346. 

Ak-koyunlu (White Sheep), Yuruk 
sub-tribe, 128; Persian dynasty, 

Ak-kozali, Yuruk tribe, 476. 

Akraios, see Zeus. 

Akrates (? Digenes Akritas), Sidi 
Battal and, 706*. 

Akritas, Digenes, see Digenes. 

Akroenos, see Afiun Kara Hisar. 

Akshehr, burials at, 505, 505 2 3 . 

Akyazi, in Bithynia, 580 1 . 

Akyazili, in Bulgaria, 58O 1 . 

Akyazili Baba, 'ambiguous* cult of, 
90-2, 90 2 ' 4 , 92 1 , 523, 580, 58o 2 , 
763-5; as Hafiz Khalil, 90; incuba- 
tion to, 91, 267; ostrich eggs of, 

232*; S. Athanasius identified with, 
90*, 91, 92, 523, 580, 58o 8 ; shoes as 
relics of, 91; stolen cattle recovered 
by, 91, 9 1 1 ; Suleiman II built turbeof, 
90, 90*; transference to Christianity 
of, 92, 580, 58o a ; tribal saint perhaps, 
580 1 . 

Alabanda (Arab Hisar), 733. 

Ala-ed-devlet, ancestor of derebeys of 
BoghazKeui, 173; prince of Zulkadr, 


Ala-ed-din I (1219-34), Caliph's repre- 
sentative, 607 ; Castle of the Messiah 
and, 707; Christians and, 370-1, 
374 l > 377> 7o6 10 ; dervishes and, 338; 
descent of, 707; girding and, 605, 
617; Imam Baghevi and, 292; 
Jelal-ed-din and, 167, 371, 612, 613; 
Mevlevi and, 167, 371, 612, 613; 
mosque of, 23*; Osman and, 605, 
617; Persian culture of, 167, 363; 
popular hero, 603, 607; Sylata 
church and, 60, 374*; talisman 
inscription and, 203. 

Ala-ed-diu III (?I1) (c. 1300), Ertoghrul 
and, 605. 

Alaja (Husainabad), Shamaspur near, 

Alaja Kale, maiden's castle at, 742 2 . 

Alaja Koyunlu, Yuruk sub- tribe, 128, 

Alashehr (Philadelphia), renegade mar- 
tyred at, 453 3 , 456 2 ; Turks and 
church at, 69, 69 2 ; Yuruks near, 475, 

Alaska, Mount St. Elias in, 329 3 . 

Albacario, and Lemnian earth, 675, 
676, 676*' 6 . 

Albania(ns), Akhi Dede of Bektashi 
often an, 161; assonances relished 
b y> 553S 556S 5^iS S^ 1 ; baptism 
a charm among Mohammedan, 33, 


33 > 

Bektashi in, 161, 165, 438-9, 438*, 
500-1, 525, 536-51, 581-2: dervishes 
often are, 161, 438: introduced into 
Egypt by, 515, 516: Mahmud IPs 
persecution in, 538: religious terms 
of, 562-3: tckkes, 525, 536-51: type 
of saint, 501 ; 

Blessing of Waters in, 386 2 ; 
Christians circumcized in, 33*; 
Christian prophylactics and Moham- 
medan, 33, 33", 36, 65; conversion 
to Islam of, 36, 7 1 2 , 155', 436, 439 



Albania(ns) (contd.) 
439 1 , 44i 6 , 474 a , 5<> o 58i-* 586, 
591; crypto-Christians among, 474 2 ; 
desecration of churches among, 
7 3 ; dragon-legend in, see S. Donatus, 
S. George, Sari Saltik; false prophet 
in, 438% 58 1 5 ; Forty Christian 
martyrs in, 394', see Santi Quaranta ; 
Ghegs anti-Bektashi, 537, 540, 549> 
550, 551 ; gold plant in, 645 , Greeks 
after the Balkan war in, 539-40, 
542, 545> 546, 547> 548; hare tabu 
in, 242, 242', 243'; Hayati in, 538-9, 
538* ; Khidr in, 320% 335, 576 1 ; 
Maiden's stone in, 199-200; mer- 
cenaries in Egypt, 515; nationalist 
movement among, 539, 552 ; politico- 
religious propaganda in, 438, 439, 
586, 588-9; S. Donatus and dragon 
in, 435 1 ; S. George in, 71', 320% 
335> 434-5' 435*5 S - Nicolas in, 
7i a ; Sari Saltik in, 434~7 57 8 ; in 
Serbian Macedonia, 525; Serbs after 
Balkan war in, 551; serpent guards 
churches in, 27*; stones of penance 
in, 201 ; survival of religious prac- 
tice in, H4 3 ; Tosks mainly Shia, 
581; trees near churches tabu for 
Mohammedan, 29'; Turkish con- 
quest and colonization of, 24, 439. 

Albistan, Kalenderoglu near, 174; 
Rihanli Turkomans near, 480; 
Seven Sleepers' cave near, 314, 318; 
in Zulkadr, 172. 

Al Albruk, 314, 3i4 8 . 

Alchemy, gold plant for, 645, 645*. 

Aleppo, 'ambiguous* cult at, 187*; 
arrested transference of church at, 
24; Mehmed of Monastir from, 356; 
Murad IV at, 6O3 1 ; Nur-ed-din 
Zenghi prince of, I68 1 , 370; Tedif 
near, 471*; trisagion at, 24, 24*; 
Turkomans near, 340, 479, 480, 481 ; 
united prayer at, 63, 63*, 203*. 

Alessio, arrested transference of S. 
Nicolas at, 24; butcher saint of, 282*; 
dragon of Kruya fell at, 48 2 , 434 1 , 
436 1 ; meaning of the name of, 436* ; 
S. George claimed by, 436, 436'; 
Skanderbeg buried at, 24, 35*. 

Alevi, Kizilbash, 140, 142, 158; Kurds, 
1 68; Takhtaji, 142, 158. 

Alexander the Great, Bosporus cut by, 
284; Carthaginian king and, 284; 
Dardanelles cut by, 284; engineering 

works of, 366*; Enoch and, 333*; 
Fountain of Life and, 319; Gibraltar 
straits cut by, 284; inundations of, 
284-5; Kadife's dispute with, 284; 
Khidr vizir of, 333 ; palace at Smyrna 
of, 41 6 3 . 

Alexandria, Daniel's mosque at, 64; 
Forty Christian saints near, 397*; 
Frankish merchants and Friday 
prayers at, 751*; Isis at, 350*; 
licking ritual at, 219*; obscure saint 
at, 282*; S. Athanasius of, 91, 92; 
S. George the Arian of, 335*; S. 
Isidore of Chios and, 389'; united 
prayer at, 64. 
Alexandria Troas, curative spring and 

saint at, ui 1 . 

Alexandrovo, Tekke Keui near, 274. 
Algeria, cross in Mohammedan tattoo- 
ing in, 30* ; hare unlucky in, 242*; 
Joshua's tomb in, 308, 308*; un- 
known saints in, 282'. 
Algiers, Catholic cathedral in, 76 1 ; 
Christian tomb near, 73 5 , 448', 643*. 
AH, Hazret, see Imam AH. 
AH the historian, 484. 
AH the Imam, AH Dagh and, 101-2, 
283; Argaeus and, 102; among 
Bektashi, 93% 166*, 554, 560; in 
Bosnia, 93 2 , 197'; 'cat' of, 241, 241 8 ; 
Christ and, i44~5> 335* 57 1 ; column 
at Kufa of, 635; false prophet in 
Albania as, 438', 581*; in a furnace, 
147; Haidar and, 52*; hare of, 241; 
head of, I46 3 ; head-carrying saint 
in Bosnia, I97 3 ; among Kizilbash, 
i44-5> IS 1 * 335> 57i; Kufa mosque 
of, 277, 635; lion of God, 52'; 
Mohammed and, 145, i66 l , 554, 
560; Omar and, 241, 241*; Safavi 
and, 169; S. Elias and, 93, 93% 
437, 5482, 582; S. George and S. 
James and, 57o 2 ; second coming of, 
144; underground birth of, 225. 
AH, Sheikh, Bektashi claim, 587*, 
592 3 ; AH Pasha and, 548, 587**, 592. 
AH Baba, Bektashi saints, 542, 550. 
AH BabaGhazi, Bektashi saint, 529. 
AH Baba of Khorasan : grave of, 507 ; 

trees of, 550-1. 

AH Dagh, AH made, 101-2, 283; Haji 

Bairarn's well on, I02 3 ; S. Basil and 

102 ; Sidi Battal's tomb on, 102', 710. 

AH Eftar, a Maksum Pak of Sivas, 512. 

AH Kushje, well of, 364*. 



All Neki, Bektashi Imam, 554. 

All Pasha, Armenian renegade, 23*, 


AH Pasha of Yannina, Argyrokastro 
and, 541; Bektashi and, 70, 377-8, 
439, 531-4, 536, 536 s , 537, 586-92, 
586', 588', 589'. ', 593, 594-5, 596, 
621, 62 1 8 ; Bektashi tekkes built by, 

533, 533 6 , 534, 534 1 ' 2 , 59; born at 
Tepelen, 542, 587; buried at Yan- 
nina, 536, 536 s , 588*; Christians and, 
589-90; Corfu and, 591-2; dervishes 
influenced, 587-9, 588'; future fore- 
told to, 548, 587, 587*, 592; gate- 
charm of, 654*; grandfather of, 
587 2 ; Greek wife of, 590; indepen- 
dence sought by, 439; Mimi and, 
548, 549-5, 5 8 7 5 , 588, 590; popular 
hero, 53 7 1 ; renegade gunner of, 77, 
45*, 587 4 ; Rhigas and, 594-5, 
595 3 ; ring of, 587; road-posts of, 
53 1 > 533, 536; sacrilege by, 71; 
S. Cosmas and, 587, 587*, 589-90; 
S. Naum monastery and, 591 ; Santa 
Mavra and, 591, 592, 592 2 ; Santi 
Quaranta and, 43 7 5 ; scapegoat 
gipsies for, 259"; Skutari intrigues 
of, 439, 59 " 1 9 sons f 589* 

Ali Postivan, Bektashi tekke at, 544. 

AH Riza, Bektashi Imam, 554. 

Ali Zumbullu, and talking wolf, 293-4, 
294 1 . 

Alicouli, probable site of, 534, 534 2 . 

Alijun, S. Elias and, Q3 2 . 

Allah, Kizilbash views of, 144-5; as 
Tanri, 133*. 

Allah-Abeli, Yuruk tribe, 476. 

Alma, burning bush at, 359'. 

Aloe, on graves, 226 1 . 

Aloni, S. Gabriel neo-rnartyr of, 454'. 

Altars, 26, 209-11, 209 2 . 

Alti Kapu, cult of Hermes at, 209-10, 

209 2 . 

Altin Kupru, kurban at, 260, 26o 3 . 

Altin Tash, Besh Karish near, 510. 

Altji, Yuruk tribe, 475. 

Amasia, Asterios bishop of, 101 ; 
Bektashi tekke at, 512, 5i3 6 ; Ferhad 
and Shirin at, 747; Ilaji Bektash 
and, 483, 489, 489 3 ; Hulfet Ghazi 
'discovered* at, 6i 4 ; Kirklar Dagh 
near, 399; Mithridates' tomb at, 
223; mooring rings near, 284'; 
S. Theodore Stratelates buried at, 
88; strongly Sunni, 513*. 

Amastris, cross defaced at, 3o 7 . 

Amazons, in folk-stories, 742-4, 742 1 ' 8 , 
748; as Mohammedan saints, 702% 
742 1 . 

Ambassadors at Constantinople and 
Lemnian earth, 677. 

Ambiguous (claimed by more than one 
religion) cults, at baths, 38-9, 107, 
I07 2 , 108, 468, 512, 680*; and 
Bektashi propaganda, 564-96; of 
caves, 312, 312*; of churches, see 
Adalia, Angora, Antioch, Bethle- 
hem, Beyrut, Corfu, Damascus, 
Kphesus, Horns, Jerusalem, Khai- 
reddin, Konia, Lampedusa, Lydda, 
Nicosia, Rama, Rurnkale, S. Naum, 
Sebastc, Smyrna, Syki, Tepejik, 
Thrace, Vallahadhes ; of an eikmt, 66 ; 
for healing, see healing; of mosques, 
see Akhisar, Larnaka, Salonica; of 
mountains, 103, 348*, 548 (see also 
Kapu Dagh); of rain-charms, 210- 
IT; of saints, see Khidr-S. George, 
Khidr-S. Sergius, SS. Naum, Nicolas, 
Spyridon, Sari Saltik; of springs, 
I0 7 3575 f stones, 183, i83 5 , 185, 
i85 2 , 187, i87 6 , 206-7, 2I2 f 
synagogue, 690 1 ; of tekkes, see Ainos, 
Athens, Balchik, Benderegli, Bunar 
Hisar, Carthage, Domuz Dere, Eski 
Baba, Haidar-es-Sultan, Haji Bek- 
tash, Kaliakra, Kalkandelen, Konia, 
Mamasun, Nicosia, Osmanjik, Rini, 
Shamaspur, Sidi Ghazi, Tekke Keui, 
Turbali, Zile; theory of, 377, 569-71, 
576, 580*, 585 (see also healing); of 
tombs, see Constantinople, Damas- 
cus, Drivasto, Konia, Lebanon, Lule 
Burgas, Palermo, Selymbria, Smyr- 
na; of wells, 66, 529, 530; see also 

Amile and Amis, 2i8 l . 

Amiraschanis, Michael (Comnenus), 

373 2 , 383- 

Amiri, Arab saint, 727. 
Amisus, sec Samsun. 
Amman, cave of Seven Sleepers near, 


Amorium, 314, 711-12. 
Arnorkesos, Amru'l Kais confused 

with, 713. 
Amphiaraos, incubation to, 268, 690-1, 


Amphilotheos, see S. Amphilochius. 
Amr, mosque of, see Cairo, Damietta. 



Amru'l Kais: Amorkesos confused 
with, 713; buried at Angora, 712-14. 

Amulets (charms), Christian worn by 
Mohammedans, 24, 31, 34-5, 35% 
63; cults originated by, 203*, 229- 
30, 231; examples of, see ball, 
baptism, bones, boots, boss, cannon- 
ball, Christ, circumcision, corn- 
plait, crocodile, cross, earth, Em- 
manuel, horns, inscription, Katmir, 
Koran, milk, Noah, ostrich, plough, 
prophylactic, S. John's gospel, ser- 
pent column, Seven Sleepers, talis- 
mans, text, Virgin, writings. 

Amykos, tomb of giant, 304, 305*, 308. 

Amynos, Asklepios and, 60, $65*. 

Anamasli, Yuruk tribe, 475. 

Ananias, see Jerusalem. 

Anaselitza, Bektashi in, 526-8. 

Anatolia, type of Bektashi saint in, 
501, 5oi 2 . 

Ancestor worship, among nomad 
Turks, 134, 337-8. 

Anchesmos, Mount, Zeus on, 329'. 

Ancient objects in modern cults, altar, 
210-11; gems, 182; prehistoric 
buildings, 62, 704, 7O4 2 ; ruins with 
treasure, 194*, I99 3 , 207', 642, 734; 
sarcophagus, 6i, 352, 354-5* 354 3 > 
729; terracotta, 6i 6 ; theory of, 12, 
61, 6i 4 " 5 , 62; tomb near Knidos, 
392, 401; see also column, inscrip- 
tion, relief. 

Ancyra, see Angora. 

Andahar (PAnzaghar), Bektashi tekke, 

512, 5 12 *- 

El Andalus, Spain as, 448 1 . 

Andronicus II, Emperor, in inscrip- 
tion, 381-2. 

Andros, sick walked over at, 8i l . 

Angaua, Rabbi Ephraim, 289 2 , 461". 

Angels, bells, &c., keep away, 188-9, 
i~89 l . 

Angora (Ancyra), Ak Elven's tekke at, 
505; ' ambiguous* cures in Armenian 
church at, 67, 67 3 ; Amorium identi- 
fied with, 712; Amru'l Kais buried 
at, 712-14; Augusteum of, 27*, 
713-14; Bairami dervishes at, 504, 
5i3 7" 1 * 7H; Bektashi not at, 513; 
Belkis at, 713*, 749, 749*; Bozuk 
near, 481; Bula Khatun's tomb at, 
325> 3 2 5 8 "S 449*; 'burning 1 stone 
at, 29, 67, 67*, 181-2; column of 
Julian at, 713, 749, 749 4 ; gate- 

charms at, 23 1 2 , 654*; Haidar-es- 
Sultan near, 52; Haimaneh near, 
481; Husain Ghazi near, 504; Khidr 
the human saint buried at, 325*; 
khidrlik at, 325, 32?'*, 328, 449'; 
madmen's well near, 52, 52 2 , 267*, 
403* ; Maiden's (Julian's) Column at, 
7i3> 749> 749 4 ; princess at, 713, 713*; 
S. Clement (S. John) at, 417*; S. 
Plato of, 368*; Seven Martyrs of, 
3O9 2 ; Shahkuli's battle near, 170, 
171; talisman inscription from, 203, 
see also gate-charm; toothache cure 
at, 131*; Turkomans round, 163, 
479, 48i> 59^ 4 ; whales' bones at, 


Angora vilayet, Bektashi in, 500, 502-6 ; 
Kizilbash in, 141, 142. 

Animals, charity done by dead to, 
2io l , 226, 251-2, 25i 3 ; cure men at 
their graves, 269, 269 4 ' 5 ; dervishes 
tame, 282, 287 1 ; incubate for cure, 
67, 268-9, 692, 692*, 694'; Moslems 
and, 247; in Paradise, 313, 313*; 
remedies found by, 462*, 686, 686 a *; 
S. Leonard patron of, 666*; talk 
with human voice, 85, 85 1 , 294, 
462-3, 462', 463 1 ; tombs of, 269, 
269 4 ' 5 ; transformations of gods and 
men into, 241, 243*, 462 7 , 464, 464*. 

Animism, among Kizilbash, 149", 151, 
157; among primitive Turks, 133-4; 
among Yuruks, 105, 132. 

Annunciation, birds at, 384 2 ; see also 

Ano Loutza, stone cult at, 213. 

Ant of Solomon, 313*. 

Ante-dated legends, see pre-Christian, 

An tenor, grave of, 306*. 

Anthropology of Asia Minor, 124-5, 

Anthropomorphism, of caves, 89 5 , 
222-3; by Christians and Turks, 
1 1 1-12; of fish, 245-6, 246*; of 
haunted place, I92 2 ; in popular 
canonization, 192*; of rivers, 149', 
659 2 ; of serpents, 246; of springs, 
105-6; of stones, 89*, 179, I92 2 ; 
among Yuruks, 132. 

Antioch of Pisidia, false * survival' 
near, 209, 209*. 

Antioch of Syria, ' ambiguous ' cult at, 
2 5 5 > 735 Crusaders at, 32 i l , 714*; fish 
sacred at, 245'; Rihanli Turkomans 



near, 480; S. Claude of, 322*; S. 
George at, 321*; S. Simeon Stylites 
and, 25% 73. 

Anzaghar, see Andahar. 

Aoutshar, sub-tribes, of Jerid Turko- 
mans, 481 ; of Rihanli, 480. 

Apa, nomad Kizilbash near, I4I 1 . 

Aphrodite, S. Catherine and, 240. 

Apollo, combats with, 59; on mountain 
tops, 329*; sailors' god, 348 2 ; 'sur- 
vivals' of cult of, 61-2, 107, 329 3 . 

Apollonia Pontica, 178. 

Apollonius of Tyana, sec Belinas. 

Apoplexy, cured by shoes, 266. 

Apostles, tomb at Constantinople of, 
40, 4o 9 ; transference of temples to 
Christianity by, 6 1 ; Twelve and 
Twelve Imams, 145, 335, 571; see 
also Constantinople, Prcveza, 

Apostolides, Mr. P., 532, 766 2 ' 3 . 

Apple, Prophecy of the Red, 722, 

736-40, 73&f, 737 a , 738 3 " 4 - 

Apprentices girded, 608-9. 

April 23rd, festivals of, 239*, 320, 66o 3 . 

Aqueduct, of (Turkish) Athens, 639- 
40; nymphaea of, 428; of rival lovers, 
747-8, 747 2 ' 4 ' 5 * 749~5; of Smyrna, 
427-8, 4 27 4 ' 5 . 

Arab', Candia statue thought an, 188, 
T88 1 , 190, 734; Delikli Baba an, 
89*, 223; devil as, 1892, 367 4 , 73O 2 , 
734; female, 220, 733, 733 1 ; in folk- 
lore and hagiology, 730-5, 730*, 
73 l3 ~ 4 > 73 2l ~ 3 > 733 1 " 2 ; in geographical 
nomenclature, 730, 730*, 733; Moors 
as, 73 1 4 ; negroes as, 730-5, 730*-*, 
73 1 3 ' 4 ; Tower at Rhodes, 730, 73O 1 , 
733; see also jinn, S. Barbaros. 

Arab (Kara) Baba, mountain, 733. 

Arab Euren, meaning of, 733. 

Arab Hisar, see Alabanda. 

Arab Sultan, Sheikh, promoted jinn, 


Arab Zade, promoted ;mw, 734. 
Arabia, gold plant in, 64 5 2 ; life in 

grave in, 252 1 . 
Arabian Nights, statues in, 189-90, 


Arabissus, Seven Sleepers near, 318. 
Arabkir, Al Albruk and, 314, 314*; 

Arab Baba above, 733; Bektashi 

tekke at, 5i3 8 . 
Arab-oglu, grave of, 231'; possible 

meaning of name, 734. 

3*95-* E e 

Arabs (historical), Aristotle venerated 
by J 7 2 > 3^4 2 ; Constantine Palaiolo- 
gos killed by, 234 5 , 731; at Con- 
stantinople, see Constantinople; 
Doitsi killed by, 731; graves in Asia 
Minor of, 235-6, 702-16; Hasan el 
Merabet a sailors' saint for, 343 2 ; 
kurban by, 259-61, 259 12 , 261* ; 
Missis mosque of, 6; Moorish, see 
Moors; at Palermo, i7 2 , 249 1 ; Plato 
'divine' for, 363; saints are early 
heroes, 278 (see Abd-el-Wahab, 
Abu Sufian (Sufian), Amiri, Amru'l 
Kais, Bilal, Constantinople (Eyyub, 
Hasan Husain Mesjidi, Kahriyeh 
Jamisi), Fatiina (and Zeinab), 
Ilusciin Ghazi, Jafer Baba, Jafer ibn 
Husain, Mohammed's sister, Sidi 
Ghazi, Suhayb, Umm Haram, 
Wahabi); S. Louis venerated by, 
442, 442 1 , 443, 4455 Socrates vener- 
ated by, 364^; stones thrown on 
graves by, 4i3 a . 

Arafat, 625*. 

Aranitas, Bektashi baba at, 543. 

Arapli near Benderegli, 'ambiguous* 
tombs at, 88-9, 575. 

Arapli, Yuruk tribe, 475, 476. 

Ararat, Lesser, io4 3 ; Mount, 369. 

Arba, gigantic grave of, 306 1 . 

Archaeologists, as ethnologists in Asia 
Minor, 124-5; as treasure-hunters, 

Archangels, among Kizilbash, 145. 

Architecture, of Albanian tekkes, 538; 
of Byzantine columns, 624-5; of 
Cordova mosques, 728; of Konia 
wedresehs, 94; of Seljuk inrbes^ 13. 

Archway, boss over, 203 5 . 

Ardenitza, milk-charm at, 191. 

Areopolis, curative column at, 196. 

Argaeus, Mount, Ali and Mohammed 
made, 102; Ararat identified with, 
369; dragon on, 644; gold plant 
from, 644, 645, 645*; Gridley's 
ascent of, 643-5, 645* ; mooring-rings 
on, 284 3 ; Sidi Battal on, io2 3 , 710. 

Argonautic expedition, 304. 

Argyrokastro, Ali Pasha's influence at, 
541; Bektashi at, 537, 537 4 , 5392, 
541, 567 2 ; conversion to Islam of, 
591 ; Hasan Baba and Mustafa Baba 
visited, 541; khalife at, 537\54i- 

Arian tribe, prophylactic baptism of, 



Ariosto, Lampedusa in, 757*. 
Aristotle, 'ambiguous* cults of, if, 

72, 364'- 

Ark, wood of the, 10, ro 3 , 258; see also 

Arlesians and tarasque, 657*. 

Armasha, 'ambiguous* cult at, 67. 

Armenia(ns), Afshars of Taurus are, 
156; Blessing of Waters by, 385-7, 
386 1 " 1 , 388; bole (kil ermeni), 67i 3 , 
674; at Caesarea, 399*; Cilicia in 
medieval kingdom of, 301, 750 1 ; 
conversion to Islam of, 155, I55 6 , 
156*, 158, I58 1 , 469, 469*; earth 
brought to S. James's, Jerusalem, 
by, 684* ; Forty Martyrs of Sebaste 
among, 393, 393*, 399*; hare tabu, 
243, 243 4 * 5 ; Husain's head and, 146; 
Khidr among, 145, 335, 335', 570-1 ; 
Kizilbash and, 142, 148, 151, 155, 
156, I56 4 , 157, 571; kurban, 8o 3 , 
2I8 1 , 259, 261, 261*; Kurds and, 
140, 155, 155*, 571; Mevlevi and, 
619*; Mohammedan shrines and, 50; 
patriarchs of, at Rurnkale, 53*; 
S. George among, 335 1 , 571'; S. 
Sergius among, i45>.335> 335 1 * S? - 1 * 
5 7 1 2 ; Semiramis in folk-lore of, 
750 1 ; seventy virgin missionaries to, 
399* ; stones carried by, 2oi l ; 
Tarsus belonged to the kings of, 301 ; 
transference of church wrongly 
alleged by, 19*; transference of 
mosque by, 76*; see also Angora, 
Armasha, Bezirieh, Burunguz, Cae- 
sarea, Damascus, Dar Robat, Ech- 
miadzin, New Julfa, Nicosia, Rum- 
kale, Urfa. 

Armenios, King, 247-8. 

Armourers, 224. 

Armudlu, hot baths of, 108, 466; 
saints of, 466-8, 466*' 4 * 8 ; 'survival* 
at, 467. 

Arpat-sheikhli, Yuruk sub-tribe, 476. 

Arrested : 

pillar-cult at Cairo, 195, 215-16, 
2i6 2 , 219, 2i9 2 ; 

transference of mosques, 2O 1 : 
of rural sanctuaries of Christians, 56, 
60, 70: of synagogue, 41 : of urban 
sanctuaries of Christians agents of, 
21, 2 1 3 , 27*, 36, 71: examples of, 
see Adalia, Akhisar, Aleppo, Alessio, 
Athens, Batron, Bey rut, Constanti- 
nople (S. Francis), Jerusalem (S. 

Thomas), Konia, Marsovan, Okhrida, 
Pergamon, Rhodes, Sofia, Yannina: 
motives of, 36-7, 60: results in- 
closing the church, 21-4, 25* 7 , 26, 
compromises, 22, 22 5 , 24, 27, partial 
success, 23-5, secularization, see 

Arta, Bridge of, 732*; passing through 
pierced stone and rag-tying at, 183, 
183* ; rival lovers at, 748. 

Artemis, Lemnian earth and, 672, 
673> 685, 687* ; S. Nicolas no 'sur- 
vival* of, 388; spring sacred to, 108. 

Arthur, King, 465. 

Art-type, see eikonography. 

Ascension, of Christ, and Thessalian 
Olympus, 329*; of Mohammed, 629: 
see also Jerusalem. 

Ascetics, see hermits. 

Ashik Pasha, buried at Kirshehr, 494; 
George of Hungary on, 494, 496; 
love-troubles cured by, 280*, 496. 

Ashik Pasha Zade, historian, date of, 
488 6 ; Haji Bektash in, 488-9; from 
Kirshehr, 341", 488. 

Asia, Central, ancestor worship in, 
337; tribal names of Anatolia in, 
128, I28 6 . 

Asia Minor, anthropology of, 124-5, 
*5 6 > 1 S&> 157-8; Arab graves in, 
235-6, 702-16; Christian cults of 
early date in, 4, 377; conquest by 
Turks of, 3; Cretan Moslems in, 
534J crypto-Christians in, 125, 469- 
73; Khidr in, 328-9; von Luschan 
on, 124; under Seljuks, 377; Shia 
Iranian Turks in North-West, 140; 
Shia movements and propaganda 
in, 167-74; 'survivals' commoner in 
Syria than in, 114. 

Asim Baba, Bektashi saint, 541, 542, 

567 2 - 

Asklepios (Aesculapius), Amynos ' re- 
ceived', 60, 565 a ; Cosmas and 
Damian succeeded, 689 2 ; incubation 
to, 268, 689, 690*, 691, 692-3, 695; 
'survivals' of, 107, io7 2 , 268, 689 2 . 

Aspendus, Belkis's palace at, 749; 
bridge at, 749; nymphaeum of 
aqueduct at, 428; rival lovers at, 

747% 75- 
Ass, of Balaam, 463'; of Mohammed, 

3i3 8 ; of Queen of Sheba, 313*. 
Assib (Gezib), Mount, 713. 
Assiut, S. Claude and, 322 3 . 

Assos, agora in, 428 3 . 

Assumption, see August i5th. 

Asterios, bishop, 101. 

Astrology, conquests and, 203*, 753; 
Persian ambassador's fears because 
of, 203*; Plato's observatory at 
Athens, 15-16, at Konia, 15-16, 
364, 365; Turkish delight in, i&. 

Astronomy, well for, 364, 364*. 

Atabyrios, see Zeus. 

Ataira, Mount, 32Q 3 . 

At-alan, Altji Yuruks near, 475. 

Athena, Poseidon and, 59. 

Athens, ' ambiguous ' cult of a iekke at, 
584; aqueduct of Turkish, 639-40; 
arrested transference at, 28-9; 
'Baba 1 of a cave at, 222; bath 
haunted by Nereids at, no 3 ; Bek- 
tashi at, 584, 584*; Blessing of 
Waters at, 384 2 ; cave-cults in Tur- 
kish, 220-3, 22 4 J ; Erechtheum's 
sanctity, 116; Ibrahim's tekke at, 
I 3 I > Jesuit missionaries in, id 1 ; 
Kara Baba at, 12, 12*, 255-6, 733*: 
Mohammed the Conqueror's sword 
in, 229; Odeum at, 640; Olympieum 
at, 199, 324% 636-40; oriental know- 
ledge of, 15, I5 5 ; Parthenon at, 
13-16, i4 3 , 75 l , i8i 5 , 755; pierced 
stone cult at, 183-4; Plato and, 15, 
i5 5 , 16; Propylaea at, 28-9; rain- 
prayer in, 63-4, 324 7 ; SS. Anargyri's 
church made Bektashi Iekke at, 
584, 584*; S. Demetrius Loum- 
bardieris (the 'Bombardier') at. 
28-9, 221 ; S. John of the Column at, 
195-6, I95 3 , 197, 2i6 2 , 265; S. 
Nicolas's church at, 6i 3 ; S. Philothea 
forgotten at, 452*; secularized 
mosques at, 76'; talismans against 
plague at, 194; 'tomb of Cimon', 
221-2, 224*; Tower of the Winds at, 
12, i2 2 - 3 , 13, I3 1 , 229, 232 s , 255-6, 
733* ; transferences to Islam at, 

13-!^ 75S 5 8 4, 5 8 4 a . 
Athos, Mount, Armudlu saints' relics 
at, 466; dedicated to Transfigura- 
tion, 329, 388, 388 3 , 685 5 ; founder 
as benefactor or restorer on, 382; 
during Greek Revolution, 7 3 , 29; 
Lemnian earth and, 678, 685*; 
repentant renegades went to, 455; 
sacrilege by Turks punished on, 14*; 
S. Athanasius of, 31 2 4 ; S. Barbaros 
uf, 88 1 , 734 ; S. John the Russian 

Index 779 

and, 440 2 , 441 ; Saracen influence on 
foundation of, 381; Temptation of 
Christ and, 685 5 ; Turkish treatment 
of, 7 3 , 29; Xeropotamou monastery 
on, 394 8 ; Zeus the cloud-gatherer 
on, 329 3 . 

Atik,Valideh, mosque of, 273,327,327^ 

Attala, Altji Yuruks near, 475. 

Attarin, mosque of, 2i9 2 . 

Attica, rival lovers in, 747 5 . 

d'Aubusson, Grand Master of Rhodes, 

August, panegyris on Mt. Tomor in, 
548, 54S 2 . 

August 6th (Transfiguration), Athos 
and, 329 3 , 388, 388 3 , 685*; Lemnian 
earth and, 675, 676, 677, 68O 1 , 685, 

August 1 5th (Assumption), 66, 100, 
ioo 3 , 101, 132, 680 1 . 

Aulashli, Turkoman tribe, 479. 

Aurelian, and solar cults, 329 3 . 

Auspicious day, Friday, 272-4, 32 7 2 , 
357-8, 694 7 ; Saturday, 182*, 529, 
694'; Thursday, 32 7 2 , 694'; Wednes- 
day, 529. 

Auspicious number, forty, see s.v.; 
seven, 309, 736 3 ; three, 272 4 , 275-6; 
twelve, 736 3 . 

Austro-Hungary, Bektashi iekkem^^i. 

Auzarli, Turkoman tribe, 480. 

Aveyron, de Gozons and, 658, 659 2 . 

Avghat, Euchaita and, 48. 

Avjilar, sacred springs at, 105. 

Avlona, see Valona. 

Avranoz, see Evrenos. 

Azbi Chaush, Misri Efendi and, 517. 

Az-ed-din, Christian leanings of, 370-1. 

Azedinli, Turkoman tribe, 480. 

Azerbeijan, ancestor worship in, 337, 
338; Turkish dialect spoken in, 129. 

Baal, prophets of, 59. 

Baalbek, Belkis and, 749*; built by 

jinns for Solomon, 194^ 200*, 28o 2 ; 

'pregnant' stone at, 200, 2oo 4 ; 

treasure hidden at, I94 5 . 
Baba, Bektashi saint, 433 3 , 533, 567, 

581; eponymous ancestor, 338; 

head (sheikh) of a Bektashi tekke, 

162, 164, 165, or of a tribe, 164, 338; 

nameless saint in general, 256, and 

in particular at Athens, 222, on 

Ida, 100, 132, 282-3, and at Lectum, 

344~6, 345 s , 343, 350, 

E e 2 



Baba Dagh, Baba Saltuk at, 134, 340, 
433> 5?6 8 ; Bektashi tckke at, 523; 
founded by Bayezid II, 432-3; 
S. Elias and dragon at, 434*; Sari 
Saltik at, 430, 432, 433, 523, 576*; 
Tatars colonized, 432-3, 576* ; 
transference from Christianity al- 
leged at, 43 2 -4. 

Baba Sultan, tekke at, 103, 103*. 

Babel, tower of, 317, 317*. 

Bachka, Bektashi tekke at, 548. 

Back-ache, cured by column, 195 3 , 

3" 1 - 

Badjazze (? Baias), 480, 481. 

Bagdad, Abu Hanifa buried at, 716; 
Bektashi tekke at, 514; Daniel buried 
at, 3oi 3 ; gate walled up after con- 
quest of, 753; Kasini buried at, i6 4 ; 
Khidr-S. George at, 326, 326*; Kizil- 
bash pilgrimage to, 150; Maaruf 
Cerchi Abu Daher buried at, 445; 
Manzur-el-Halaj martyred at, 527*; 
Noah's daughter's memorial at, 
325*; Suleiman the Magnificent 1 s 
siege of, 707 3 , 716. 

Baghevi, Imam, cures by petrified 
horses of, 81-2, 82 l , 196, 266, 292; 
derivation of name, 82*; Kadri, 292; 
obscure saint, 282*, 292. 

Baghje, Bektashi tekke at, 529, 530. 

Bagthur in Khorasan, 82 1 . 

Bahaderlu, Turkoman tribe, 480. 

Baias, see Badjazze. 

Baiburt, Kizilbash in, 142. 

Baindir (Bayandir), Turkoman tribe, 
480; village and Yuruk tribe, r28. 

Baines, Sir T., 422*. 

Bairakdar, vizir, killed by Janissaries, 
614, 619. 

Bairam, among Bektashi, zoo 3 , 561 ; 
kurban with deer at, 231, 231', 461, 

Bairam, Haji, see Haji Bairam. 

Bairami order of dervishes, at Angora, 
54> 5*3 7 Il2 7 J 4; at Husain 
Ghazi, 504, 7 1 1 2 ; saints Akbeyik 
Sultan, 509, Haji Bairam, 567*, 
Husain Ghazi, 504, 7ii 2 . 

Bajileh, sacred grove at, 239 2 . 

Baking bread on Sundays a typical 
sin, 465*. 

Baking in an oven, to avert measles, 
78; to cure fever, 78*. 

Bakir, Mohammed, Bektashi Imam, 
554; concealed in cauldron, 78 4 , 

147; father of Ali Eftar, 512; 5th 
Imam, 163, 512; Kizilbash patron, 
163; virgin birth of, 146, 155, 162*. 

Bakmaja, healing spring at, 269-70. 

Bakri Baba, Bektashi saint, 508. 

Balaam, ass of, 463*; gigantic tomb of, 

Balchik in Rumania, ' ambiguous* cult 
at, 90-2, 9 o 2 - 4 , 92*, 523, 580, 580'; 
incubation at, 91, 267; ostrich eggs 
at, 232; impending transference to 
Christianity of, 92, 580, 58O 2 . 

Balchik in Thessaly, mosque trans- 
ferred at, 76*. 

Balia, village of Kirklar near, 392*. 

Bal Kiz, courted by King of Serpents, 
749; perversion of Belkis, 749. 

Ball, charm against evil eye, 203, 203% 
271*, 654*; divination with, 271-2, 

Balli Baba, Bektashi saint, 532-3, 767. 

Balsamon, Th., 33 3 . 

Baluchistan, Persian, volcano of Forty 

in > 395 7 - 

Balukisr, Bektashi tekke at, 510; 
healing demon in tree at, 176. 

Balukli, double legend at, 248, 248% 
249 1 ; fish sacred at, 244, 244% 246% 
249 1 ; incubation and medical treat- 
ment at, 693; palace of Pegai at. 
249 1 ; sick children sold to saint at, 
8 1 3 ; 'survival' improbable at, 249; 
Syrian version of legend of, 248. 

Balum Sultan, celibate Bektashi saint, 

J 63 3 53> 54- 

Balum (Balle) Sultan, tekke of, 551. 
Bambyke, sacred fish at, 244. 
Banias, Khidr-S. George at, 320*. 
Baptism, charm for Jews and Moham- 

medans, 31-4, 32 l , 33 3 - 6 , 36, 63. 
Barakli, Yuruk tribe, 477. 
Barbarossa, see Khair-ed-din. 
Barlaam and Joasaph, legend of, 464, 


Barmash, Bektashi tekke near, 545. 
Barn, haunted, 43. 
Barnabas, gospel of, 471*. 
Bartarza, sacred fish at, 245'. 
Barthschum passa, saint, 496. 
Baruch, Bektashi tekke in, 545. 
Barugunde, Bektashi tekke at, 512. 
Basin of miraculous water at Meron, 

Basra, Hasan buried at, 538 1 , 627, 



7 8 

Bat, origin of, 289*. 

Bath, 'ambiguous' cults at, 107, joy 3 , 

1 08, 468, 68o x ; of Armudlu, 108, 
466, 468; Beduin bathe in Pharaoh's, 
393* ; of blood, 2 iS 1 ; built for charity, 
228; church transformed into, 38, 
39, no-ii; of Forty Martyrs of 
Sebaste, 393, 393'; haunted by 
'arabs' (jinns), no, no 2 , 203*, 351, 
732 1 , and by peris, 109-10, 109*, 
no 2 , 268; healing saint at, 39, 39*, 
no-ii, no 3 , in 1 ; human victim in 
foundations of, 265*; incubation in, 

109, io9 3 , 268; synagogue trans- 
formed into, 41 ; Yildiz Dede perhaps 
canonized spirit of, 40. 

Bath town, Prince Bladud's cure at, 

462% 686. 
Batron, arrested transference of S. 

James (S. Stephen) at, 26, 26 l . 
Battal, real person, 714*. 
Batum, conversion of Armenians at, 

46 9 3 . 

Bawai, Turkoman tribe, 48 1 3 . 

Baxis, Yuruk tribe, 478. 

Bayandir, see Baindir. 

Bayezid I (1389^402), girding of, 606; 
wars of, 171, 606, 7 1? 4 . 

Bayezid II (1481-1512), at Baba Dagh, 
432-3; and Halys bridge, 96*; and 
Hasan Chelife, 169. 

Bazaar Shiakh, Bektashi pilgrimage 
to, 549; Sari Saltik's foot-print at, 
186, 435- 

Bazuft, Turkomans near, 48 1 3 . 

Beads, Crypto-Christians of Con- 
stantinople make, 474 2 ; of dervishes 
in turbes, 229, 273, 357; divination 
with, 27i 3 ; of Hasan Babu, 357; of 
Sultan Orkhan, 22Q 3 . 

Bear, suggests a remedy, 686 5 . 

Beatrice, fairy ancestress, 632 3 . 

Beauty, sleeping, 745; 'of the World', 

74i - 

Becket,Thomas a, canonization of,2i7*. 

El Bedawi, Sheikh (Said Ahmed), birth 
of, 663, 663 2 ; tombs at (a) Tanta, 
663-70, with levitation, 667, and 
liberation of captives, 666 1 , (b) 
Tripoli of Syria, 663 s , with Balukli 
miracle, 248, sacred fish, 245, 245'-, 
246*, 248, and tilted cap, 294-5. 

Bcdidun (Podandus), see Bozanti. 

Bedr-ed-din of Simav, rebellion of, 
377, 568-9. 

Beduin: bathe in Pharaoh's bath, 
393*; make offerings to buried 
sheikhs, 338*; sheikhs buried on 
mountain- tops, io4 3 . 

Bees, Belkis daughter of Queen of, 749. 

Beg, meaning of, 338. 

Beggars, Abdal Yuruks a caste of, 128. 

Beginnings, dangerous, 184, 203*, 259; 
kurban for, 224, 259-60, 259" - 12 . 

Beherli, Turkoman tribe, 479. 

Behesneh (Besna), Rishvan Turko- 
mans near, 138. 

Behlul of Samarkand, Bektashi saint, 

Behlul Baba, Bektashi saint, 544. 

Beisgitli, Afshar sub-tribe, 482. 

Beit Jala (' Booteshallah'), dangerous 
for Turks, 22 5 . 

Bekdeli, Turkoman tribe, 480. 

Bekir Efendi, built Kiatorom tekke, 546. 

Bektash, etymology of word, 126, 575*. 

Bektash, Haji, see Haji Bektash. 

Bektash Baba, Bektashi saint, 544-5. 

Bektashi order of dervishes : 

Abdul Hamid and, 539, 62o 2 ; 
Abdul Mejid and, i6o 2 , 539 ; in Al- 
bania, 161, 438-9> 438 a , 500-1, 536- 
51, 581-2 ; in Albanian Serbia, 525 ; 
Ali Imam among, 93% i66 l , 554, 560; 
Ali Pasha and, see Ali Pasha ; at 
* ambiguous ' sanctuaries, 564-96 ; 
babas among, see (BektashH hier- 
archy ; Bairam among, 100 , 561 ; 
(sacred) books among, 556, 561 ; 
Brotherhood of Rum, 506, 5o6 3 ; 
Christ and S. Charalambos among, 

8 3 5 : . 

Christians, adopt some saints of, 
437-8: converted to, 439, 500-1, 
535, 581-2 : friendly with, 166, 
66 2 ' 3 , 288, 436, 493% 55^ 562> 585- 
6, see (Bektashi) ambiguous : mu- 
tual identification of saints by Bek- 
tashi and, 83*, 84, 93 2 , 94, 548 2 : re- 
garded as saints by, 72 : traces in 
Bektashism, 436 2 : see also (Bektashi) 
usurp ; 

circumcision of, 165 ; communion 
of, i5i 7 ; in Constantinople, i6o 2 , 
405% 516-18, 516''", 5i8 1 ' 3 ; der- 
vishes, see (Bektashi) hierarchy ; di- 
vorce among, 555, 555' ; 

doctrines, in * Bektashi Pages', 
554-6*2 : brotherhood of man, 538, 
553. 556-8, 562, 594: Christians 



Bektashi order of dervishes (contd.) 

doctrines (contd.) 

preferred to Sunnis, 288, 493* : com- 
munity of goods, 568 : girdle's 
mystic importance, 6I2 1 : graded, 
165-6 : heretical to Sunnis, 422 : 
Hurufi in character, 488, 493 : lati- 
tudinarian, 72, 589, 589 2 : metem- 
psychosis, 570, 57o 2 , 585: patriotism, 
539 549, 552, 553, 55^, 562 : Per- 
sian in character, 160, 565, 566: reli- 
gious fusion, 377-8, 433-4, 438, $68 ; 

dress, ornaments, 28 7 3 : taj, 277, 

409*, 541 ; 

Fadlullah founded, 160, 565 ; fasts 
of , 559, 56 1 . ; feasts of, ioo 3 , 561 ; 

geographical distribution of, in 
Albania, see s.v. : in Asia Minor, 
142-3, 161, 502-13 : in Austria- 
Hungary, 551 ; in Bulgaria, 522-3, 
525 3 : in Constantinople, see s.v. : in 
fegypt, 5i4-i6: in Greece, 525-36: 
in Mesopotamia, 165, 514 : in Ru- 
mania, 523 : in Serbia, 523-5 : in 
Turkey in Europe, 501, 518-22 ; 

at Girding of Sultans, 612, 6i2\ 
6i6 3 ; hare tabu among, 241-2, 242 2 5 ; 
hierarchy of 

abbots (babas, sheikhs), heads 
oftekkes, 162, 164, 165, 537-8: quali- 
fications and appointment of, 161, 
537*> 557-8, 561-2: service with 
troops of, 281, 28 r 3 ; 

adherents, 164, i64 3 , 507 ; 
dervishes, Albanians numerous 
among, 161 : appointment and train- 
ing of, 557 : celibacy of, 163, i63 3 , 
I64 1 , 28V, 503, 517, 528, 535, 547, 
557 : head-dress of, 277, 409*, 541 : 
marriage of, 162, 162*, 164, I64 1 , 

5 J 7 5 2 4, 5 2 7, 535> 547, 55 557: 
residence in tekkes of, 165 : service 
with Janissaries of, 490, 502 : types 
of, 501-2; 

khalifcs, 507, 510, 535, 537*, 541, 

members, initiation of, 164-5, 
i64 3 ' 4 , 276-7: rules for, 556-8, 556 2 : 
subdivisions of, 503, 506, 506*, 514; 

Superiors, see Akhi Dede, 

history of, foundation, 83, 160, 
488, 565: Janissaries associated with, 
see Janissaries: Mohammed Kuprulu 
persecuted, 422, 612: Sultans associ- 
ated with, 160, 502, 613, 6i6 3 , 619, 
&c.: Young Turks voted for by, 595, 
620* ; 

Hurufi and, 6o l , 488, 493, 565; 
Janissaries associated with, see 
Janissaries ; Khidr among, 57, 330-1 , 
335. 57 - 1 ; Kizilbash and, 142-3, 
152, 157, 161, 162-3, 500, 570; 
Mahmud II attacked, 160, 502, 
619, &c.; marriage among, 555, 560; 
Mevlevi rivalry with, 612, 612*' 3 , 
6i3 3 , 6i6 3 , 621-2; Nakshbandi and, 

83', 503, 54i, 567> 567 2 , 572; name, 
Yunuz a favourite, 581; Nevruz 
among, 561 ; 4 Pages', 552-63 ; patriot- 
ism inculcated by, 539, 549, 552, 
553* 55 6 ' 5 62 ; pilgrimages of, 436, 
436 4 , 549* 584, 5 8 4 2 ; political ten- 
dencies of, 377, 438, 539, 552, 568-9, 
586-96 (see AH Pasha, Janissaries); 
prayers of, 165, 559-60; promiscuity 
alleged of, 165; propaganda, 161, 
236, 340, 429, 429 3 432 3 " 4 . 433-4, 
434-7, 5 OI 52, 564-9 6 ; Ramazan 
among, 559; ritual, 275; 

saints, 'abdals' claimed as, 567: 
Albanian buried away from living- 
rooms, 538: ' baba ' as, 433 3 , 533, 567, 
581: Christian and Bektashi identi- 
fied, 83% 84, 93 a , 94, 548 2 : Christians 
adopt some, 437-8: dead Christians 
accepted as, 72: founders of tekkes 
as, 165: types of, 339-41, 5 OI 53 7 > 
579: see * Abbas Ali, ABDAL MURAD, 
ABDAL MUSA, Abdi Bey, Abdullah, 
Abiddin, Ahmed, Aidin, Aine Ali, 
Akbeyik Sultan, Akhi-evren, Akya- 
zili, Ali, Asim, Bakri, Balli, BALUM, 
Behlul, Bektash, Binbiroglu Ahmed, 
Cadid, Dede, Demir, Dikmen, DUR- 
MISH, Elias, EMINEH, Emrem, Erbei, 
Fazil, Gani, GEYIKLI, Ghazi, Gul, 
Gulgul, Hafiz, HAIDAR, Haji Adem, 
BEKTASH, Haji Hamza, Haji Husain, 
Haji Khalil, Hajim Sultan, Haji 
Suleiman, Hamid, HASAN, Husain, 

* The names of more important saints are indicated by capital letters. A few 
abbots who are still alive are included in the list, as they will be canonized 
when dead. 



Ibrahim, Inje, Islam, Ismail, Jafer, 
Jelal, Jemal, KAIGUSUZ, Kamber, 
KARAJA AHMED, Kasim, Khalil, 
Khidr, Kiafi, Kiazim, Kilerji, Kili, 
Kizil Deli, Koja Mir Akhor, Koji, 
Kolu Achik Hajim, Kosum, Koyun, 
Kurd, MANSUR-EL-HALAJ, Mehemet 
AH, Melek, Memi, Merhum, Merizat, 
MIMI, Mohammed Shah, Muharrebe, 
Munir, Musa, Mustafa, NASIBI, Nasr- 
ed-din, Nefes, Nejib, Niazi, Nuri, 
Nusr-ed-din, Ohad, Patuk, Piri, 
Ramazan, Resul AH, Rifaat, Risk, 
Rustem, Said AH, Said Jemal, Sali, 
Sanjakdar AH, Sari Ismail, SARI 
SALTIK, Selim, Sersem AH, Shahin, 
Shahkuli, Shemsi, SHEMS TABRIZI, 
SIDI GHAZI, Sidim, Suja-ed-din, 
Suleiman, Tahir, Talib, Teslim, 
Turabi, Turbe AH, Urian, Yaman 
AH, Yatagan, Yunuz, Yusuf, Zeynel; 

Shias and, 83% 165, 166, I66 1 , 
277; statistics, 161, i6i 2 ; Sunnis 
and, 83 2 , 288, 493*, 502, 540, 544, 549 ; 
Takhtajis and, 142, 158, 500, 507; 

tekkes of, abbots (babas, sheikhs) 
of, 162, 164, 165, 537-8: architecture 
of Albanian, 538: 'base' in, 274-7: 
description of, 165, 274-7, 538: 
destroyed in 1826, 506, 508, 5O9 1 , 
5"> 5i3% 5i7> 5*8, 5*8 4 , 519, 521-2, 
526, 527, 530, 532-3, 567, 579 3 : 
development of, 531, 53 1 3 : founders 
considered saints, 165: incubation 
in, 55, 91, 267, 271, 275-6, 527, 
529, 545: mosque in, 567, 507 2 : 
pillar in, 197, 274-7, 519*; 

theology of, AH preferred to 
Mohammed, 145, I66 1 , 554, 560: 
Imams of, 554, 560: Jafer Sadik 
patron of, 163, 554, 560: principles 
of, 165-6; 

tribal connexions of, 565-6, 565 2 : 
see Haidar, Haji Bektash, Karaja 
Ahmed, Sari Saltik, Yatagan Baba; 

usurp, Christian cults, 53*, 54-5, 
70, 409, 409*, 520-1, 564-96, methods 
of, 564-5, 565 2 , 570-1 : Mohammedan 
cults of other orders, 404-5, 505*, 
516, 565, 567: popular saint cults, 
53i> 53 l3 ' tribal saints, 565-7, 565*; 

wine drunk by, 165; women un- 
veiled among, 165, 555; Young 
Turks voted for by, 595, 62o 2 . 
Bektashler, village, 510*. 

Bektashli, tribe, 143, 341 ; village, 341, 

34I 1S-U 

Bel and the Dragon, 293 a , 655 1 . 
Belgium, S. Eustace in, 464. 
Belgrade, giants' bones protect gate 

at, 654*; partial transference of 

church at, 25. 
Belinas (Apollonius of Tyana), bath 

of, 366*; manipulation of water by, 

283^, 366', 367. 
Belkis (- Balkis), Queen of Sheba, 

ass and cuckoo of, 3i3 5 ; in castle 

legends, 749-50; gold plant and, 

645*; sites associated with, 713*, 

749, 749 1 * 4 - 

Bell, attracts evil spirits and repels 
angels, 189*. 

Belly pains, cured by Imam Baghevi, 
82, 82 l . 

Belon, and Lemhian earth, 675-6. 

Benderegli (Eregli, Herakleia Pontica), 
'ambiguous' sanctuary at, 88-9, 
575; Beteshler near, 575; Beteshli 
near, 34 i 14 ; Ghazi Shahid Mustafa 
buried at, 88-9, 575; passion and 
burial of S. Theodore Stratelates, 
47 3 , 88-9, 575, and of S. Theodore 
Tiron at, 47 3 , 88, 88 6 ; Varro buried 
at, 89, 575, 575 3 . 

Benedictine, S. Gertrude's abbey at 
Nivelles, 633 1 ; S. Stephen's at 
Batron, 26. 
Benevento, cult of Forty Saints near, 

394 5 . 

Benghazi, Cretan Moslems in, 536*; 
Tripolines in Crete from, 535, 536. 

Berat, Bektashi tekke at, 549; Bek- 
tashism of beys of, 540, 54O 2 ; S. 
Cosmas of, 455 5 , 590. 

Berber, Yuruk tribe, 477. 

Berisha, dropped stone at, 200. 

Besh Karish, Bektashi tekke at, 510. 

Besna, see Behesneh. 

Beteshler (? Bekteshler), near Ben- 
deregli, 575. 

Beteshli, near Haji Bektash, 34 i 14 . 

Bethel, Rock of Jerusalem and, 629. 

Bethlehem/ ambiguous' cult of Khidr- 
S. George near, 46, 326, 326 2 ; birth- 
cave of, and Mithraism, 225; column 
of ordeal at, 633 3 ; medicinal earth 
from, 682-3, 682 5 , 683 1 ; Nativity 
church miraculously saved from 
Saracen desecration, 27 5 " 6 ; stone 
with imprint of S. Elias near, i86 7 . 


Bethshemesh, Samson cult at, 59*. 

Bewitched, fish, 246, 246 1 ' 2 ; princess, 
744, 746-7, 748. 

Beybazar, Emrern Yunuz Sultan 
buried near, 504, 504*; Persian pro- 
paganda at, 172 ; wall walks at, 489*. 

Beylik Akhor, in Haimaneh, 173*. 

Beylikli, Yuruk tribe, 476. 

Beyrut, 'ambiguous' cult at, 669*; 
Armenian renegade at, 23 8 , 450; 
arrested transference of S. Barbara's 
at, 25 6 ; bleeding crucifix at, 25**, 462' ; 
chain for madmen at, 669 3 ; column 
cures back-ache at, I95 3 , 32I 1 ; 
dragon, princess, and S. George at, 
3 2 1 1 , 66o s ; incubation to saint of 
cape of, 691*; Khidr has usurped S. 
George's day at, 320; transference 
to Islam at, 23% 25*, 31; travellers 
invoke S. Nicolas of, 35o 4 . 

Beyshehr, Bektashi tekke no longer at, 
513; lake at, 283, 366, 399*. 

Bezirieh, Turks and Christians fre- 
quent S. Chrysostom's at, 67. 

Bibbeh, bread offered to Nile at, 343 2 ; 
dream made Mohammedan mason 
repair church at, 45, 45 3 . 

Bible, see Gospel, New Testament, 

Biblical history, cults and legends 
modelled on, 33 6 , I97 3 , 329*, 380, 
387-8, 388, 390, 445, 463 1 , 527 2 .< 681. 

Bicher, Goat Castle near, 744-. 

Biglishta, Hayati tekke at, 539; 
Kapishtitza near, 528; Kuch near, 


Bilal the Ethiopian, tombs of, 235, 712. 

Bilejik, Edeb Ali's tomb at, 235. 

Binbiroglu Ahmed Baba, Bektashi 
saint, 519, 579, 5792. 

Binding, of churches, 264 2 , 666 2 ; ill- 
nesses cured by, 262, 264-5, 2 ^4 2 > 
typified by, 668, 668. 

'Binding' of husbands, cured, 82*. 

Bir, Karashukli Turkomans near, 138, 

Birds, charity at Turkish graves to, 
210, 2IO 1 , 226, 251, 25 1 3 ; released 
at church festivals, 384^ sacred, 
2io l , 240; Solomon's army of, 280*. 

Birket Mamilla, Emir negro buried at, 

73 1 3 - 

Birs Nimrud, and Nimrod, 3i7 4 . 
Birth, in caves, 225, 225 1 ; forty critical 

days follow, 392; Mithraism and 

caves of, 225; plane associated with, 
178, 178'; virgin, 146, 155, 162, 162*. 

Birth-place, commemorated, 235-6; 
and placenta, 225 1 , 236 1 . 

Bitisht, Bektashi turbe at, 548. 

Bivanjah in Sweden, Sari Saltik's 
tomb at, 430, 577. 

Black Caps, nickname of Georgians, 
i69 l . 

Black Sea, mooring rings near, 284, 
284 s ; Seven Sleepers protect shipping 
of, 204 1 ; superstitious fears roused 
by dangers of, 304, 313, 346, 347, 

347 4 . 

Black Stone, of Kaaba, 179, 181, 214; 
of Daniel's tomb, 214-15, 215'-*. 

Black Virgin, at Liesse, 667. 

Bladud, Prince, guided by animal to 
cure, 462 & , 686. 

Blaizeau, Pere, Jesuit missionary, 16*. 

Blasphemy, martyrdom for, of Christ 
among Turks, 454; of Christ or 
S. Charalambos among Bektashis, 
83 5 ; of Islam, 453*, 454, 454 5 . 

Blatza, Bektashi tekke at, 551. 

Bleeding, Crucifix of Beyrut, 25% 462' ; 
hosts, 462'; ikon of Our Lady, 14; 
trees, 175, I75 4 ' 5 , 213. 

Blessing of the Waters at Epiphany, 
32 2 , 384-90. 

Blindness, caused by Pambuk Baba's 
curse, 96; typified by binding, 668. 

Blois, medicinal earth from, 68 1, 68 1 5 . 

Blood, eastern superstitions about, 
216-19, 2I7 2 ' 3 , 2I8 1 ' 2 ; ghostly guar- 
dians of buildings require, 732, 
732 1 - 5 ; in kurban, 259, 259 1 , 259", 
260, 260% 261, 261% 275; lemon juice 
and brick dust substitute for, 219, 
2i9 2 ; western superstitions about, 
217*, 2I8 1 . 

Bloodstains, indelible at Kuch, 547. 

Blue objects as milk-charms, i82 4 . 

Boeotia,Minyans as magician-engineers 
in, 366-7. 

Bogatsko, measuring for cure at, 195*. 

Boghaz Keui, Ala-ed-devlet ancestor 
of derebeys of, 173; Shahruf buried 
at, 173- 

Bogus saints, 351-5; see also cenotaph. 

Bohemia, medicinal earth from, 68 1 ; 
Sari Saltik's tomb in, 430, 577. 

Boils, onions cure, 176. 

Boini Injeli, Yuruk tribe, 127, 476. 

Bokhara, Jelal-ed-din from, 167 ; 



Sheikh Mimi from, 588; Sheikh 
Nusr-ed-din from, 50. 

Bokrat, Arab name of Hippocrates, q.v. 

Boli, Kirklar Dagh near, 399. 

Bona, miraculous Book of Law at, 
69 1 ; Moors and synagogue at, 69*. 

Bones, of 'dragons' used as charms 
and start legends, 203*, 231, 23i 2 , 
654-5, 654 2 " 4 ; fossilized, Christian 
and Turkish views of, 306, 306*, 401, 
40 1 4 ; human attributed to Forty, 
309, 314, 399-400, 400 1 , 401, to 
S. Mamas, 43, 44, and to Seven, 
309-10, 3io l , 314; of Skanderbeg 
used as charms, 24, 35 6 ; of whales 
used as charms, 231, 23i 2 " 8 , 654, 

654 4 . 

Book, sacred among Bektashi, 556, 
561; buried with dead, 471*; Jewish 
veneration of, 69*, 471*; Jews and 
lire-worshippers not ' People of the 
Book', 150; among Kizilbash, 143, 
149-50, i5o l , 159; of Law at Bona, 
69*; Phorkan discovers thieves, 
202 2 ; among Samaritans, 150*; in 
synagogue at Tedif, 471*: among 
Takhtaji, 150, 159; see also Bible, 

Booteshallah, see Beit Jala. 

Boots, as talismans and relics, 203*, 
229-30, 230 1 , 654*. 

Bor, church of Seven Martyrs at, 3O9 2 . 

Bordeaux, S. Fort cures thin children 
at, i83 7 . 

Border, heroes, 706, 707, 7o8 2 ; saints, 

335 1 . 702-4. 

Borrowing of legends, reasons for, 
289 2 . 

Bosdaghan, Afshur sub-tribe, 482; 
Jerid Turkoman sub-tribe, 481; 
Yuruk tribe, 478. 

Bosnia, Hazret (Imam) Ali's stone in, 
93 a > J 97 3 ; Bektashi tekkcs in, 551; 
conversion to Islam in, 441; crypto- 
Christians in, 474 2 ; girl-ghazi in, 
742 1 ; Joseph and Zuleika in, I97 3 ; 
Karaja Ahmed's stone from, I97 2 " 3 , 
199, 277; S. Elias celebrated by 
Moslems in, 93 2 ; S. George, S. Elias, 
and dragon in, 434; S. Procopius 
celebrated by Moslems in, 71*. 

Bosporus, Alexander the Great cut, 
284; Arnykos giant buried on, 304, 
35S 3^; living dervish controlled 
wind on, 347; Durmish Dede 

miraculously crossed, 285, 346*; 
froze in 1669, 722*; Giant's Mountain 
on, 102*, 304, 304". *, 305, 308, 35i 8 ; 
bed of Herakles on, 304, 308 ; Joshua 
buried on, 99 3 , 304-8, 305* , 308*; 
sailors' saints on, 347 s , 348 2 . 

Bosra, flying castle (Kasr Tayaran) at , 
199, I99 2 . 

Boss, amulet on archways, 203 6 . 

Bosurk (? Bozuk), Pehlivanli Turko- 
mans in, 481. 

de Bouillons, Beatrice fairy ancestress 
of, 632. 

Bourges, Jewish child and Sacrament 
at, >]&. 

Bow, talisman of gate at Kemakh, 

654 4 . 
Box, in miraculous liberation, 666, 

667, 667 2 . 
Bozanti (Bedidun, Podandus), Caliph 

Mamun died at, 301-2, 696-8, 696% 


Bozoklu, Turkoman tribe, 163'. 

Bozuk (Kirshehr), liva of, Kirshehr in, 
I30 1 ; Kizilbash in, 174, 481; Sunni 
Kurds and Shias in, 173; Turkoman 
rising in i6th cent, in, i63 2 ; eiifect 
on Yuruks of natural conditions in, 
136; see also Bosurk. 

Brass, City of, in Arabian Nights, 
189-90; near Jericho, 303*. 

Bread, marked with cross by Pontus 
Kizilbash, 30; offered to sea-demons, 
342-3, 342 2 , 343 1 ' 2 , 344-6. 

Breshdan, Bektashi lurbe at, 548. 

Breslau, medicinal earth from, 681. 

Bride, girded, 6o9 2 ; kurban for, 259. 

Bridge, built as charity, 228; stags 
brought stones for Ilalys, 96. 

Brigands, negroes as, 73O 3 ; as police- 
men, 599* ; political power of, 598. 

Brittany, birds released at church 
festivals in, 384*; churches bound in, 
264 2 ; dolmens venerated in, I92 1 . 

Broom, talisman of Nile, 73 2 1 . 

Brotherhood, of Man, in Albanian 
Bektashism, 538, 553, 556-8, 562, 
594; in Rhigas's beliefs, 594; of 
Rum (Bektashi), 506, 5o6 a ; of 
Turkomans, 506, 596*. 

Brusa, Abdal Murad, buried at, 509: 

his (Roland's) sword at, 230, 306*, 

654*; Akbeyik Sultan buried at, 509; 

Akchi Baba buried at, 107, T07 3 ; 

baths at Bekiar Hammam sacked 



Brusa (contd.) 

to S. John, 107* : Evliya silent about 
curative powers of, io8 8 t haunted, 
no 2 : Helena miraculously cured at, 
686: Kainarja, peris cure at, 109-10, 
io9 2 , 268: Kapluja, potent owing to 
proximity of Murad I's turbe, 106-7: 
Kara Mustafa Hammam, named 
from negro, 730 3 : Kukurtlu, long 
religious pedigree of, 107; 

Bektashi, formerly numerous, now 
non-existent at, 508-9, 509 1 , 513: 
usurped Ramazan Baba's tomb at, 

59, 567; 

bleeding tree at, I75 5 ; Daghli 
Baba = Doghlu Baba, q.v.; Daud 
Monastir =-= S. Elias, q.v.; Doghlu 
(Daghli) Baba (Yoghurtlu Dede), 
buried at, 18; Emir Sultan and 
Eskiji Koja at, 292-3; fish of Ulu 
Jami sacred, 244; 

Geyikli Baba, buried at, 509: 
planted talisman plane at, 178: rode 
on stag to siege of, 241, 29O 2 , 46o 5 ; 

giants' boots amulets for bans at, 
230^; Haji Bektash at Orkhan's 
siege of, 488, 488 2 ; incubation at, 
109-10, 268; Khidr at, 293; Kili, 
Sheikh, buried at, 509; Misri Efendi 
from, 421; rnosques at, Daud, Ulu, 
qq.v.; Murad I buried at, 106-7, 
230*, 5 , 234, 234 5 ; Murad II lived as 
dervish at, 492 2 ; 

Orkhan, and Bektashi at, 509: 
raptured, 488, 488*: revisits his 
tomb at, 229 3 , 5O9 2 ; 

Osman buried at, 18, 235; Per- 
gamon vase at, 6o2 l ; plane as talis- 
man at, 178; plough on Murad Fs 
grave at, 106, 23O 2 ; Ramazan Baba, 
Nakshbandi saint usurped by Bek- 
tashi at, 509, 567; Roland's (Abdal 
Murad's) sword at, 230, 306*, 654*; 
sacred from accumulation of saints' 
tombs, H3 1 ; 

S. Elias (Daud Monastir), de- 
stroyed after earthquake of 1804, 
i8 5 : Osman buried in, 18: trans- 
ferred to Islam, 18; 

S. John, Bekiar Hammam claimed 
as church of, 107*; Timur besieged, 
293; transferences to Islam at, 18, 
io7 2 ; Virgin of Pursos came miracu- 
lously from, 285*; Yoghurtlu Dede, 
sec Doghlu Baba. 

Brusa vilayet (Khudavenkiar), Bek- 
tashi tekkes in, 508-11; Yuruks in, 

475> 4?6, 477- 
Brusalu, Sheikh, 588*. 
Bubes, Bektashi turbe at, 544. 
Bucephalus, hoof-print of, 205 5 . 
Buchon's weakness for 'survivals', 

329 s - 

Buda-Pest, Bektashi tekke at, 551, 
703 2 ; as Red Apple, 739; Turkish 
occupation of, 551. 

Buddha, transformed into hare, 243 6 . 

Buddhist prototype, of Barlaam and 
Joasaph, 464**; of stag stories, 85', 
464 ; of transformations of men into 
animal form, 464; of tree stories, 85 3 . 

Budrum (Halicarnassus), castle of 
S. Peter at Knights of S. John at, 
33 s , 203, 654*, 659, 659 3 ; talisman 
inscription of, 203, 654*; trained 
dogs at, 33 3 , 659, 659 3 . 

Building, Arabs' guard, 351, 732, 732 1 ; 
cross as amulet on partially con- 
structed Mohammedan, 31; kurban 
for new, 259 ; ' natural ' cults without, 
98, 98 l ; transference from Chris- 
tianity not tested distinctively by, 
75; victim immolated to stabilize, 
27, 36, 265, 265", 732, 732 4 ' 5 . 

Bujak, Bektashi tekke at, 529-30; 
claimed by Christians as monastery 
of S. George, 530; Greek punished 
for buying land of, 530; oracle at, 
271-2, 529-30. 

Bukhtiyariwand, Turkoman tribe, 
48i 3 . 

Bulair, Suleiman Pasha and his horse 
buried at, 235, 269. 

Bulak, see Cairo. 

Bula Khatun, kbidrlik called tomb of, 

Buldur, Yatagan Baba buried near, 

Bulgaria(ns), Bektashi lekkes in, 
522-3, 525 3 ; kurban by, 208; S. 
Demetrius of Salonica invoked as, 
344 3 ; S. Elias killed dragon in, 434, 
434 1 ; S. John neo-martyr from, 455 6 ; 
S. Nicolas very popular in, 431* ; 
Sari Saltik's tomb in, 577 (arid see 
Kaliakra); Uniates appealed for 
cure to Greek priest and khoja in, 

Bugurlu, cross checked Christian 
magic to mosque at, 31. 



Bull, in kurban, 8o 3 , 26i 2 . 

Bunar Baba, tomb and sacred spring 
of, 357-8. 

Bunarbashi, Plato's river at, 365. 

Bunar Hisar, 'ambiguous' Bektashi 
tekke at, 519, 579, 579 3 ; inscription 
in 'Syrian letters' at, 519*. 

Burburud, Turkomans near, 48i 3 . 

Burenik, Turkoman tribe, 479. 

Burhan-ed-din, 'refused* turbe, 228*. 

Burial, Mohammedan generally out- 
side walls of town, 8; speedy, 45 5 , 
235 1 , 306*; in turbes but not in 
mosques, 8, 8 3 . 

Burinna, well-house, 15. 

Burkhan, Yuruk tribe, 127^, 476; 
distribution of, 128, 476. 

Burning bush, 358-9, 359*. 

Burning stone, 13-14, 29, 67, 67 3 , 181, 

Burunguz, Armenian village converted 
to Islam, 156*. 

Busbecq, Lemnian earth and, 676, 677. 

Bush, burning, 358-9, 359*; images 
found in, 359*. 

Butcher saint of Alessio, 282*. 

Butterflies, Christ and Virgin trans- 
formed into, 464 5 . 

Buyuk Evliya, followed Zeus Stratios 
at Ebimi, 6i 8 , 239, 329*. 

Buyuk Tepe Keui, ancients and 
Christians but not Turks held sacred 
a spring at, 108. 

Buza, Sari Saltik and Tatar makers of, 


Byron, on Karaosmanoglu, 597, 603. 

Byzantine, arrangement of columns, 
624-5; ^ Ge r g e and S. Nicolas in 
Painters' Guide, 32 1 1 , 388*; type of 
Seven Sleepers in Persian art, 3i3 3 . 

Cadid, 'ambiguous' cult of Bektashi, 
580, 5 8o 4 . 

Caesarea (Mazaca), Ahiwiran Baba 
from, 505, 505*; Ali Dagh near, 
101-2, 283; Armenians at, 67, 399 4 ; 
Battal, historical, buried near, 7i4 3 ; 
Battal, Sidi, mosque of, 710; now 
no Bektashi tekke at, 513, 513*; 
Belinas's bath at, 366; 'burning' 
stone near, i8i 5 ; Everek near, 183, 
643; flood-legends at, 369; Forty 
Virgin Martyrs at, 399-400, 399*, 
4oo l ; Haji Bektash and Mentish at, 
489; Hasan Dagh near, 100, 339; 

incubation of animals at, 67, 269, 
692*; Jews cannot live at, 22 6 ; 
Joban, Sheikh, print of his hand 
near, 186; Kurdish tribes summer at, 
482 1 ; Mene, wife of Khoja Ahmed, 
from, 52-3, 403, 403 s ; Mentish and 
Haji Bektash at, 489; pierced stone 
near, 182-3, 183*; S. John Baptist's 
Armenian church, cures animals, 67, 
269, 692*, and is frequented by 
Turks, 67; S. Makrina's cures 
animals, 269; S. Mamas's passion 
and ruined church at, 44, 95'; Sidi 
Battal's mosque at, 710; strongly 
Sunni, 513; Turkoman tribes near, 
479; Yuruks of Adana near, I37 5 ; 
once in Zulkadr, I73 1 . 

Cairn, at graves, 269^, 4i3 3 ; at pil- 
grimages, 201-2, 20I'\ 

Cairo, mosque of Amr at column from 
Mecca in, 198, I98 3 , 623: columns 
of ordeal in, 623, 633: united prayer 
for good inundation of the Nile at, 


Bektashi tekke s of Kaigusuz 
Sultan on Mokattam near, 290-1, 
514-16: and at Kasr-el-Aini near, 
229-30, 514*, 516, 5i6 4 , 567; 

bogus tombs at, 351 l ; boots and 
shoes as amulets at, 229-30, 23O 1 ; 
Bulak, see Green mosque (below) ; 

column cults, at mosque of Groom, 
recent but already arrested, 195, 
215-16, 2i6 2 , 219, 2i9 2 : in Hasaneyn 
mosque, 219, 2T9 2 : in mosque of 
Kalaun, 219*; 

corn-plait as amulet in, 233 ; 
corpses allowed into mosques at, 
8 3 ; crocodiles as amulets in, 231'; 
good distributing centre for ideas, 
i98 3 ; Esdras's pentateuch preserved 
at > 47 1 4 ; foot-print of Mohammed at, 
J86 1 ; gate avoided as unlucky by 
Mehemet Ali, 753 4 ; Green mosque 
at Bulak, no 'Frank' may draw, 
22 4 ; Groom's mosque at, see above, 
column cults; hand-print of Moham- 
med at, i86 9 ; Hasan Imam's head 
in Hasaneyn mosque at, 6i 2 ; 
Hasaneyn mosque, see above, column 
cults; Kadri at, 5i4 4 , 516; Kaigusuz 
Sultan buried at, 290-1, 514-16, 
5i4 4 ; Kalaun mosque at, see abwe, 
column cults; Kasr-el-Aini, Bek- 
tashi tekke at, 229-30, 514*, 516 



Cairo (contd.) 

5i6 4 , 567 ; legitimacy tested in 
mosque of Amr at, 623, 633; life 
in grave at, 252*; Mehemet Ali 
avoided as unlucky a gate at, 753*; 
Mohammed's foot-print at, I86 1 , 
hand-print at, i86 9 ; mosques at, see 
Amr, Green, Groom, Hasan, Kalaun, 
Sidi Shahin; Nakshbandi and Kasr- 
el-Aini tekke of Bektashi, 516, 567; 
ostrich eggs as amulets in, 232; 
pulpit for rain-prayers on Mokattam 
near, 325; saint worship attacked in, 
255 3 ; S. Barbara's body preserved 
ut, 38*, 235 1 ; S. George, madness 
cured at church of, 67, 692*, Turks 
frequent, 67; Sidi Shahin' s mosque, 
inscribed ring cures at, 202 2 ; under- 
ground channel from Zem-Zem to, 
365 3 ; shape of vases for ablutions 
at, 6o2 2 . 

Cakes, in cave cults by white magic, 

Calabria, medicinal earth from, 681. 

Calf of Abraham admitted to Paradise, 

3'3 . 

Caliph, Ala-ed-din representative of, 

607; Chelebi of Mevlevi might 
become, 606-7, 606', 6i8 2 ; girding 
of Turkish sultans by, 608, 6o8 6 ; 
girding with sword of, 6i5 3 , 616, 
616*; see also Abu Bekr, Ahmed IX, 
el Hakim, Mamun, Moawiya, Omar, 
Omar Abdul Aziz, Osman, Yezid. 

Camel, boots and shoes as amulets for, 
23O 1 ; hoof-print of Prophet's, 186; 
kurban for, 259"; passing through 
eye of needle, 625*, 630; Salech's 
admitted to Paradise, 313*; transfer 
dead bodies from cemetery to 
cemetery, 73, 447, 448. 

Camel-drivers, Farsak and Kachar, 
i28;Pehlivanli, 138. 

Candia, Bektashi in, 534, 535, 535' ' 2 ; 
Kastron another name of, I88 1 ; Risk 
Baba, Bektashi gate-saint at, 53 1 3 , 
535> ^54 4 ; S. Catherine's made 
mosque at, 27; seven ghazis (one 
female) buried at, 742'; statue as 
'arab' at, 188, iSS 1 , 190, 734; Turks 
captured in 1669, 535, 535*. 

Candles, burned before eikon with in- 
cantation, 79; Christians and Mo- 
hammedans offer, 42 l , 80, 8i 4 , 575; 
lit at graves, 82, 258, 275, 359-60, 

and in tree of Passa, 177; measured 
and dedicated for cure, I95 6 . 

Canea, Bektashis in, 534, 535-6; 
cenotaph and founder's tomb in 
Mevlevi tekke at, 375-6; Mevlevi 
strong in, 535; Mustafa Ghazi 
1 refused' turbe at, 228 1 ; Rifai strong 
m > 5355 S- Nicolas transferred to 
Islam at, 27; Tripolines from Ben- 
ghazi in, 535, 536. 

Cannon-balls, as charms, 203, 203*. 


Christian by anthropomorphism, 
I92 2 : not of giants or warriors, 306*: 
official type of, 217*, 255, 255*, 344, 
458: popular type of, 192*, 217*, 
2iB l 9 457-8, 459: qualifications for, 
217*, 2i8 l ; 

Mohammedan by anthropomor- 
phism, 40, i92 2 : fortuitous, 442, 445: 
of founders, 165, 278: of giants and 
warriors, 99, 99 3 , 278, 281, 306', 
351, 406: healing important for, 
280: of mummy at Yedi Kule, ii7 3 , 
353-4, 354 1 : popular in character, 
I92 2 , 255-7, 442: qualifications for, 
278-80, 282, 351. 

Capes, S. Isidore and, 389^ 

Capitulations, date of early, 723". 

Cappadocia, Bektashi in, 161; triads 
of saints in, 466 2 ; see Haji Bektash. 

Capro, offerings to demon of Cape, 
342-3, 342 2 , 343 1 . 

Carbuncles, light buildings, 738, 738*; 
in Red Apple prophecy, 738, 739. 

Caret, Abbe, on devils, i89 2 . 

Caria, demon of Cape Volpo in, 342% 
344; Forty in. 392, 400-1, 400*; 
Kirklar place-name in, 392. 

Carmel, Mount, continuous holiness of, 
H4 2 ; Mohammedan sailors invoke 
Virgin of, 348*; S. Elias and, 329", 

Carnac, penitents raised S. Michael's 
tumulus at, 201. 

Carpet, magic in miraculous journeys, 
231, 285*, 286-7, 28 6 2 , 287*; skil- 
fully made by llarmandali Turk- 
men, and Zili, 128. 

Carroll, Lewis, and ' Jabberwock ', 49 2 . 

Carthage, Alexander the Great and 
King of, 284; death and cenotaph 
of S. Louis at, 442, 442 1 ' 4 . 

Casalius, on smell and baptism, 32. 

Caskey,Mr.L. D., 645'. 

Cassino, Monte, S. Benedict 
temple of Apollo on, 329'. 

Castellorizo, janissary disguised as 
woman in, 742*. 

Castle, 'arabs' guard, 323!, 733, 733 2 ; 
'flying', 199, i99 2 ; of Goats, 744, 
744.2; of Jews, 748, 748 1 ; of the 
Maiden (Fair One), 741-50, 74I 1 ' 2 , 
742*, 744 3 , 747 5 ; of the Messiah, 707, 

743, 743 2 - 
Cats, and hares, 241, 24 1 8 . 

Catholics, fanaticism of Turks against, 
723-6, 723 3 - 6 , 724 5 , 725 3 ' 4 ; forty 
days' indulgences among, 393 3 ; 
prayers arid processions for rain by, 
64, 64 l . 

Cave, 'ambiguous' cults in, 312, 3i2 3 ; 
anthropomorphism in, 89% 222-3; 
'arabs' in, 89 5 , 220, 223, 270*, 351, 
73*, 735 ; cult at Athens of, 220-3, 
224 1 ; birth in, 225, 225 1 ; church in, 
380; cults in, 220-5; of Delikli Baba, 
89*, 223; of dragon, 51, 51', 223, 308, 
435 65 I t 66o 3 , 668 3 ; dwelling-place 
in, 223, 223, 308; Fates haunt, 
221-2; Forty in, 309, 314, 399, 401, 
402 l ; grave in, 51, 51% 223-5, 308; 
haunted, 89 5 , 220, 223, 270*, 351, 
735; hermits in, 169, 223, 223 3 - 6 ; of 
the Holy Family at Bethlehem, 
682-3; incubation in, 267-8; Mo- 
hammed's inspiration in, 223*; 
prison in, 223% 416, 416*; refuge in, 
169, 223, 415, 4i5 6 ; 
saints connected with: 

Ch ris ti an , S . 'Arab', 735: 
Forty, see s.v.\ S. John at Smyrna, 

415, 4i5 6 , 4i6 6 : S. Paul in Malta, 
681-2: S. Pelagia, 630: S. Poly carp, 

416, 4i6 8 : Seven Sleepers, see s.v.: 
Mohammedan, see Forty, Kai- 

gusuz, Sari Saltik, Seven Sleepers. 

Cedars, sacred on Lebanon, 24o 3 . 

Celibacy, among Bektashi dervishes, 
163, i63 3 , I64 1 , 28; 3 , 503, 517, 528, 
535* 547; of Haji Bektash, 162, 
i63 3 ; among Kizilbash, 147; pre- 
ferred in dervishes and priests, 147, 
i63 3 , I64 1 , 535 547- 

Cemetery, charity to birds in, 210, 
2io l , 226, 251, 25i 3 ; Christians 
transferred to Mohammedan, 73, 
73% 3oo, 360', 446-9, 448 1 " 2 , 584'; 
miracles readily occur in, 254; 
pigeons in, 2io : , 226; salvation 



7 8 9 

secured by burial in holy, 447: 
shelters for mourners in, 273, 325* , 
352, 449; situated outside walls of 
towns and away from mosques, 8; 
(sacred) stones in, 209, 220, and 
trees in, 176. 

Cenotaph (bogus tomb) of S. Athana- 
sius, 92; of Emineh Baba, 234, 527; 
of founder's master, 375-6; of 
ghazis, 231; of Hasan Baba, 236, 

357, 357 1 ; of Kasim Baba, 547; of 
Khidr, 327'-; of Khirka Baba, 234, 

358, 358 1 ; as memorials, 325*; 
mourners' retreats as, 325*; of 
Noah's daughter, 325*; by venerated 
plane, 178; at pulpit for rain- 
prayer, 325; of S. Elias, 325*; of 
S. Louis, 442; of S. Stephen, 224, 
224 1 ; thought tomb, 325*, 375, 376; 
of Turkish saints and heroes, 234-5, 

^ 236, 279. 

Centipede, called 'mother of forty- 
four legs', 39 1 2 . 

Cephalonia, dragon-light in, 648 1 , 
66o 3 ; possibly Rogations in, 66o a . 

Cerfroid monastery, legend of, 465*. 

Chaban, Yuruk tribe, 477. 

Chahar Mahal, Turkomans near, 48i 3 . 

Chains, at Constantinople in Khoja 
Mustafa Pasha Jamisi, 389; in 
cures in general, 668 2 , of madness, 
326 2 , 669, 669 3 * 4 ; dedicated after 
liberation, 663, 666, 668 2 , 669, 669 2 ; 
of illness, 668, 668 4 " 5 ; incubation 
looses, 689 2 ; in penances, 664, 664*, 
668-9, 668 7 , 689 2 ; of prisoners loosed 
miraculously, 663, 665-6, 667 3 , 668; 
S. John the abbot loosed, 669; of 
S. Peter, 668, 668 2 , 669; of sin, 664, 
664*, 668-9, 668 7 . 

Chakal, Yuruk tribe, 475. 

Chalcedon, 'weeping' column at, 


Chalcondyles, date of, 484. 

Chaldaea, Seven Martyrs of, 3092. 

Chalkis, apocryphal tomb of S. Stephen 
at, 224, 224 1 ; giant's boot as talis- 
man at, 203 6 , 230 1 , 654* ; grove sacred 
to S. George at, 239; Kara Baba 
venerated at, 733**; mosque secular- 
ized at, 76 1 ; time and tide at, 288-9, 
288 2 ' 3 , 289 1 ; water-castle on bridge 
destroyed at, 28S 3 . 

Chambar, Yuruk tribe, 476. 

Changeri, liayaiitckke at, 539. 



Changri (Gangra), Bektashi tekke near, 
511 ; khidrlik near, 328; massacre of 
Christians at, 95'; S. Galenicius of, 
95 7 ; S. Mamas born at, 44, 44*, 

95 7 - 
Chapanoglu, baronial family of Asia 

Minor, 595-6; friendly to Christians, 
596 2 ; Mahmud II and, 596, 596 3 ; 
Pehlivanli, Rihanli, and Rishvan 
Turkomans tributary to, 138; Yuz- 
gat capital of, 137, 596. 
Chardabago, Christians cannot live at, 


Charik, Yuruk tribe, 475. 

Charitonides, Prof., 553. 

Charity, by dead, 210, 2io l , 226, 251-2, 
25i 3 ; by living with baths, bridges, 
fountains and mosques, 228, with 
shelters for mourners, 273, 325*, 352, 

Charles I, canonization of, 2I7 4 , 218*. 

Charles XII of Sweden, in Turkey, 

353. 353 1 - 

Charms, see amulets. 

Chartres, church bound at, 264 2 . 

Chasseaud, Dr., 105*, 129-32. 

de Chateuil, Sieur, Moslems reverence 
tomb of, 68 1 . 

Chebrekli, Yuruk Kurds, 477. 

Chelebi, (a) one Superior of Bektashi, 
161, 162-3, 162*, 503, 504: lives at 
Haji Bektash, 161, 162-3, 503, 504: 
in 1526-7 Janissaries marched 
against, 163: Kalenderoglu as, 163: 
Kizilbash and, 152: strained rela- 
tions with Akhi Dede of, 164': as 
tribal chief, 164; 

(b) Superior of Mevlevi at Konia, 
46o 2 , 606, 6o6 6 : eligible as Caliph, 
606-7, 6o6 6 , 6i8 2 . 

Chepni, Kizilbash or Nosairi, 133*; 
Yuruk tribe, I27 2 , 476. 

Chersonnese, sacred because danger- 
^ ous, 347*. 

Cheshme, neo-martyr of, 458. 

Chetim Tess Baba, abdal of Monastir, 

185, 359-6- 

Cheusli, sub-tribe of Rihanli Turko- 
mans, 480. 

Chibuk Ovasi, battles on, 171. 

Chichek Dagh, near Haji Bektash, 1632. 

Chichekli, rebellious Turkoman tribe, 

Chicken-pox, red symbolic of, i82 3 . 

Chidrelles, see Khidr-Elias. 

Chiftlik, Christian labourers on Mo- 
hammedan, 8 1 . 

Chifut Kalesi (Ovraiokastro), frequent 
place-name, 748, 748*. 

Childbirth, aided by Ashik Pasha, 
496: beads of Hasan Baba, 357: 
cave cults, 222: Lemnian earth, 678: 
Maslama's cup, 266, 719: S. Leonard, 
666 6 ; 

in caves, 225, 225*; evil eye 
dangerous during, 225*. 

Children, cures with blood of, 218'; 
folk-lore and diseases of, 183' ; pro- 
phylactic names given to, i83 7 , 193*; 
saints that help, 82, 183% 272, 357, 
357 2 ; SS. Hugh and William, 217*; 
sold when ill to a saint, 81, 8i 2 ; 
walked over for cure, 80- 1, Si 1 . 

Chiltik, depopulated by plague, 54, 

Chimarra, S. Donatus in, 435 1 . 

Chimera flame, Greeks connect Wan- 
dering Jew with, n6 7 ; sacred for 
Christians but not for Mohamme- 
dans, 116, n6 7 . 

Chios, crosses spared at Turkish con- 
quest of, 3o 7 ; image of S. Anthony 
of Padua at, 67-8; incubation in, 
694 3 ; Jesuit missionaries in, 64; 
mastic from, 676 3 ; medicinal earth 
from, 671, 67 1 2 ; prayer by Turks 
after conquest of, 7*; S. Demetrius 
neo-martyr of, 455 6 ; S. Isidore of 
Alexandria and, 389*; united prayer 
for rain in, 64, 64 2 . 

Chitmi, Yuruk tribe, 476. 

Chivalry, romances in Near East of, 
706, 743, 743 1 - 

Choban Baba, tekkes of, 269, 525. 

Chobanli, Bektashi tekke, 512. 

Cholera, cured among Turks by S. John 
Russian, 65. 

Chorum, Bektashi tekke near, 504; 
Elwan Chelebi near, 47, 496*. 

Christ, Abgarus written to by, 37; 
adulterous woman and, 630; Ali 
equated to, i44~5 335> 57 1 5 ap-, 
peared to S. Thomas, 22 5 ; His 
baptism connected with Blessing of 
the Waters, 387-8, and with cure 
for leprosy, 33; bats first made by, 
289 1 ; Bektashi prophet, 554; blas- 
phemy of, Mohammedans forbid, 
83*, 454; as butterfly, 464*; columns 
of Flagellation of, io 5 , 195, 195^ 



1 9&9 635; dead cock revived by, 
248*; dead fish revived by, 248; 
Echmiadzin's plan drawn on stone 
by, 198*; entry into Jerusalem by 
Golden Gate of, 752, 753% 754, 
754 2 ; as fish, 249 1 ; footprints of, 
186, i86 u ' 12 , 187, i87 6 , I95 5 ; goats 
refused shelter to, 317*; Jelal-ed-din 
reverenced, 371; Kizilbash views of, 
J44-6, 335> 57i; name of, in 
Mohammedan amulets, 34; as pre- 
islamic Mussulman, 72; prison at 
Jerusalem of, 628; Ramazan kept 
on Mount Quarantania by, 289 1 ; 
reincarnated in Ali, 335; SS. Chris- 
topher and Julian ferried disguised, 
464; S. Sophia, Constantinople, and, 
lo 1 ' 5 ; scourged at several columns, 
to 5 , 195, i95 l , I98 5 : seamless tunic 
of, amulet for Mohammed II taken 
from, 34 8 ; second coming of, 7542 ; 
sheep sheltered, 317*; Smyrna and 
much revered eikon of, 4i5 3 ; stag 
claimed to be, 85, 85 3 , 462% 463; 
transformed rarely into animal form, 

464, 464*. 

Christian Woman's* tomb near Al- 
giers, 73 5 , 448*, 643* 

Christianity, in Asia Minor in early 
times, 4, 377; exclusiveness of, 60, 
75-6; Islam shares religious thought 
and ritual practice of, 76, 80, 261-2, 
575; Jelal-ed-din and, 37 I ~4, 374 1 , 
377; Judaism thought inferior by 
Turks to, 75 2 ; Misri Efendi inclined 
to, 421 ; survivals in Islam from, see 
survival; transferences from and to 
Islam to and from, and from pagan- 
ism to, see transference; Turkish 
views in general of, 75, 752, 447 5 ; 
Yezidi and, 144; Yuruks and, 133. 

Christian(s), Ala-ed-din and, 370-1, 
374 1 , 377; Ali Pasha and, 589-90; 
attack expected during Friday 
prayers from, 721, 72i 3 , 751-4, 751*; 
Bektashi and, see Bektashi; buried 
beside Moslems, 95, 234*, 375, 570, 
708, 709*, 713, 731, 743; circumcized, 
33 6 ; frequent Mohammedan sanc- 
tuaries, see frequentation ; friendli- 
ness between Mohammedans and, 
see friendliness; Ilurufi and, 436*, 
568-9, 569*; Islam thought unclean 
by, 75J Janissaries and, 483, 485, 
485*, 486, 487, 487 4 , 493> 493 3 J 

Karaosmanoglu and, 596, 596*; 
Kizilbash and, 140, 143, 145, 148, 
150, i5o l > 3 , 151, 154-6, 157, 158, 
335-6; Mahmud II and, 382, 619, 
6i9 5 ; Mevlevi and, see Mevlevi; 
Mohammed II's mosque at Con- 
stantinople forbidden to, 13; nume- 
rous in Turkey in Europe, 3 ; princess 
and Moslem lover, 706, 706* ' 10 , 708, 
743, 743 1 , and see (Christians) buried ; 
promiscuity and early, I53 6 ; pro- 
phylactics among Mohammedans, 
33' 33 6 > 36, 65; Seljuks friendly 
towards, 370-8, 382, 439; Shias and, 
see Bektashi, Kizilbash; statues for- 
bidden but reliefs allowed to eastern, 
190-1; stone cults permitted to, 

Christmas, Nosairi communion at, 
I48 7 . 

Chronology, popularly reckoned, 39, 
53 1 1 , 602 1 , 603, 603*, 679. 

Church, bewitched, see magic (Chris- 
tian); bound, 264% 666 2 ; building 
allowed by Ali Pasha, 590, and 
by Mahmud II and Seljuks, 
382; founder's name often given 
to, 368*; frequented by Jews and 
Mohammedans, see frequentation; 
haunted, 42 3 , 69; kurban in, 26i 2 ; 
magic of, see magic (Christian); 
Mohammedan Albanians of Kacha- 
nik and Vallahadhes preserve, 8 l ; 
molested for political reasons by 
Turks, 7, 7 3 , 53; mosque combined 
with, 7 2 , 43-4, 44 1 , 45, 64*, 320'; 
rock-cut, 43, 43 2 , 56, 576; sacrilege 
to, see sacrilege; sanctity of mosque 
differs from that of, 8; S. Leonard 
and binding of, 666 2 ; S. Peter fre- 
quent founder of, 6O3 1 ; serpent 
guards, 27*; sleeping in, 694, 694*; 
stones carried to, to build, 200, 201, 
as penance, 201, 2OI 1 ' 3 , or as pioub 
act, 200, 201; stones sacred in, 27'; 
tekke combined with, 54, 55, 55'; 
temples converted into, 6 l , 201', 
329'; transformed into mosque, see 
transference; Vallahadhes preserve, 
8 l . 

Ciborium, as sarcophagus, 383*. 

Cid, El, Sidi Battal Ghazi prototype 
of, 705 1 . 

Cilicia, once in kingdom of Armenia, 
301, 750 1 ; Hasan Dede in, 283, 283* ; 



Cilicia (contd.) 

Ibrahim Pasha legendary figure in, 
603*; King of Serpents in, 246, 246 3 , 
75o l ; Kurdish tribes in, 482, 482 1 ; 
Shah Meran Kalesi in, 750*; Takh- 
taji in, 142, 159, 159"; Turkoman 
chiefs of Greek villages in, i56 3 ; 
Yuruk tribes in, 478. 

Cimiez, crocodile an amulet at, 654 3 . 

Circassia, sacred groves in, 239. 

Circumambulation, Hasan of Basra 
and, 627 5 ; of Holy House at Loretto, 
i84 3 ; of Holy Sepulchre, 267; of 
Kaaba at Mecca, 267, 273**; of S. 
Makrina's tomb, 632; of Turkish 
saints* tombs, 91, 266, 267. 272-3, 
2 75* 357; theory of, 262, 267, 273 5 . 

Circumcision, among Bektashi, 165; 
in forced conversions, 455, 455 1 " 2 ; 
among Kizilbash, 153; kurban at, 
259; marriage confused with, 130, 
130*; non-Mohammedans may per- 
form for Mohammedans, 130*; pro- 
phylactically used, 33, 13 1 1 ; among 
Yuruks, 130, I3I 1 , 132. 

Cistercians, carried S. Leonard to 
Germany, 666 6 . 

Cistern, haunted, 27o 3 . 

Citta Vecchia, church of Publius of 
Malta at, 444*; S. Paul's cave near, 

Club, relic of dervish, 229. 

Coal, cotton unburnt by live, 290, 290 1 . 

Cock, in kurban, 8o 3 , 26i 2 ; revived 
after death, 248 3 . 

CofFm, suspended in air, if, 300-1, 
3d 1 , 626*. 

Coidasa, see Kadife. 

Coin, hung on tree for healing, 176, 
I76 2 ; offered to water, 302, 302 6 , 
696, 698; transformed into flies, 643. 

Coincidence, cults originate by, 208, 
220, 351. 

Collinson, Prof. W. E., 674'. 

Colossae, S. Michael at, 368, 368*. 

Colour, cults started by, 182, i82 3 " 4 , 
206, 432 3 ; cures effected by, 182, 
i82 3 , 2i9 2 ; tribal names from, 128, 
340 5 , 576 3 . 

Column, arrested cult at Cairo of, 
195, 215-17, 2i6 2 , 219, 2i9 2 ; in 
Bektashi oratories, 197, 274-7, 519*; 
Byzantine arrangement of, 624-5; 
in Christian cult, 195-6; in Con- 
stantinople, see Constantinople; 

cures by, io 6 , 81-2, 82 1 , 192-3, 
195-8, I95 3 , 198*' 5 , 216, 2i6 l , 219, 
2i9 2 , 32 1 1 ; embracing ritual at, 274, 
2 77 635; of execution, 215-17, 219, 
2i9 2 ; of flagellation, see scourging; 
in Islamic cult, 196-200; levitation 
of, 198, 277, 623, 635; in licking 
ritual, 216, 219, 2i9 2 ; Maiden's, 713, 
749, 749 4 ; from Mecca, 198, 198", 
623; of Nimrod at Urfa, I94 5 , 317*; 
numerous in mosques of Cordova 
type, 728; 

of ordeal, in Christianity, 624-9, 
624 2 , 626*, 632-3: in Islam, 623, 
629-31, 633-5: legitimacy tested 
by, 277, 628, 630-1, 63i 1 ' 2 , 633, 635: 
predestination tested by, 624, 624 2 , 
625, 626, 627, 630, 631, 63i 2 , 633, 
63.V 1 , 634; 

oriental views of buildings with, 
199, I99 3 , 4i6 3 , 74i l ; 'palace* de- 
noted by, 4i6 3 , 741 1 ; sacred, 192- 
202; of S. George, I95 3 , 32I 1 ; S. John 
of, see S. John; scourging (flagella- 
tion) of Christ at, io r> , 195, 195*, 
IQ8 5 , 635, and of S. Paul, 195; 
support buildings, 199, I99 3 ; 'sweat- 
ing' in S. Sophia, 10-11, io 5 , 186, 
*95> 389; as talismans, 193-4, 
I93 8 " 4 , I94 3 " 4 , 368, 368 1 ; treasure 
concealed by, 194, I94 5 , 368*; 
' weeping', 22, 27 8 . 

Holy, among Bektashi, 15 1 7 : 
denied to repentant renegades, 456 1 : 
iish in, 249 1 : among Kizilbash, 148, 
i49 3 , 151: in Mithraism, 152: among 
Nosairi, I48 7 : Semitic influence in, 


with saints, incubation a form of, 

268-9: at tombs, 256-7. 
.Community of goods, Bektashi and, 

Comnenus, Michael (Amiraschanis), 

inscription of, 373 2 , 383. 
Como, S. Secundus at, 444 4 ; Younger 

Pliny and, 444 4 . * 

Competition, legends of, 285, 289, 289 3 . 
Compos telia, see S. James. 
Confession of sins, by adulterous 

woman, 630; before ascending 

Mount Sinai, 625-6, 626 1 ; among 

Kizilbash, 148-9; before ordeal at 

S. Pelagians tomb, 627; among 

Takhtaji, 159. 


Conquest, cult changed after, 6-7, 6 1 , 
7 a , see transference; gates walled up 
after, 20?, 752-3, 752*, 753 4 * 6 , 754'; 
see also Turkish conquest. 

Consecration of church, relics put 
under altar at, 36. 

Conspicuousness, desired for grave, 
104, I04 3 ; generates cults, 12, 194-5, 
207, 207 1 , 2i9 2 , 220, 389, and legends, 
202, 282-5. 

Constantine the Great, in chronology, 
603; father (by S. Helen) of Sophia, 
2 1 3 ; festival of, 76o l ; leprosy and 
proposed bath in child reri's blood 
of, 2I8 1 ; measure of Nile Hood 
removed by, 64 5 ; prophecy of, 47 1 4 , 
722, 722 2 ; spring sacred to, 108. 

Constantine Palaiologos, see Palaio- 


Aatik All's mosque in, 327, 327*; 
Abu Sufian (or Sufian) buried at, 
266-7, 727; 

Ahmed 1's fountain in, 228: 
mosque in, 182, 328; 
'ambiguous' cults at, 266-7, 7-7; 
Arab, granary in, 717: graves in, 
17, i8 l , 266-7, 306-7, 7 2 7~9 729 1 
(and see Eyyub): 

mosques in Arab Jami (S. 
Paul), 266, 717-21. 7!8S 7*9 3 725-6, 
725*, 728, 729: early, 720: Gul Jami 
(S. Theodosia), 717, 717*: Kurshunlu 
Maghzen Jamisi, 306, 717, 726-8, 
72 7 2 : Maslama's, 6, 6 4 , 717, 719-20; 
praying-places in, n: sieges of, 
6, 714-16, 7*4 5 , 7i7> 7 I 9~2o, 719*, 
720 1 * 2 , 726-7, 730: tower in, 717: 
woman's head at Rumeli Ilisar, 
733 2 : Arab zade jinn and saint at 
YediKule, 734; 

ark, wood in S. Sophia from 
Noah's, 10, io 3 , 258; arrested trans- 
ference at, 21, 726; baths at, sec 
Eyyub, Yildiz Dede; Bektashi at, 
i6o 2 , 4 Q5 3 , 516-18, 5i7 4 ' 8 , 518* - 3 ; Bin 
Bir (1001) Direk cistern at, 391 ; 
Blessing of Waters at, 386* ; Bucoleon 
palace in, portent at, 740 2 ; Buyuk 
Dere, plane of Forty Trees or Seven 
Brothers at, 398 2 ; "Chamlija, Bek- 
tashi tekke at, 517; chronology dated 
from fall of, 39, 53I 1 , 6o2 l ; churches 
at, see saints (below); clearing- 
house for Mohammedan ideas, 121-2; 


columns at, in Bin Bir Direk 
cistern, 391 : of Marcian, see Maiden's 
Stone: 'sweating', 10-11, io 5 , 186, 
J 95> 3%: talisman, 193-4, i93 3 " 4 ^ 

conquest of, see Turkish; 

Constantine, column of, 193, 193*: 
prophecy of Yellow Race found in 
tomb of, 471*, 722, 722 2 ; 

Constantine Palaiologos buried at 
Golden Gate, 354, 354*, in Gul Jami, 
40, 4o 6 , and at Vefa Meidan, 234 5 , 

Crypto-Christians in, 474 2 ; Deniz 
Abdal 'refused' turbe at, 228 1 ; 
Doghlu Dede, see Toklu Dede; Dur- 
mish Dede at, Bektashi and Khal- 
veti in tckke of, 346% 518, 5i8 2 ; 
Eukuz Liman, Bektashi tekke at, 


Eyyub, baths of Mohammed II 
at, ii i : divination at, 270: foot- 
print of Prophet at, 185, 185% 609*: 
Forty cypresses at, 398 2 : Franks 
denied access to, 609: girding of 
Sultans at, 604, 607, 609, 609*, 610, 
6n 2 , 6I5 1 , 6I6 1 , 6i7 4 : monument to 
Mohammed IPs horse at, 272: 
mosque and tomb of Arab hero (see 
Eyyub) at, 9, 82, 228, 604, 608, 609, 
714-16, 714% 722: plane of Moham- 
med II at, I78 2 : sanctity now ex- 
treme, 115, 604, 609, but not pre- 
Turkish, 82-3, 115: transference 
from Christianity alleged of, 82% 83: 
well of souls at, 82, 270; 

Fanaticism in, 13, 609, 724-6, 
724 5 , 725 3 ' 4 : Fatima and Zeinab 
buried in, 17, 267, 729^ Fethiyeh 
Jamisi in, formerly Patriarch's 
cathedral (Pammakaristos), 725; 
footprint of Prophet at, 185, 185, 
609*; Forty Christian Saints in, 398% 
Mohammedan, 394; Friday mosque 
at, Mohammed IPs mosque was, 7; 

Galata, fortified before Maslama's 
siege, 720: Tower attributed to 
Arabs, 717; 

Gates, see Golden, Top Kapusi 
(below): talismans for, 203, 2O3 5 , 

Genoese, children in Capitula- 
tions of Pera, 487: fortifications at, 
724: heraldry in Arab Jami, 719, 
7I9 1 * 2 ; 


F f 



Constantinople (contd.) 

giants' bones as talismans at, 231*; 

Golden Gate, sleeping emperor 
(Cons tan tine or John Palaiologos) 
or saint (John) at, 354, 354 1 , 471*, 
722: walled up, 753; 

guild patrons in, 279, 348, 348'; 

Gul Jami (Rose Mosque), attri- 
buted to Arabs, 717, 717*: Constan- 
tine Palaiologos buried in, 40, 40: 
formerly S. Theodosia, 40, 717*; 

Hasan Baba, cenotaph of, 357; 
Hasan Husain Mesjidi, Arab saint 
buried in, 729 1 ; Hasan the negro at 
Arab siege of, 730; Helvaji Dede, 
sacred trees at grave of, 238; Horse's 
Tomb at Skutari, 269, 269*, 272-4; 
inscriptions as talismans at, 194, 
194*, 203 3 ; Jafer Baba, saint of 
galley slaves' prison at, 729; Jesuits 
persecuted at, 723*; 

Jews at, fanaticism against, 13, 
725-6: fled from Spain to, 725-6, 
726 1 : professions of, 676*, 679-80, 

Kadri in, 423, 735*; Kahriyeh 
Jamisi, Arab saint buried in, 729 1 ; 
Karabash Ali from Skutari, 423; 
Karagach, Bektashi tekke at, 517; 
Karaja Ahmed buried at, 405, 405', 
517*; Kariadin, Bektashi tekke at, 
517; Khalveti in, 346*, 518; Khidr 
(S. Elias) in, 10-11, io 5 , 12, i2 l , 327, 
327 5 > 328; 

Khoja Mustafa Pasha Jamisi (S. 
Andrew of Crete), Arab saints buried 
in, 17, 729^ chain in, 389*: Com- 
panion of Eyyub buried in, i8 l : 
transference to Islam of, 17; 

Kirklar, see Forty; Koja Mir 
Akhor Jamisi, Albanian founder of, 
545 3 ; Kurshunlu Maghzen, granary 
attributed to Arabs, 717; 

Kurshunlu Maghzen Jamisi 
(Mosque of the Leaded Store), Arab 
mosque with Arab graves, 306-7, 
717, 726-8, 727 2 : called also Yer Alti 
Jamisi (Underground Mosque), 726: 
restored by Mohammed Said, 306; 

Latin conquest of, 720; Leaded 
Store, see Kurshunlu Maghzen; 
Mahmud II destroyed Bektashi 
tekkes at, 517; Maiden's Stone 
(Column of Marcian) at, I97 1 , 713*; 

Maslama, Arab Jami attributed 

to, 6, 6 4 , 717, 719-20: cup of, 266, 
719: led a siege of, 709, 717, 719-20, 
72o 1 ' 2 , 726-7: mosques of, 6, 719, 
726-7; Melamiyun tekke at, 517*; 
Merdiven Keui, Bektashi tekke at, 
517; Mevlevi at, 620-1, 621*; 
Moawiya led first Arab siege of, 727 ; 
Mohammed Kuprulu's open turbe at, 


Mohammed the Prophet, foot- 
print of, 185, i85 8 , 609: hand-print 
of, 186: relics of, 267, 358*, 609-10, 
6o9 6 ; 

Mohammed II, at Eyyub, in, 
I78 2 , 272: hand-print of, 186: 
mosque of, 7, 13, 328: at S. Sophia, 

Moors from Spain in, 724-6, 
724*"*, 725 3 ' 4 ; mosques in, see Aatik 
AH, Ahmed I, Arab, Eyyub, Fethi- 
yeh, Gui Jarni, Kahriyeh, Khoja 
Mustafa Pasha, Koja Mir Akhor, 
Kurshunlu Maghzen Jamisi, Moham- 
med II, SS. Anthony, John the 
Baptist, and Sophia, Toklu, Valideh 
Atik, Yeni Valideh ; mummy canon- 
ized at Yedi Kule, ii7 3 , 353-4, 354 1 ; 
Murad III at Eyyub, 608; Murad 
IV's pulpit for rain-prayer at, 325; 

Noah, patron of sailors, 348, 348 3 , 
and of travellers in, io, io 3 , 258, 348, 

Ok Meidan, Murad IV's pulpit for 
rain-prayer in, 325; omens at, 722, 
722 4 , 739, 74o 3 ; Osman II's horse 
buried at Skutari, 269*; ostrich eggs 
as charms in, 232 3 > 6 ; Palladium 
under column of Constantine, 193; 
Patriarch* s Cathedral formerly Fethi- 
yeh Jamisi, 725; Pehlivanli Turko- 
mans near, 481 ; plough as charm in, 
1 06; Praetorium, early Arab mosque 
in, 720; Red Apple is, 736-7; Rose 
Mosque, see Gul Jami; 

Rurneli Hisar, Arab woman's head 
at, 733 2 : Bektashi tekkes at, 517, 
517*, 518, 5i8 2 : Durmish Dede 
buried at, 285*, 346, 518; 

S. Andrew of Crete, see Khoja 
Mustafa Pasha Jamisi; S. Anna 
threatened with transference to 
Islam, 725; S. Anthony made 
mosque, 725, 725 3 ; SS. Apostles, 
body of Constantine Palaiologos and, 
4o 8 ; saints of Armudlu in, 466; 

S. Asterios, and Yildiz Dede, see 
S. Asterios; S. Barbara's gate at, 
2O3 5 ; S. Elias, see Khidr; S. Francis, 
arrested transference of, 21, 726; 
S. Gregory and 'sweating' column 
in S. Sophia, 10-11, io ft ; S. Irene 
secularized by Turks, 38; S. John 
the Baptist's made mosque, 725; 
S. John Chrysostom buried in S. 
Sophia's, 9, 9*; S. Mamas, mosque 
of Eyyub and church of, 82% 83; 
S. Michael cures madness in, 692*; 
Pamrnakaristosy i Fethiyeh Jainisi ; 
Pantokrator, secularized by Turks 
and reconsecrated, 40; S. Paul, see 
Arab Jami; 

S. Romanes, gate-saint at Top 
Kapusi, 203 5 : neo-martyr, 454 3 ; 

S. Sophia, Arab heroes' praying- 
places in, 1 1 ; carbuncle lighted, 738 ; 
Christ in, column of flagellation of, 
io 5 : sacred stone of Virgin and 
Infant, io 1 ; Christians frequent still, 
75 l ; crosses defaced in, 30*; door 
made from wood of Ark, io, io 3 , 258; 
earthquake damaged, u; Eyyub 1 s 
praying-place in, 1 1 ; Forty Moham- 
medan Saints in, 394; Fossati re- 
paired, 602* ; Ibn Batuta prevented 
by crosses from entering, 30, 30*; 
Justinian's 'apple' at, 736-7: archi- 
tect and Khidr, ii ; Khidr in, 10-11, 
io r> , 12, 12 1 , 1 86, 327; Leo the Wise's 
miraculous statue in, 738*; Mecca, 
sand from, n ; Mohammed the Pro- 
phet's hand-print in, 186: saliva at, 
1 1 : Mohammed II in, hand-print of, 
186: transference to Islam by, 6-7, 
9-13; ostrich eggs in, 232 3 ; pre- 
Christian in, u 2 ; pre-Mussulman in, 
1 1 ; relics of Christian saints in, 9, 10; 
S. Gregory and 'sweating* column 
in, 10-11, io 5 ; S. John Chrysostom 
buried in, 9, 9 4 ; sanctity of, 9-10, 12, 
13; Sidi Battal's praying-place in, 
1 1 ; Solomon prayed on site of, 1 1 ; 
stone of Virgin and Infant Christ in, 
io 1 ; 'sweating* column in, 10-11, 
io 5 , 186, 195, 389; talismans in, 
736-7; transferred to Islam, 6-7, 
9-13; vases from Pergamon in, 
601-2, 602 1 ' 4 ; well sacred in, io; 

S. Thekla, see Toklu Mesjidi; S. 
Theodosia, see Gul Jami ; secularized 
churches at, 38, 39, 39*, 40; 

Index 795 

serpent column at, I93 3 ; serpent 
talisman of S. Ambrogio, Milan, 
came from, 193'; 

Seven Towers, see Yedi Kule; 

Sidi Ghazi, at Maslama's siege, 
709, 709 2 : praying-place in S. Sophia 
of, ii ; 

Skutari, Bektashi tekke in, 517, 
517; smell of Moslems bad in, 32; 

Spain, detested in, 723, 723 3 5 : 
Jews and Moors came from, 723-6, 
724 1 * *-, 7 25 3 -*; 

Sudlija, Bektashi tekke at, 517; 
Sufian, see Abu Surian; 'survivals' 
in, 12, 13, 82-3, 115, 604, 609; 
Swords of Girding at, see Girding; 
talismans at, 191, i9i 6 , 193-4, 
i93 3 ~S I94 4 , 203 3 ' 5 , 23i 2 , 654 4 , 736-7 ; 
Toklu (Doghlu) Dede replaced S. 
Thekla at, 18, 57; Toklu Mesjidi, 
transferred church of S. Thekla at, 


Top Kapu, Bektashi tekke at, 516, 
518: SS. Barbara and Romanos at, 
203*: talisman inscription at, 203, 
203 5 ; 

tramways of, knrban at inaugura- 
tion of, 259 U ; transference of' 
churches to Islam at, 6-7, 7 2 , 9-13, 
17, 18, 21, 38, 39, 39 4 , 40, 57' 7*7 4 > 
724-6, 725 3 ' 5 ; Turabi, Kadri tekke of, 
735 4 ; Underground mosque, see 
Kurshunlu Maghzen Jamisi ; Valideh 
Atik Jamisi, Khidr in, 327, 327 6 ; 
Vefa Meidan, Constantine Palaio- 
logos buried at, 234*, 731 ; 

Virgin, in S. Sophia, io 1 : trans- 
ported church to Russia from, 285 ; 

walls protected by inscriptions, 
203 3 ; wells sacred at, io, 82, 270, 
272 3 , 273; 

Yedi Kule (Seven Towers), Arab 
zade at, 734: Bektashi tekke at, 516, 
517: mummy at, 117*. 353-4, 354*5 

Yeni Valicleh Jamisi, jaundice 
cured in, 182, i82 2 ; Yer AIti Jami, 
see Kurshunlu Maghzen Jamisi; 

Yildiz Dede, bath of, 39-40, 39*, 
228 3 ; 

Zumbul Efendi, neir, 294*. 
Contact with sacred objects heals and 
sanctifies, 36, 80, 184-5, 2io 2 , 220, 
247, 262-9, 275, 276, 684. 
Continence, not essential to Moslem 
sainthood, 450. 

F f 2 



Conversion : 

from Catholicism to Protestant- 
ism, I55 5 ; 

from Christianity to Islam, at- 
tempted, i5o 2 : Christian prophylac- 
tics continued after, 36: after death, 
446-9, 447 s : examples of normal, 36, 
56, 86, 86 3 , 95, 155, i55 5 , 372, 374, 
375, 402 1 , 429, 429 3 , 436, 439 439 l > 
446, 469, 526, 526 3 , 573, 591 : forced, 
84*, 155, I55 5 * 158*, 439 439 3 , 455> 
455 8 " ? > 457*> 46o, 469'* 47 5 > 47 i a < 
474*, 526: individual distinct from 
mass, 4692 : methods of, 87, 156^ 4 , 
372, 374, 445-6, 455 455 1 " 2 - motives 
of, 77> i55 5 > 336, 44 1 8 , 445> 445S 57> 
576: psychology of, 445, 445*: rural 
methods of, I56 3 " 4 : Russians' part 
in forced, 439', 471, 47i 3 ' 4 > 474 2 : 
secret, 58, 73-4, 73*' \ 74 1 2 , 89', 
355 355S 3^0, 360*, 442, 444. 445~6> 
570, 574; 

from indifference, to Christianity, 
85, 85 3 , 291*, 465, 68 9 a : to Islam, 85, 
85 3 , 290-1, 29i 2 , 460, 461: by stags, 
see stag ; 

from Islam to Christianity, ex- 
amples of, 88 1 , i55 5 , 421, 42 1 3 , 453 5 , 
734~5> 735 1: penalty of, 155*, 42 1 3 , 
449 ? 453, 453 3 " 5 : ^cret, 74, 87, 376, 
443, 443*, 444 4 < 45 2 ;. 

from jinn, to Christian, 87-8, 88 l , 
192, 223, 351, 734: to Mohammedan, 
87-8, 402, 4O2 1 ; 

from Judaism to Islam, 445, 

473-4, 474 1 ; 
from paganism 

examples of, 33 6 , 

462-4, 462 6 - 7 , 464 1 : 

462*-', 463, 463*: motives of, 33*: 

SS. Augustine and Paul's theories 

of, 445, 445 1 -" secret, 444*: 

from paganism to Islam, of Satok 

Bogra, 134*, 432*: of Yuruks, 121, 

132, 133, 158, 175; 
from Samaritan to Mohammedan, 

I50 2 ; from Shia to Sunni, 154; from 

Sunni to Bektashi, 544, 589*. 
Cooking, forbidden in mosques, 8 3 ; 

with Chimera flame, 116, n6 7 . 
Coptic, Blessing of Waters, 386*; 

offerings to Abu-'l-Hajjaj, 374 1 ; S. 

George, 32I 1 , 326 2 , 334", 335*, 692*; 

S. Michael, 321*. 
Corcyra, see Corfu. 

to Christianity, 

29* l > 434, 444 4 r 
methods of, 462, 

Cordova, many columned mosques at, 


Corfu (Corcyra), Ali Pasha coveted, 
591-2; 'ambiguous* cult at, 435, 
430, 439> 449 4 , 57^, 5 8 3-4, 59 1 - 2 ; 
Bektashi pilgrimage to, 436, 436*, 
584, 584*; Seven Martyrs of, 309*. 

Corinth, rival lovers at, 747*. 

Corn-plait, dedicated, 233, 233' 8 . 

Corpse, carrying to burial expiates 
sins, 392 10 ; embalming and ex- 
humation of, 235 1 ; forbidden in 
mosques except at Cairo, 8 3 ; trans- 
ferred to another cemetery, 73, 73* , 
360, 3<5o l , 446-9, 448 1 - 2 , 5842; trans- 
portation of, 235 1 ; undecayed, ii7 3 , 

-53^ 3M. 352, 450, 729* 729 s ; 

Corycian cave, varying sanctity of, 

Cossacks, S. John's gospel finds 
treasure for, 34 3 . 

Cotrone, S. Elias at, 329 3 . 

Cotton, unburnt by live coal, 290, 290'. 

Coudanlut, sub-tribe of Rthanli Turko- 
mans, 480. 

Cough, cured by pierced stone, 183. 

Cracow, dragon of, 655*, 66o 5 . 

Creed, in Christian magic at Ramleh, 

29 . 

Crete, Bektashi in, 501, 534-6; con- 
quest by Turks of, 420; conversion 
to Islam of, 36; crypto-Christians 
in, 474 2 ; Digenes buried in, 710'; 
emigration of Moslems after 1897 
from, 534; gold plant in, 645*; hoof- 
prints in, 187; massacres in, 474* ; 
prehistoric gems as milk-charrns in, 
182; S. Gerasimos neo-martyr of, 
456 3 ; Sarandapechys conquered, 
710'; Titus converted Younger 
Pliny in, 444*; Tripolines iru 535, 

, -^ 6 - 

Crimea, Chifut Kalesi in, 748*; girding 
of Tatar khans in, 6o8 5 ; Haji Bek- 
tashi's death in, 5O2 2 ; Maiden's 
Castle in, 74i l ; Saltuk Baba in, 
134, 340% 432, 576 3 ; Sari Saltik and, 
340, 34o 6 , 429, 43i 57^ 3 , 577; 
Tatars in, 134, 340, 43 2 ~3 576 3 , 
6o8 6 . 

Crocodiles, in amulets, 231, 23 i l , 654, 
654*; as dragons, 648^654, 654*; in 
ex-votos, 23 1 1 . 

Cross, amulet for Christians, 2O 1 , 194, 
and for Moslems, 34, 654* ; at Blessing 

of Waters, 384, 384', 386, 387; 
defaced by Turks, 30. 30% 205; 
helpful to Mohammedans, 22, 30-1, 
34, 68, 206, 2o6 3 , 259"; hostile to 
Mohammedans, 22, 30, 3o 6 ' 6 , 63; in 
omens, 722, 722*, 739; repugnant 
only theoretically to Moslems, 68; 
on stag's head, 85, 462, 462 7 , 464, 
465 1 ; in tattooing by Moslems, 30-1, 
3o 4 ; True, brought back to Jeru- 
salem by Heraclius, 355, 752, 753*, 

, 754- 

Crucifix bleeds, see bleeding. 

Crusaders, dragon-legend of S. George 
and, 32 i l , 66o 3 ; influence on East of, 
32 1 1 , 66o 3 , and on West, 632*, 665, 
667-8; at Jerusalem, 626 5 ; makams 
of Khidr on sites of, 326; miraculous 
liberation and, 665, 667-8; Sacred 
Lance found before Antioch by, 7i4 5 ; 
S. George patron of, 32 i l . 

Crutch of dervish, as relic in turbes, 229. 

Crypto-Bektashi, Sheikh of Mevlevi 
u reputed, 6i6 3 . 

Crypto-Christians, in Europe, 474 2 ; 
Gamaliel, 444*; at Konia (Shems-ed- 
clin), 74, 87, 376, 443 3 ; at Mecca, 
469 3 ; Sultan of Egypt, 443; at 
Trebizond, 125, 469-73, 470*- 3 - . 

Crypto- Jews, near Pergamon, 473-4; 
at Salonica, 153, 474 1 . 

Crypto-Mussulmans, 73-4, 74 1 ' 2 , 355* 
355S 36o, 36o l , 442, 444, 445-6, 57? 

^ 574- 

Cuba, fish-pond at, 249 1 . 

Cabin 9 form of mixed marriage, 36 2 . 

Cuckoo of Belkis in Paradise, 3n 6 . 


Christians abolish a Mohammedan, 
76 1 : adopt, 89 6 , 90-2, see transfer- 

of dead, 106-7, 250-77, 354, 359- 
60; decays, 113, ii3 2 , 117, 118, 279, 
279% 708; methods of, 220, 342, 354, 

Index 797 

ness, dream, fossil bones, sarco- 
phagus; survival of, see survival; 
transference of, see transference, 
Cuneiform writing at Bunar Hisar, 

Mohammedans abolish a Chris- 
tian, see secularized: adopt, 9 3 , 
lo-n, lo 1 , 13-14, 16-17, T7 a , 18, 
39, 40, 402, 402 l , see transference; 

organization important for, 69-70, 
93-4, ii2, 113, 117, 255, 255*, 280, 
344; origins of, 61-2, 177*, 182, 
i82 3 * 4 , 191, 206, 208, 2i9 2 , 220, 231, 
35i. 399~402, 414, 654*, 729, and 
see coincidence, colour, conspicuous- 

Cure, see healing. 

Curse, of Pambuk Baba, 96. 

Cybele-Rhea, see Mother of the Gods. 

Cynossema, sea-demons and, 344, 344*. 

Cypress, Forty at Eyyub, 398 2 ; on 
graves, 176-7, 178, 226-7, 2-6 1 , 
238, 407; at Passa, 177; symbolism 

of, 226 1 . 

Cyprus, 'ambiguous' cult of Forty in, 
395> 396 396 6 , 401 ; Barnabas buried 
in, 47 1 4 ; binding of churches in, 
264 2 ; crypto-Christians (Lino- Vain - 
vaki) in, 474 2 ; Digenes' memorial in, 
7io 7 ; fossil bones start cult in, 401 ; 
grove sacred in, 240; Mina's tomb 
in, 704 l ; negro brigand in, 730; 
pierced stone cult in, 184, 192-3, 
192*' 4 , I93 1 ; prehistoric buildings 
thought tombs in, 62, 704, 704*; 
Rogations in, 660, 66o 2 ; S. Evlavios 
in, 704*; S. Therapon in, 87, 87*; 
sheep sacred to S. Mamas in, 240 6 ; 
Three Hundred Saints in, 401* ; 
Turkish conquest and colonization 
of, 396; Turkomans in, 138; Umm 
Haram's tomb in, 702, 703-4, 

703 3 6 , 704 1 - 

Cyreneia of Cyprus, Forty in, 401; 
Three Hundred Saints in, 4oi 4 . 

Cyril VI, Archbishop and Patriarch, 
hung at Adrianople during Greek 
Revolution, 379; inscriptions from 
S. Chan ton of, 381-3; map by, 43*, 
84, 84', 379, 379 1 ' 3 ; Rizos copies, 

Cythera, Panagia Myitidiotissa found 
in bush at, 359 1 . 

Cyzicus, Hadrian's temple thought 
palace of Belkis at, 749; legend of 
' Mother of the Gods' on Dindymon, 
6o 2 , ioo l , 329; Virgin of Kapu 
Dagh (Dindymon) lost and found, 
359 1 ; white marble as milk-charm 
near, 182. 

Dablae, see Tarakli. 

Dacian (Tatien), reigning when S 

George born, 32 1 1 . 
Dade Kirkan, Turkoman tribe, 479. 
Dadli, Turkoman tribe, 479. 



Daghli Baba, see Doghlu Baba. 

Dair Mughan, antidotal earth from, 


Dakiyanus, see Decius. 

Dallam, Thomas, entreated to turn 

Turk, 455 3 - 
Damad Ibrahim, Nevshehr founded 

by, 137, i37 2 . 
Damascus, 'ambiguous' cults at, 7 2 , 
22 5 , 326% 692*; 'Arab' in Muhyi- 
ed-din mosque at, 27 3 ; no Bektashi 
tekke at, 514; Belinas's canal at, 
366*; Bilal buried at, 235, 712; 
defiling of mosque at, 395 8 ; Forty 
Companions of Prophet at, 395; 
Forty Mohammedan Saints at, 395; 
gate blocked at, 753*; hare tabu 
among Christians at, 243; inscrip- 
tion cures at, 219*; Judas' s house at, 
22 6 ; Khidr at, 326, 326'; licking 
ritual at, 219*; life in grave of Pam- 
buk Baba at, 252 1 ; Ommeyad 
mosque at, 7 2 , 409 3 ; 'passing 
through* at S. Paul's place in, 184; 
S. George and Khidr at, 326; S. 
George the Porter at, 326', 692 5 ; 
S. John Baptist's church transferred 
to Islam at, 409 3 ; S. Simeon Stylites 
at, 25 6 ; Seven Sleepers' cave near, 
319, 319'; sheikh buried on hill- top 
near, 259; (sacred) stones in 
Armenian cathedral at, 20I 1 ; sus- 
pended stones at, 395*; Turkoman 
tribes round, 480; Virgin's miracu- 
lous image near, 27*, 462', 47 1 4 . 
Damietta, mosque of Amr at, column 
ordeal in, 633: jaundice cured by 
mihrdb columns in, 2i9 2 . 
Danae, immured princess, 744. 
Dancing, typical worldly pursuit of 

women, 465, 465'. 

Danger, kurban to avert, 259-60, and 
after escape from, 259; sanctity 
originated by, 347 2 . 
Daniel Israel, see Israel. 
Daniel the prophet, Black Stone at 
Susa at tomb of, 214-15, 215*; 

buried at Bagdad, 30 1 3 : at Susa, 
214-15* 2 45> 249, 298-303, 299, 
30I 1 ' 2 , 626*, 694*: at Tarsus, 298-9, 
299 4 , 301-3, 303 1 ; 

drought cured by, 300; fish sacred 
at Susa to, 245, 249, 300-1, 301"; 
303; incubation to, 689 2 , 691*; 
mosques of, see Alexandria, Tarsus; 

occult sciences patronized by, 298; 
ordeal at tomb of, 626*; prophecies 
of, 298 1 , 471*; prosperity brought by 
body of, 300; serpent killed by 
stratagem by, 65 5 1 ; at Shah Meran 
Kalesi, 298 3 ; tabu at tomb of, 694 2 . 

Danishmend prince, Melik Ghazi, 7o8 8 . 

Danzig, Sari Saltik buried at, 430, 577, 
583*; Svity Nicola killed at, 429, 

429', 43> 5 8 3 l - 
Daonas, Bektashi tekke at, 507; 

Suhayb born at, 235, 712. 
Daoudee, David's shop frequented by, 

Dar Robat, exorcized devil in convent 

at, 42 3 . 
Dardanelles, Alexander the Great cut, 

284; Bektashi at, 510-11, 51 1 2 , 513; 

capital of independent sanjak, 510*; 

giant's tomb at, 5ii 2 ; healing spirit 

in tree at, 176, I76 2 . 
Darius, admiration for River Tearus 

of, i79 2 , 519*; Seven Sleepers and, 

3i9 6 - 

Daud, see Brusa. 

Daundarlu, Yuruk tribe, 478. 

David, armourers patronized by, 224; 
Bektashi invoke, 560; Cenaculum, 
Jerusalem, as tomb of, 7* ; Kizilbash 
prophet, 145, 148; saved by mos- 
quito, spider, wasp, and feigned 
idiocy, 700, 7OO 2 ' 3 ; shop of, 224. 

David, history of Trebizond by, 470*. 

Dawkins, Mr. J. M., 634 2 . 

Dawkins, Prof. R. M., 203, 344 3 , 4742, 
485*, 66o 2 , 701, 70I 1 . 

Dead, book buried with, 47 i 4 ; buried 
quickly, 45 5 , 235 1 , 306*; catechism 
of newly, 250, 250% 471*; charity to 
animals by, 210, 2io l , 226, 251-2, 
25i 8 ; cult of, 106-7, 250-77, 354, 
359-60; divination by, 269-72, 
2 7 1 2 ' 4 ; embalming, exhumation, and 
transportation of Mohammedan, 
235 1 ; Jews invoke, 250*, 257 1 ; 
Koran read at grave of newly, 250, 
251, 25 1 1 , 258; kurban to invoke, 
25i lf 3 , 258, 261, 26I 1 ; prosperity 
brought by sainted, 300, 3O0 2 ; 
transferred from cemetery to ceme- 
tery, 73, 73 7 , 360, 360 1 , 446-9, 448 1 " 2 , 
584 2 ; visits to, discountenanced, 256; 
see burial, cemetery, corpse, tomb. 
Death, in battle against infidels, 278; 
Bektashi disbelief in, 555, 561, 



prayers at, 560-1; of children 
stopped by prophylactic names, 
i93 2 ; conversion to Islam after, 
446-9, 447 5 ; cypresses and, 176-7, 
178% 226-7, 226 1 , 238, 407; forty 
critical days after, 392; life in grave 
after, 250-1, 252-5, 252 1 , 437, 545, 
663, 715-16; from looking at sacred 
objects, 27 6 , 47 1 4 ; from magic, 22-9, 
22 5 , 25 8 ; miracles reveal saints after, 
227-8, 254-5, 258, 258 1 , 282, 351, 
443, 456-8, 45 7S 6 9 I<J ; on perfection 
being attained, 292, 292 1 ; preferred 
to marriage with unbelievers, 17, 
729, 742, 742 2 ; revival after, 2i8 l , 
248, 248 3 - 4 , 32 1 1 , 334, 334 3 ; 

by violence, stones thrown on 
graves after, 413** : superstitions con- 
nected in East with, 216-19, 2i7 2 " 3 , 
2i8 1 ' 2 , 2i9 2 : in West, 217*, 218*. 

Decay, corpse of saint or sinner does 
not, ii7 3 , 253 s , 314,. 352, 399> 45^, 
729, 729*. 

Decius, as Dakiyanus, 315*, 318-19; 
Seven Sleepers persecuted by, 310. 

Decollati, cult of, 217*. 

Dede, eponymous ancestor of tribe, 
338; jinn becomes, 734-5; as Kizil- 
bash priest, 147-8; nameless often, 
249*, 256; as numen, 99 8 , 134; as 
Takhtaji priest, 159. 

Dede Baba, see Akhi Dede. 

Dede Bair, cult of, 99-100. 

Dede Karkinli, Yuruk tribe, 476. 

Dede Sultan, Bektashi saint, 508. 

Dedeagach, named after sacred tree, 


Deer, see stags. 
Defiling, of churches and mosques, 

29 5 > 395 6 - 

Deleyanli, sub-tribe of Rishwan Turko- 
mans, 481. 

Delikanli, sub-tribe of Rihanli Turko- 
mans, 480. 

Delikli Baba, of Nauplia, 'Arab', 89 5 , 
223; of Pylos, anthropomorphized 
stone-cult transferred to Christian- 
ity, 89 5 , I92 2 . 

Demeter of Eleusis, no 'survival', 191. 

Demir Baba Ghazi, Bektashi saint, 
186, 295-6, 2 9 5 4 , 522, 593, 593 2 . 

Demirji, Yuruks near, 475. 

Demon, baptism protects Mohamme- 
dan children from, 33; exorcized and 
pressed into Christian service, 42*; 

healing, in trees, 175, 176, 176*; low 
diet expels, 446; madness due to, 79 3 , 
668, 668 4 , 670, 691*; relics banish, 
466*; saint may develop from, 734-5 ; 
S. John's Gospel banishes, 34'; of 
sea, 342-50; Solomon's army of, 
28o 2 ; winds caused by, 342, 342 1 ; 
see jinn. 

Denek Maden, Hasan Dede near, 53, 

Deniz Abdal (Yunuz Baba), 'refused' 
turbe, 228 1 ; sick fumigated with 
laurel leaves from grave of, 240; 
walked on sea, 58 1 8 . 

Denizli, aetiological legend of, 285, 
285*; Ahiwiran Baba buried at, 505, 
505*; Bektashi tekkes near, 507-8; 
nomad Kizilbash near, 141*; Sari 
Tekkeli Yuruks near, 476. 

Departmentalization, of modern Greek 
religion, 691-2; of Turkish saints, 

Deprecation, cult by, 342, 347, 351. 

Deriji, Yuruk tribe, 476. 

Dersim, Khidr-S. Sergius in, 335, 335 1 , 
570-1; Kizilbash in, 52 3 , 147, 152*, 
154; Kurds in, Haji Bektash and, 
513; two seyyids' competition in, 
289 2 . 

Dervishei, Bektashi tekke at, 548. 

Dervishes, animals tamed by, 282, 
287*; at Athens, 12, i2 3 , 13*, 14-15; 
canonized, 278; celibacy preferable 
in, 147, i63 3 , I64 1 , 535. 547; Chris- 
tianity and, 57, 421 ; divination with 
girdle-stones by, 287 s ; as dragon- 
killers, 2O3 5 , 351; excesses of some, 
I4o l , 165, 167; fairy characteristics 
of, 281; as ghazis, 281, 28i 3 ' 4 ; 
gigantic, 281, 306 1 ; girding of novice, 
609; government attacks on, 15, 
410, 4io 4 , 419-23; heresy suspected 
of, 422; heterodoxy encouraged by, 
420; inanimate objects manipulated 
by, 282, 282 1 , 287 1 ; jinns work for, 
280 ; knowledge of, 280; as magicians, 
280-2, 28I 1 ; marriage of, see Bek- 
tashi ; miracles of, 280-2, 28 1 1 4 , 583, 
583 4 ; missionary, 340, 404 6 ; nature's 
unity taught by, 58, 85 3 , 247, 282, 
291; neo-martyrs, 421, 42 1 3 , 449% 
453 5 ; orders of, 404*; politics and 
religion and, 15, 410, 4io 4 , 419-23, 
429, 438-9* 611-13, 619-22; popular 
cults absorbed by, 531, 531*, 535; 



Dervishes (contd.) 

rebellion of Turkomans and, 163; 
relics of, in turbes, 229; religious 
folk-lore disseminated by, 122 ; saint- 
cults organized by, 69-70, 93-4, 
255; Seljuks preferred mystic type 
of, 281; sheikhs led into Asia Minor, 
338; stags associated with, see stags; 
Sunnis suspect, 422; taj on tombs of, 
226; tombs as dwelling-places of 
ascetic, 223; transferences due to, 
47,* S3 4 , 57> 69-70 (see Bektashi 
usurp); transmigration of souls 
taught by, 58, 247, 282, 291; tumuli 
made by, 283; weather controlled 
by? 345? 346, 347 ; wicked town over- 
whelmed by, 283, 369; see also 
Bairami, Bektashi, Hayati, Jelali, 
Kadri, Khalveti, Melamiyun, Mev- 
levi, Nakshbandi, Rifai, Sadi. 

Desecration, of churches by Turks, 7; 
of synagogues, 41. 

Dei\ dervishes appear as, 281. 

Dev Euren, name derived from folk- 
lore, 733*. 

Devil, as ' Arab', i89 2 , 367% 730% 734; 
in blocked water-channels, 365 3 ; 
eikonography and ideas of, 49 2 ; 
Gabriel defends Mohammedan souls 
against, 250; grave of Abu Zenneh's 
horse haunted by, 269 5 ; hares as 
creatures of, 243**; among Kizilbash, 
145; madness caused by, 79 3 , 668, 
668 4 , 670, 691*; negroes as, 731*; 
ridden on by Jonas of Novgorod, 
292 2 ; Solomon* s ring stolen by, 247; 
in statues, 189, i89 2 ; transformed 
into animal shape, 464; windmills 
invented or perfected by, 1 1 1 3 . 

Diana, Hippocrates' daughter and, 
746; 'survival' of, 465 1 ; temple of, 
4i8 3 . 

Diarbekr, sacred fish at, 245 3 . 

Diarbekr vilayet, Kizilbash in, 141; 
Kurds in, 168; Shah Ismail's in- 
trigues in, 169-72 ; Shia Islam among 
Alevi Kurds in, 168. 

Dibra, Bektashi tekke at, 525, and near, 
551; immured mother of, 732*. 

Dicte, Mount, Zeus cloud-gatherer on, 

3 2 9 3 - 
Diercanli, leading family of tribal 

origin, I35 6 . 

Dieudonne de Gozon, see de Gozon. 
Digenes Akriras, Akrates was perhaps, 

706* ; bones of, over S. Catherine's 
gate at Rhodes, 3o6 l , 654*; gigantic 
size of, 3o6 l , 433*5 hoof-print in 
Crete of horse of, 187; married a 
Mohammedan, 706, 743 1 ; multiple 
tombs of, 6i 4 , 433 2 , 7io 7 ; and 
Regina, Ferhad and Shirin originals 
of, 747 4 ; Sidi Battal's counterpart, 

Dikmen Baba, Bektashi saint, 524. 

Dimetoka, Bektashi tekkes at, 521-2. 

Dindishli, Turkoman tribe, 479. 

Dindymon, Mount (Kapu Dagh), 
legend of ' Mother of the Gods ' on, 
6o 2 , loo 1 , 329 3 . 

Dineir, Sheikh Arab Gueul near, 283, 
369; Sheikh Arab Sultan promoted 
jinn at, 734; Turkomans near, 138. 

Dioscuri, Greek cult of relief of, 191. 

Diospolis, see Lydda. 

Diplomats, Spanish Jews as, 679, 725. 

Dirges, not sung by Bektashi, 561. 

'Disappearing' baints, 234, 333 2 , 358, 
527, 528'. 

'Discovery', of books in tombs, 471*; 
of saints, examples of, 6 4 , 17, 43-4, 
61, 6i 2 ' 4 , 213, 237, 253, 306-7, 351, 
35i 5 , 512, 524, 604, 607-8, 704, 707, 
709, 714-16, 7i4 5 , 728: for political 
purposes, 714-16, 7i4 4 " 5 : processes 
of, 716, 729: see bones, dog, dream, 
fall (of a wall), light, miracles, sarco- 
phagus, shepherd, undecayed. 

Disguised janissary and other at- 
tackers, 742-4, 742 3 , 745- 

'Disinfection' of Monte Cassino, 329*. 

Dittany, goats and, 687*. 

Ditumli, Turkoman tribe, 479. 

Divani, Sultan, apoplexy cured by 
iron shoes of, 266. 

Divination, about absent, 271-2, 271*, 
287*, 529, 530; with ball, 271-2, 
271*, 529, 530; with beads, 271*; 
with book Phorkan, 202 2 ; cult of 
dead in, 269-72, 27i 2 " 4 ; with girdle- 
stone by dervishes, 287 3 ; incubation 
for, 55 8 , 268, 271, 690, 69o 3 - 4 ; by 
lekanomancy, 364, 364'; by living 
saint, 499; with pebbles, 271, 271*, 
275; with S. John's gospel, 34*; by 
Saltuk Baba, 134-5* 34o, 43 2 , 576*; 
see Eyyub, oracle. 

Divorce, among Bektashi, 555, 555*; 
among Kizilbash, 151, 153. 

Divriji (Tephrike), Al Albruk and, 314, 


80 1 

314; Bektashi tekke near, 512, 512*; 
Bektashli near, 341"; Kizilbash in 
kaza of, 142; miraculous ball in 
mosque at, 271*. 

Dizful, Turkomans near, 48 1 3 . 

Djziey Kurds, Hasan Ghazi reverenced 
by, 237. 

Dobruja, Bektashi propaganda among 
Tatars of, 501 ; Sari Saltik's dragon - 
tight and burial in, 429-30, 437; 
victims for foundations in, 265*. 

Dog(s), of Abbas, 8i 2 ; angels banished 
by presence of, 189*; banned from 
houses as unclean, 313; of Budrum, 
33 3 > 659, 659*; demons of sea and, 
344, 344 1 ' 2 ; in dragon-fights, 647, 
649, 650, 65o 2 , 658, 659; Katmir 
breed of, 313; martyr proved saint 
by, 457 1 ; memorials in Palestine to, 
269*; Omar transformed into a, 241*. 

Doghan (sparrow-hawk) castle, 746-7, 

Doghlu (Daghli) Baba of Brusa, 18, 

i8 3 ; also called Yoghurtlu Dede, i8 4 . 
Doghlu Dede of Constantinople, see 

Toklu Dede. 
Doitsi, Bolen, Bulgar slain by 'Arab', 


Dokuz, place-name near Konia, 391*. 
Dolmen, venerated, I92 1 . 
Dome, ball as talisman of mosque, 

271*; rarn's horns as talisman of, 232. 
Dominican(s), George of Hungary a, 

494 1 ; in S. Paul's (Arab Jami), 

Constantinople, 718, 724*% 725*. 
Domuz Dere, ' ambiguous ' cult at 

Bektashi tekke (S. George's) at, 54, 

Doria, Andrea, victory at Lepanto of, 

4?i> 739- 

Doris, rival lovers in, 747 5 . 
Dosicles, taught by bear how to revive 

Rhodanthe, 686 6 . 
Dosuti-Arapli, Yuruk tribe, 476. 
Doves, released at Blessing of Waters, 

384 2 . 

Drac,personified river of Grenoble, 659 2 . 

Dragon(s), in Albania, see S. Donatus, 
S. George, Sari Saltik; on Argaeus, 
644; bewitched maiden in Kos a, 
646*, 648, 648% 660, 746; bones of, 
203 6 , 231, 23i 2 , 306 1 , 32I 1 , 650*, 654, 
654** *; caves of, 51, 51', 223, 308, 
435, ^S 1 ? 66o 3 , 6 68 3 ; crocodiles as, 
648*, 654, 654 s ; of Dieudonne de 

Gozon, 203* , 646-62; earth from 
'place 1 at Elwan Chelebi of, 48, 
263 3 ; Gargantuan, 659 2 ; of Gilles de 
Chin, 646 4 , 650, 659-60; hostile, 351 ; 
huge jaws of, 659, 659 2 ; 

killers of, Crusades important for, 
32 1 1 , 66o 3 : often dervishes, 203*, 351 : 
with dogs, 647, 649, 650, 650 2 , 658, 
659: of dummy dragons, 647, 649, 
65, 655-7, 656', 657 2 - 4 , 658, 659": 
explanation of legends of, 231: false 
claim of, 430, 430*, 434, 435, 647, 
647 3 : in folk literature, 646 3 : geo- 
graphical distribution in East of, 
434-5, 648, 648 1 , 65o 2 , 660*, and in 
W. Europe, 656 3 ,66o 3 ,668 3 : historical 
personages as Gilles de Chin, 646*, 

650, 659-60, de Gozon, 646-62, 
Mansfeld, 646*, S. Alexander Nevski, 
646*: methods of, 655, 655 1 , 66o 3 : 
objects of, 650, 650 1 : Perseus, 32 i 1 , 
66o 3 : prince as, 32 1 1 : saints as, see 
Khidr, SS. Elias, George, Michael, 
Romanus, Silvester, and Theodore, 
Sari Saltik; 

in Kos, 648, 648 1 ' 2 , 660, 746; 
opprobrious epithet, 32 1 1 ; princess 
in legend of, 32 1 1 , 66o s ; processional 
(tarasque), 655-7, 656 1 , 657** 4 , 658, 
659 2 ; at Rhodes, 203*, 646-62; 
rivers personified as, 657, 659 2 ; in 
Rogations, 656-7, 656*, 66o 2 ~ 3 ; at 
Tarascon, 657, 657 2 4 ; water and, 

651, 656, 657, 657 1 , 659 2 , 66o 3 . 
Dragonetto Clavelli, and dragon of 

Rhodes, 65 1 2 . 

Dragon -stone (snake-stone), 65 s, 6 s V ' 2 > 

Drawing, dangerous to Green Mosque, 
Bulak, 22 4 . 

Dreams, churches 'bound' after, 264*; 
'discoveries' of holy spots by, 61-2, 
6i 2 - 8 ' 6 , i77 2 , 220, 566, 707, 729; 
incubation does not require, 268, 
690, 69O 2 , 695; kurban after, 259; 
legends and, 122; miracles proved 
by, 449; orientals and, 45, 55*, 6i a , 
223,414, 716; sacrilege arrested by, 
8 l , 71; scepticism punished by, 308; 
transferences of cult aided by, 61. 

Drink sanctified water for cure, after 
Epiphany, 384, 386; from graves, 
210, 2io 2 , 263; from khirka, 267, 
358, 358 2 ; mixed with sacred earth, 
263 ; from relic, 266-7, 26 A 35 8 > 35 8 * 



Drinking-cups, Seven Sleepers' name 

charm for, 313***. 
Drivasto (Drishti), Turkish pasha 

works miracles for Christians at, 89 3 . 
Drizar, Bektashi tekke at, 543. 
Drought, cured by holy men, 296, 300; 

by prayer, see rain. 
Druses, baptism of, 33, 33*; incest and 

promiscuity among, 153; Khidr 

among, 320; women admitted to 

Akal brotherhood by, 702*. 
Duff Gordon, Lady, to be transferred 

to Moslem cemetery, 449. 
Dunmedes (Mohammedan Jews), dew 

from tombstones used by, 210; 

images prohibited by, 471*; at Per- 

gamon, 473-4; at Salonica, 153, 

474 1 ; at Smyrna, 474, 474! . 
Dunuk Tash, Dakiyanus and, 315*. 
Duraki, Turkoman tribe, 48 1 3 . 
Durazzo, Bektashi pilgrimage to, 549; 

Sari Saltik at, 435, 549. 
Durcadurli (Zulkadr), leading family 

of tribal origin, 135. 
Durgut, tribal chief, 136*; tribal and 

village name, 128; Yuruk tribe, 127, 


Durham, Miss M. E., 642 1 . 
Dur Hasanlu, possibly tribal name, 

IOI 1 . 

Durmish Dede, from Akkerman, 346; 
Bektashi claimed, 518, 5i8 2 ; Bos- 
porus miraculously crossed by, 285, 
346 2 ; buried at Rumeli Hisar, 285 10 , 
346, 518; Khalveti claim, 346 2 , 518; 
local saint only, 350; sailors' saint 
on Bosporus, 346, 346 2 , 348 a , 350. 

Dushk, Bektashi tekke at, 544. 

Dysentery, Lemnian earth and, 672. 

Eagle, as talisman, i89 5 . 

Earache, cured by horseman relief, 190. 

Earring, of celibate Bektashi dervishes, 
287 3 . 

Earth, amulets of sacred, 275-6; 

curative, from graves, 262-4, 263 3 , 
267, 275-6, 404, 467, 467*, 684-5, 
684*, 685* ' 2 : from Kaaba, 263 1 : from 
Khidr's 'place', 48, 263"; 

edible, 683*; Lemnian, 671-88; 
medicinal other than Lemnian, 671, 
6712, 672', 676 2 , 680-3, 68o l , 681-2, 
68i 3 , 682 2 - 5 , 683, 683 l 4 ; spirits of, 
and primitive Turks, 134. 

Earth-gods, snakes as, 245. 

Earthquake, Christian magic caused, 
21 ; occurrences of, n, 18*, 4I 1 , 169*, 
542; ominous, 169*; S. Leon this 
caused, 228 1 . 

Easter, promiscuity in Jerusalem at, 
153; Semitic influence on, 261. 

Ebimi, Kizilbash village, 239; sacred 
grove at, 239; ' survival' at, 6i 6 , 239, 
3 2 9 2 . 

Ebul Huda, Rifai adviser of Abdul 
Hamid, 62o 3 . 

Echmiadzin, Bektashi tekke near, 513; 
Christ drew plan of Armenian church 
at, i98 6 ; (sacred) earth and oil from, 
684* ; exorcized devil in Christian 
service at, 42 J ; seventy Virgin mis- 
sionaries to Armenia at, 399*; stones 
flew to New Juifa from, I98 5 . 

Edeb Ali, Osman's father-in-law, 235; 
tombs of, 235, 235 4 . 

Edessa, see Urfa. 

Edifying legends, examples of, 464. 

Edmonds, Mr. W. S., 5i4 2 - 4 , 516, 5I6 1 . 

Edward the Confessor, canonization of, 

2I7 4 . 

Eflaki's Acts of the Adepts, and Jelal- 
ed-din, 295; literary character of, 
296-7; Redhouse translated, 295^ 

Eflatun, see Plato. 

Efrits, born after death by violence, 
2i7 3 ; suicidal mania due to, 2i7 3 ; 
talisman eagle in Arabian Nights 
served by, 189*. 

Efsepi (Eusebius?), bishop buried at 
Konia, 85-6, 85% 375. 

Egerdir, Plato formed lake of, 283, 
366; saved from Timur by Sheikh 
Baba, i68 2 , 33 9 4 . 

Egerli Dagh, Balaam buried on, 3o8 3 . 

Pvgg, in sterility cures, 359; see ostrich, 

Egypt, Albanians in, 515, 516, see also 
Mohammed Ali; Bektashi tekke at 
Cairo in, 514-16; cross in Moham- 
medan amulets in, 31; crypto- 
Christian in, 443-4; crypto-Mussul- 
man in, 73'; flying castle in, 199, 
I99 2 ; gold plant in, 645 2 ; Khalveti 
in deserted Christian monasteries of, 
6I 1 ; Nevruz and Solomon's ring in, 
247 2 ; Nile flood and paganism in, 
64 6 ; 'passing through* to cure 
sterility in, i83 3 ; S. Barbara's body 
in, 8 3 , 38 4 , 235 1 ; S. Francis converted 
sultan of, 443-4; 



S. George in, 32 1, 334, 334'; S. 

Michael in, 32 1 1 , 692 1 ; sarcophagus 

haunted in, 2o8 2 . 

Eikon, enkolpion of Virgin as Moham- 
med II's amulet, 35*; 
sea cast up, 69*; Virgin* s, painted 

by S. Luke, 66, 285: turns to flesh, 

27*, 462% 47 1 4 ; see also image. 
Eikonography, legends influenced by, 

49 2 , 224, 289 1 , 329', 334 4 , 659-60, 


Elassona, Bektashi tekke at, 530-1. 
Elbassan, Bektashi tekke at, 549; 

funeral feast of Christians at, 25 1 2 ; 

Kasim Baba's hand at, 526*, 549, 

tomb at, 547; Khidr's hot spring 

near, 328. 
Eleazar, Rabbi, burning bush at 

tombs of, 359 1 . 
Eleusis, 'survival' in Demeter's statue 

at, 191. 

Elias Baba, Bektashi saint, 543. 
Elijah, Khidr and, 3272, 332, 333*; as 

kutb, 333 9 ; prophets of Baal and, 

59; Rabbi Jochanan and, 331-2, 

699; unjust deeds of, 331-2, 699. 
Elisabeth, Empress of Russia, and 

Yellow King, 471*. 
Elisha, fish sacred to, 245**; incubation 

to, 69o l , 693 4 . 
Elizabeth, Queen of England, and 

Turkey, 7233. 
Eljik, curative cross and inscription 

at, 30, 206, 2o6 3 . 
Ellezoglu, baronial family of Western 

Asia Minor, 595-6, 596 2 . 
Elmali, Abdal Musa buried near, 506; 

Bektashi centre, 142, 506-7; in 
Shahkuli's campaign, 171; Takhtaji 

round, 507; Tekke village near, 


Eiwan Chelebi (Tekke Keui), 'am- 
biguous' cult at, 47-9, 75 1 , 328, 571; 
dragon-legend at, 48, 88, 328; earth 
from dragon's place at, 48, 263 s ; 
Elwan, Sheikh, buried at, 48, 49'; 
Euchaita identified with, 47; George 
of Hungary describes, 496, 496*; 
hoof-print of Khidr's horse at, 329; 
no 'survival* at, 47 2 ; as Tekke Keui 
in i6th century, 48. 

Embalming, illegal for ordinary Mos- 
lems, 235'. 

Embracing ritual, at columns, 274, 
277, 635. 

Emetic, Lemnian earth as, 672, 673. 
Emineh Baba, Bektashi saint, 234, 

527-8, 52 7 a ; 'disappeared', 234, 527, 

528 1 ; Khirka Baba and, 528'; S. 

Menas and, 528; tombs multiplied 

of, 234, 527. 
Emir, negro buried in Turbet Birket 

Mamilla, 731*. 
Emirghian, secularization of S.Nicolas's 

at, 41. 
Emir Sultan (Sheikh Bokhara), at 

Baba Sultan, 103; Bayezid I girded 

by, 606; and Eskiji Koja, 292-3; 

Sheikh of Mevlevi called, 606; spring 

made by, io5 2 . 

Emmanuel, charm for lintels, 2o6 3 . 
Emrem Yunuz Sultan (Yunuz Imre), 

Bektashi saint, 291, 504, 504^ 581; 

food multiplied by, 285', 291 ; un- 
known saint, 282 4 , 291. 
Enemy, Black Stone of Susa warded 

off, 215; gates blocked to exclude, 

203 6 . 

Engineering works of ancients, 366, 

England, profited by 16th-century 

enmity between Spain and Turkey, 

723 3 - 

Enoch, chariot of fire of, 333 2 ; Foun- 
tain of Life discovered by, 333*; 
sa g e > 333; S. Elias and, 333, 333% 
334; in terrestrial Paradise, 333 2 . 

Entrances, magical virtue and dangers 
of, 184, 203; see archway, gate. 

Ephesus, ' ambiguous ' incubation near, 
692 5 ; Isa Bey's mosque at, no 'sur- 
vival', 19, 115, 521; New, see Scala 

S. John's church at, as S. Pantc- 
leemon's, 4i7 5 : secularized, 38*: 
transformed into mosque, 19; 

S. John's deathless sleep at, 310, 
3io 5 -, 31 1 3 , 354 1 , 408, 416; Seven 
Sleepers' cave at, 3io 3 , 311, 311*, 
312; victim buried alive in founda- 
tions, at, 265 2 . 

Ephraim Teuvetlu, miraculous journey 
of, 285; unknown saint, 282*, 293, 
293 2 . 

Epidaurus, modern pa:allel to incuba- 
tion at, 109, 457. 

Epidemics, storks foretell, 262. 

Epilepsy, baptism shields Mohamme- 
dans from, 33 6 , 34, 34*; circumcision 
protects Albanian Christians from, 



Epilepsy (contd.) 

33* ; evil eye causes. 79; S. John's 
Gospel in Western Europe cured, 

34 s - 

Epimenides, long sleep of, 310. 

Epiphany, Blessing of Waters at, see 
Blessing; Nosairi communion at, 
i48 7 . 

Epirus, Bektashi tekkesm, 536, 539-40; 
patchwork of Christians and Moham- 
medans, 439; Shahkuli's adherents 
transported to, 170. 

Eponymous ancestor, see tribal hero. 

Erbei Baba, Bektashi saint, 528. 

Erdebil, Shah Ismail's grandfather 
from, 169. 

Erdek, Sidi Battal's castle at, 710. 

Eregli, see Benderegli. 

Eregli (Kybistra), Krakka near, 697. 

Eretria, medicinal earth from, 671. 

Erghne, obscure people in Rhodope, 

Ermenek, Seven Sleepers' cave and, 


Ermeni, petrified spittle of Ilaji Bek- 
tash at, 287-8, 287 3 . 

Ertoghrul, as Ala-ed-din Ill's succes- 
sor, 605; Osrnan, Jelal-ed-din, and, 
613*; tomb of, 114. 

Erzerum, 'ambiguous' cult at, 107; 
dome of church fell in on Moham- 
med's birthday at, n 7 ; Egerli Dagh 
near, 308*; S. Eusebius martyred at, 

Erzerum vilayet, Bektashi in, 500; 
Kizilbash in, 142. 

Erzinjian, Kizilbash in sanjak of, 142. 

Esdras, pentateuch written by, 471*. 

Esef (Eshref?) Dai, tomb of, 82. 

Eshpek, Yuruk tribe, 476. 

Eshref (?), see Esef. 

Eski Baba, ' ambiguous ' cult at, 54-6, 
S5S 257, 423 5 , 43. 431-2, 43i 4 , 432 1 , 
5*9* 521, 57&~9> 5?8 8 , 579S 5^6, 
761-3; Christian mitre shown at, 
578; divination and incubation at, 
55 6 , 268 5 , 271 ; Kan bur Dede at, 55*, 
423% 432; Saltuklu near, 340* , 432', 
576 s . 

Eski Yumk, Yuruk tribe, 127*, 476. 

Eskiji Koja, Emir Sultan, Timur, and, 

Eskishehr, Bektashi tekkes near, 510; 
Edeb Ali's tomb at, 235, 235*; Seven 
Saints at, 106, 3i2 3 ; Sidi Battal 

buried near, 494, 495 1 , 510, 705-10, 
705*, 706 1 , 708*, 743*. 

Esme, Sarach Yuruks near, 476. 

Essad Pasha, see Topdan. 

Ethiopian, statue, 376*, 73o 3 . 

Etymology, saints' functions decided 
by, 82 l , 183', i93 2 , 280, 28o\ 666 fl ; 
transferences aided by, 18, 57, 528. 

Euboea, see Negropont. 

Euchaita, identified with Avghat, 48, 
with Elwan Chelebi, 47 ; S. Theodore 
Stratelates buried at, 47, 47 3 , 88; 
S. Theodore Tiron buried at, 47 3 . 

Eudoxia, Empress, S. Peter's chains 
arid, 668*. 

Euren, see Arab, Dev, Kara. 

Euripus, sacred grove on, 239; tides 
of, 288-9, 288 2 , 289 1 . 

Eusebius, see Efsepi. 

Evans, Sir Arthur, 210-11, 274-7. 

Eve, invoked by Bektashi, 560. 

Everek, American treasure-hunter 
near, 643-5, 645*; pierced stone- 
cult near, 183. 

Evil eye, amulets against, 186, 203*, 
229-32, 230 1 , 23I 1 " 3 . 6 , 233, 271*, 
654, 654 3 " 4 ; during childbirth, 225 1 ; 
epilepsy caused by, 79; exorcized 
by reading over, 78; gates and 
vaults menaced by, 203 5 . 

Evliya Efendi, descent from Ahmed 
of Yasi of, 405; reverence for saints 
of, loS 1 - 3 . 

Evrenos (Avranoz), early Ottoman 
ghazi, 356 1 . 

Excavation, kurban before, 259 12 . 

Execution, blood taken after, cures 
ophthalmia, 217; cures sterility, 
216-19, 217% 2i8 2 , 2i9 a ; see also 
column, death by violence, decollati. 

Exhumation, profanation to Moslems, 
235 1 ; S. Leontius 'refused', 228 1 . 

Exorcism, of demon, 42 s ; epilepsy 
cured by, 79; of ghost, 220; by 
Greek inscription, 207; by priest's 
stole, 34 3 ; by reading over, 77; with 
S. John's gospel, 34 3 ; of 'spirit* in 
desecrated church, 41. 

Ex-votos become relics, 23 1 1 , 232-3. 

Eye diseases, cured by Chimera flame, 
n6 7 ; by liquid from suspended 
stone at Damascus, 395; by S. 
Photine's well, 66, 409*; see also 

Eyyub, Agha of Janissaries descended 



from, 6n 2 ; Arab hero, u, 82, 604, 
607; Companion of, tomb of, i8 l ; 
Job and Samuel identified with, 82 ; 
life in grave of, 252 1 , 715-16; mosque 
and tomb at Eyyub of, see Con- 
stantinople; praying-place in S. 
Sophia, Constantinople, of, n. 
Ezechiel, Jewish ordeal at tomb of, 
626 3 . 

Fabri, stones collected on pilgrimage 

by, 2oi 3 . 
Faces, smeared with blood after kur- 

ban, 259 1 , 26o 3 , 275. 
Fadlullah, Persian founder of IJek- 

tashi, 1 60, 565. 
Fainting iits, cured by dew from tomb- 

stones, 210. 
Fair One (Maiden), Castle of, 741-50, 

74I 1 

744 3 , 747* 

Fairy, ancestresses of western families, 
632"; characteristics of dervishes, 
281; cikonography and our ideas of, 

49 2 - 
Faith, Profession of Christian, 445-6, 

and of Mohammedan, 446, 446 2 , 448. 
Falling, minaret, mosque, wall, s.vv. 
False, claim in dragon legends, 430, 

430* , 434, 435, 6 47 r >47 3 J Messiah 

crossed river miraculously, 285'; 

prophet in Albania, 438', 58 1 5 . 
Famagusta, S. Catherine buried at, 

Fanaticism, against Christians, Ala- 

ed-din showed none, 370-1, 374 1 , 

377; Bektashi free from, 288, 436; 

against Catholics, 723-6, 723 3 - 5 , 724% 

725 3 ' 4 ; con versions forced by, 84*, 

455> 455; 7 > 457% 4<>9> 469 3 , 4?o 6 ; at 
Constantinople, 13, 609, 724-6; 
crosses defaced by, 30, 30', 205; 
Greek revolution increased, 7 j , 29, 
4i. 379 45 2 > 474 2 ; of Janissaries, 
538; Jelal-ed-din free from, 371-2, 
374, 374 1 , 377; at Jerusalem, 30', 
629, 63 1 3 ; Jews of Constantinople 
suffered from, 725-6; of late growth 
among Turks, 452, 452 3 ; Lepanto 
roused, 471; Manmn free from, 64 3 ; 
Mevlevi free from, 72, 167, 355, 371- 
4, 438, 619*; in renegades, 23% 
450; in Rhodes, 400'%- Russian ag- 
gressions roused, 439 3 , 471, 47 1 2 '*, 
474 2 ; at S. Pelagia's tomb, 627*; of 
Saracens, 381; Selim I free from, 

57 1 , 64, 174, I74 3 , 39<> 3 617*; Seljuks 
free from, 370-8, 382; transference 
of churches in Constantinople caused 
by, 724-6, 724 5 , 725 3 ' 5 ; see also 
friendliness, massacre. 

Farsak, Afshar sub- tribe, I27 3 , 475, 
478, 482; camel-men, 128; geo- 
graphical distribution of, 129, 172*, 
475. 478; Osmanli tribe, 135. 

Fasts, of Bektashi, 559, 561; conver- 
sion to Islam promoted by severity 
of Christian, 155*; for forty days 
among Christians and Khalveti, 
393; of Kizilbash, 143. 

Fate, inevitability of, 697, 697*, 745, 

745 1 - 

Fates, see Moipat. 
Fatima, daughter of Imam Husaiu, at 

Constantinople, 17-18, 267, 729*. 
Fatima, daughter of Mohammed, 

among Bektashi, 554, 560; born 

underground, 225. 
Fazil Yezdan, Bektashi saint, 507 3 . 
Fecamp, Jonah sea-saint at, 349*. 
Fees (Phison), Seven Sleepers* cave at, 

, 318-19. 

Female Mohammedan saints, see sain ts . 
Ferejik, Bektashi tekke at, 520. 
Ferhad and Shirin, Persians, 747, 

7 47 2 - 4 . 

Feridun, Turkomans near, 48 1 3 . 

Fertility, charm at Murad Ps grave 
for, 106-7. 

Festival, birds released at church, 
384*; 'survivals' and dates of, 414. 

Fever, caused by jinns, 195, 2o6 l ; 

cured by, baking in oven, 78*: 
circumambulation, 91: columns, 
195, 195*, 196, 197-8, i98 l : consular 
seal, 64 1 2 : earth from dragon's 
'place', 48, 263 3 : fumigation with 
laurel leaves, 240, 305: inscriptions, 
202 2 , 206-7, 2i9 2 : Lemnian earth, 
678: licking ritual, 216, 2i9 2 : Mal- 
tese earth, 681, 682* : measuring 
S. John's column, 195-6, 195 3 , 197: 
obscure saint, 691*: pierced stones, 
183, 183*, 192: plane-tree of Moham- 
med II, 1*7 8 2 : prayer, 2o6 l : rag- tying, 
183, i83 5 , 305: skin of newly 
slaughtered sheep, 2i8 l ; 

spirits of, buried under S. John's 
column, 195; yellow symbolical of 
malarial, i82 3 . 

Fez, El Beclawi born at, 663. 



Fez, Mufti objected to Abdul Mejid's 

wearing, 616. 

Pldsjeli, Turkoman tribe, 480. 
Financial motives of transference of 

cults, i6 3 , 53, 80, 412, 5 8 5~6. 
Finders, fish, 247-8, 247 2 ; Joseph, 270; 

S. Menas, 183% 403 3 ; S. Phanourios, 

i8 3 7 . 
Fineka, Bektashi tekke at, 507 ; village 

Halaj near, 507 3 . 
Finger, Islam professed by raising 

index, 446, 446 2 . 
Fire, Easter, i53 6 ; Elias's chariot of, 

329 3 , 333 2 ; Enoch's chariot of, 333'-; 

kiirban to check, 259; ordeal by, 

430, 43o 2 , 434, 498, 498 2 ; Seven 

Sleepers* name charm against, 313. 
Fire- worshippers, at David's shop, 

224; incest and promiscuity charged 

against, 153; Kizilbash, 149, 150; 

Nimrod, 317; not 'People of the 

Book', 150; Seljuks thought, I68 1 . 
First-fruit offerings of corn, 106, io6 6 , 

2 33> 386 2 , to dead, gods, or king, 

, 2 33 8 - 
Fish, anthropomorphism of, 245-6, 

246 4 ; in Christian communion, 249*; 
at Daniel's tomb, 245, 249, 300-1, 
30i 3 , 303; as deities, 245-6, 245% 
246 4 ; Khidr found by, 248; King of, 
246, 246*, 247; magic, 246, 246 1 , 
696-8; Mamun and, 302, 302*, 303, 
696-8; ornamental, 249 1 , 283 10 ; re- 
vived after death, 248; sacred, 
244-9, 244 1 ' 3 , 245 2 ~ 3 ' 5 > 2 46 4 , 249* 4 ' 5 , 
300-1, 663 3 ; Solomon's ring found 
by, 247, 247 2 . 

lushermen, S. Andrew of Sinope saint 
of, 343 2 ; S. Eadmund saint for, 349 ? . 

Five, hidden things, 270; indefinite 
number, 39i 2 . 

Flagellation, see Christ, column, Jeru- 
salem, scourging. 

Plies, coins transformed into, 643. 

Flood, ancient, 284-5, 3^5-6, 3^9; 
expected at Granada, 369^ talisman 
column against, 194, 368, 368 1 . 

de Flor, canonization of, 255*. 

Florence, medicinal earth from, 681. 

Flying, castle, 199, I99 2 ; horses, 286 2 , 
287 1 , 292; pictures, 285; stones, 
198, I98 3 ' 5 , 277; treasure, 2O7 3 . 

Folk-lore, children's diseases and, 183* ; 
as history, 296-7, 369, 537 1 , 597, 
646*, 714, 7i4 3 ' 5 , 7!6, 718-20, 728; 

literature and, 49% 200, 295, 296; 
primary and secondary elements in, 
122; religion and, 122, 256; Turkish, 
and foreign influences, 121-2, 346. 

Food, Bektashi pray before and after, 
559-60; at graves, 251, 25i 2 ' 3 , 254; 
miraculously transported, 293*, 296, 
440; multiplied, 285, 285', 291; sea- 
saints offered, 343, 343 2 , 344, 345, 
346, 349 tt ; Seven Sleepers' name 
charm on, 313*. 

Footprints, sacred, 185-7, 185*, 435, 
435 2 , 6o9 6 . 

Fortezza, Bektashi tekke at, 535; Tur- 
kish head-quarters during siege of 
Candia at, 535*. 

Forty, Beduin bathe forty days in 
Pharaoh's bath, 393*; in caves, 309, 
314, 398, 399, 401, 402 1 ; jinns, 392, 
392 9 , 398-9, 402; at Khidr's place 
in S. Sophia, Constantinople, pray 
forty days, 12; in magic prescrip- 
tions, 392, 392 10 , 727; maidens 
suicide at Kilgra, 742 2 ; meaning of 
term, 39 i 2 , 399; mystical number, 
39 39i> 39 2 -9; among Nosairi, 395, 

395 ? ; 
saints (or martyrs), account of, 

391-402: Christian, predominating 
group of, 309, see Adrianople, 
Albania, Alexandria, Benevento, 
Caesarea, Caria, Constantinople, 
Hebron, Jerusalem, Lyons, Malatia, 
Marseilles, Mysia, Pyla, Rhodes, 
Rome, SS. Quaranta, Sebastc, Sinai, 
Sis, Sivas, Thrace, Zile: Mohamme- 
dan, see Constantinople, Damascus, 
Jerusalem, Kirk Kilise, Kirklar 
Tekke, Larissa, Medina, Menzaleh, 
Palestine, Ramleh, Seilun, Tekrit, 

in Sari Saltik's story, 437, 437% 
577; Semitic influence on belief in, 
393 3 ; souls of Mohammedans de- 
tained forty days at grave, 250, 254; 
in transferences of cult, 57; Virgins 
of Kirk Kiz Dagh, 710; Volunteers 
of Sidi Okba, 395. 

Fossati, S. Sophia repaired by, 6o2 4 . 

Fossils, see bones. 

Foundations, victim sacrificed for, 27, 
36, 265, 2652, 732, 7 3 2<- 5 . 

Founder, as benefactor or restorer, 382 ; 
buried at or near benefaction, 228, 
at gate, 541; canonized. 165, 278; 



church named after, 368*; prayer for 
soul of, 9, 228, 228 8 ; of tekkes, 165; 
tomb and cenotaph of, 375-6. 

Fountains, charitable building of, 228. 

Foxano, G. A., Rhodian Knight, and 
de Gozons, 661-2. 

France, bleeding trees in, I75 5 ; con- 
quest of Jerusalem by Emperor of, 
752 3 ; S. Nicolas in, 35o 2 ; stinking 
stones in, iSo 1 ; stone-carrying in, 
200, 201. 

Franciscans, Chapel of Flagellation 
given to, 4i l ; at Smyrna, 406, 409, 

Franks, disastrous interest in inscrip- 

tions of, 208, 215; drawing Green 
Mosque, Bulak, forbidden to, 22 4 ; 
Eyyub inaccessible to, 609; liaram 
at Jerusalem inaccessible to, 629, 
631*; Roman lettering by, 211; as 
saints for Mevlevi, 72; at Smyrna 
from 1344 to 1402, 415, 417*; 
travelling, oriental views of, 641-5; 
as treasure-hunters, 367, 642, 642 1 , 


Frasheri, Bektashi Ickkc at, 537, 547-8, 
turbes near, 548; Nasibi buried at, 
548; Premct tekkc an offshoot from, 

545- . 
Frasheri, Abdul Bey, Albanian nation- 

alist leader, 539, 552. 
Frasheri, Midhat Bey, 52 2 3 , 523*. 
Frasheri, Nairn Bey, author of ' Bek- 

tashi Pages', 552. 
Frasheri, Saini Bey, historian, i66 3 , 

55 2 - 

French, renegades, 441", 450, 451, 
45 1 2 , see also Manzur; revolution, 
influence of doctrines of, 538. 

of Christian saints or sanctuaries, 
by Jews, 66, 66 6 , 68 1 ; 
by Mohammedans, 63-74: ex- 
amples of, 66-7, 68 1 , 69-70, 7 1 2 , 74: 
theory of, 68-71 : transferences aided 
by, 66 ; 

of Jewish saints or sanctuaries, 

by Mohammedans, 69 1 ; 
of Mohammedan saints or sanc- 

by Christians, 50, 75-97, 357, 
374 1 , 4 1 1 2 , 412: in Syria oftener than 
in Turkey, 76: theory of, 59, 76-81, 


by Jews, 69*; 

Friday, auspicious day for cures, 272-4, 
327% 357~8, 694 7 ; 

mosque, in conquered towns, 7 : 
elevated site required for, 23: see 
also Constantinople, Tarsus ; 

prayers, Turkish fear of attack 
during, 721, 72i 3 , 751-4, 75 l4 > 754 2 ; 
souls commune with God on, 274. 

Friendliness between Christians and 
Mohammedans, see Ala-ed-din, Ali 
Pasha, Bektashi, Chapanoglu, Elle- 
zoglu, fanaticism, Jelal-ed-din, Ko- 
tube, Mevlevi, Selim, Seljuks. 

Frontier, political burials on, 7I4 4 ; 
saints, 335 1 . 

Fudeil Baba, hill and sheep sacred to, 

Fumigation for cure, 238, 240, 3O5 1 . 

Funeral feasts, 251, 25 i 2 ' 3 ; saints 
revealed by, 254. 

Gabriel, Black Stone brought by, 179; 

Mohammedan souls defended from 

Devil by, 250. 
Gadara, incubation cures leprosy at, 


Gaduchi, Bektashi tnrbe at, 548. 
Gaghni, cult of, 575*. 
Galata, see Constantinople. 
Galatians, ' survivals' in Asia Minor of, 

97 2 , 44 1 8 . 
Galen, Lemnian earth and, 672; ousted 

by Plato at Pergamon, I5 6 . 
Galicia, S. Elmo and Pierre Gonzalez 

of, 346 1 ; S. James of, 248^, 350% 

57 2 - 

Galilee, Jonah's grave in, 349 5 . 

Gallipoli, Bektashi tekkes on, 518, 5i8 4 ; 
inakam of Khidr-S. Elias at, 328; 
pierced stone cult at, 183.' 

Gamaliel, crypto-Christian, 444 4 - 

Game, tabu, 240-1; see deer, hare, 

Gangra, see Chang ri. 

Gani Baba, Bektashi saint, 512. 

Gargano, pilgrims carry stones to, 202'. 

Gargantua, and dragons, 659 2 . 

Garment, left in contact with sacred 
object for cure, 266, 275, 276. 

Gascony, home of de Gozons, 649. 

Gates, blocked by conquerors, 203 5 , 
752-3, 752 6 , 753^ e , 754 4 ; cenotaphs 
at, 231; charms over, 203, 203 5 , 231, 
23I 1 ' 3 , 654, 654 4 ; founder buried by, 
541; Golden, see Constantinople, 



Gates (contd.) 

Jerusalem; legends evolved from 
charms over, 203*; new, for special 
entrants, 203*; protection needed by, 
203*; saints buried at, 231, 53i 3 , 
535> 6 54 4 ; shut during Friday 
prayer, 721, 72i 3 , 751-4, 75 l4 > 754 2 ; 
unlucky and avoided, 753*. 

Gauls, defeated by Cn. Manlius, 171. 

Gaza, bread offered to sea at, 343 s . 

Gazelle, Sultan San jar's son cured with 
help of, 462*, 686 5 . 

Gebze, Hannibal's tomb near, 103, 
io 3 7 . 

Gedik Mohammed Pasha, rebellion of, 


Geigel, Yuruk tribe, 476. 

Geikli, Turkoman tribe, 480. 

Gelikanli, sub-tribe of Rishwan Turko- 
mans, 481. 

Gemerek, Shahruf buried at, 173. 

Gemlek, sacred fish at, 244'. 

Gems of ancients in modern cults, 182. 

Genazzano, Virgin's picture 'flew* to, 

Gennadius, Patriarch, prophecy of 
Yellow Race interpreted by, 471*, 
^ 722, 722'. 

Genoa, crypto-Mussulman princess of, 


Genoese, in Capitulations of Pera, 487; 
fortifications at Constantinople, 724; 
heraldry in Arab Jami, Constanti- 
nople, 719, 7I9 1 * 2 ; as;V in popular 
chronology, 603, 6o3 3 , 679. 

Gentiles, as Kaffirs, 736. 

George of (Miihlenbach in) Hungary, 
PYater, bibliographical details of, 
494 1 ; captive in Asia Minor, 707; on 
early Turkish saints, 322, 323 1 , 
494-9; Georgewicz and Magister 
George of Hungary different from, 
494 1 ; on Haji Bektash, 488, 488*, 
494, 496; miracles by, 494*. 

George of Hungary, Magister, Frater 
George different from, 494*. 

George von Miihlenbach, see George of 

Georgewicz, Bartholomaeus, account 
t 35* 35*> 485'; captive in Asia 
Minor, 736; Frater George of Hun- 
gary different from, 494*; prophecy 
of Red Apple published by, 736, 

736 a , 737 2 - 
Georgia(ns), as 'Black Caps' (Kara- 

bash), 169*; footprint of Queen 
Tamar in, 187; hare tabu among, 
243, 243 5 ; maiden defender of castle 
in, 742 a ; witches' assembly on 
August 1 5th in, ioo 3 . 

Geredeh (Krateia Bithyniae), khidrlik 
at, 328. 

Gerinisli, Yuruk tribe, 476. 

Germany, Seven Sleepers in, 311*. 

Geubek, Bektashi tekke near, 405*. 

Geuchebeh, meaning of, I39 2 . 

Geyikli Baba (Ghenglu Baba), Abdal 
Musa and, 290; Ahmed Yasevi and, 
509; Bektashi claim, 509; deer 
tamed and ridden on by, 241, 290% 
46o 6 ; meaning of name, 256, 460*; 
talisman plane of, 178. 

Gezer, methods of working oil-presses 
at, 192*. 

Gezib, see Assib. 

Ghaibi, Sultanzade, sec Sultanzade. 

Ghazis, as Bektashi saints, 506', 538, 
579; canonized, 278, 3o6 l , especially 
by Osmanlis, 281, 501, see Arab; 
cenotaphs at gateways of, 231; der- 
vishes as, 281, 28i 3 * 4 ; female, 7O2 a , 
742 1 ; relics in turbes of, 229; of Rum, 
506* ; see Abdal Murad, Ahmed 
Fazil, Ali Baba of Baghje, Demir 
Baba, Kvrenos, Fazil Beg, Hasan 
Baba of Tempe, Ilulfet, Husain, 
Jafer, Malik, Melik, Mustafa Ghazi 
of Canea, Mustafa Shahid, Shahkuli, 
Sidi Battal. 

Ghazi Baba, Bektashi saint, 530. 

Ghazi Baba of Uskub, kurban to, 261; 
divination at tomb of, 271. 

Gheel, treatment of madness at, 693. 

Ghegs, anti-Bektashi, 537, 540, 549, 

55> 55 1- 
Ghenglu Baba, see Geyikli Baba. 

Ghosts, blood required by, 732 5 ; 
exorcised or placated, 220; formid- 
able after violent death, 217; of 
Kamares cave, 220, 733 1 ; negro's 
dreaded, 731*; stones thrown on 
graves to keep down, 4i3 3 . 

Giants, Aizani temple built by, I99 3 ;. 
bones of, 231, 23i a , 306, 3o6 l , 654*; 
boots of, 229-30, 23o l , 654*; canon 
ized, 99, 99*, 306 1 , 351, 406; der- 
vishes as, 281, 3O6 1 ; evolved from 
boot, 203 s ; killers of, 231, 296, 308; 
malignant in folk-lore, 306, 3o8 3 , 
317*; millstone perhaps connected 


with, I83 1 ; on mountains, 99, 99 3 , 
I02 5 , 304, 304*. 4 , 305, 305 3 > 6 , 308, 
38 8 , 35*> 35i 8 (see Bosporus); Sari 
Saltik perhaps, 433, 433 2 ; tombs of, 
99, 99 s , I02 5 , 304, 305 1 , 306, 306', 
308, 3o8 3 , 406, 5 1 1 2 ; see also Amykos, 
Arba, Balaam, Digenes, Joshua, 
Noah, Osha, Sa'dan. 

Giaur (infidel), death preferred to 
marriage with, 17, 729; in sense of 
pagan, 369*; salvation secured by 
death in battle against, 278. 

Gibraltar, Alexander the Great cut 
Strait of, 284. 

Gie, Jonah as sea-saint at, 349 5 . 

Gilevji, Bektashi tekke at, 507. 

Gilles de Chin, Sire, dragon-fight of, 
646 4 , 650, 659-60; lion killed by 
historical, 659-60. 

Giormi, Bektashi tekke at, 551. 

Giovio, date of, 484 s ; source of Leo- 
nardo da Vinci's travels in Asia 
Minor, 172*. 

Girding, of apprentices, 608-9; of 
brides, 6o9 2 ; of dervish novices, 609; 
of guild patrons, 608; of Melik Men- 
sur, 608; 

of Sultans, at Kyyub, 604-22: by 
a Bektashi, 612, 612*, 6i6 3 : by 
Janissaries' Agha, 607, 611, 6n 2 : 
by Mevlevi Sheikh, 604, 605, 607, 

610, 612, 6I2 1 . 3 , 613, 614, 615, 6I5 1 ' 3 , 
616, 6I6 1 ' 3 , 617, 6I7 1 , 618, 6i8 2 , 622: 
by Mufti, 607, 609, 6o9 3 , 6H 1 , 6i2 2 , 
6i3 2 , 6I5 1 , 622: by Nakib, 607, 609, 

611, 612, 6i2 a , 613, 6I5 1 ' 2 , 617, 6i7 4 : 
origin of, 605-6, 608: by Silihdar, 
607, 609, 611 : with sword of Caliphs, 
6i5 8 , 6 1 6, 6i6 4 , of Mohammed the 
Prophet, i86 9 , 609, 609', 6n 2 , 616, 
of Mohammed II, i86 9 , 610, of 
Osman, 604, 615, 6I5 1 , 6i6 4 , 617, 
6I7 1 ' 4 , arid of Sultan Selim, 6o9 5 ; 

of Tatar khans, 6o8 5 ; of Toghrul 

Beg, 6o8 8 ; of young men, 6o9 2 . 
Girdle, mystic importance for Bektashi 

of, 6I2 1 . 
Girdle-stone of dervishes, divination 

with, 287 8 . 

Giushji, Yuruk tribe, 476. 
Glava, Bektashi tekke at, 544. 
Glorious Hand, potency of, 217*. 
Gnat, Plato's talisman against, iQ3 3 . 
Goats, Belkis had foot of a, 645 2 ; 

besiegers disguised as, 743-4, 744 2 ; 
3295.2 c 


castle of, 744, 744 2 - 3 ; Christ and 
Abraham refused protection by, 
317*; cures discovered by, 687*; 
horns of, prophylactic in turbes, 232, 
232*; in kurban, 259", 26I 1 ' 2 ; Lem- 
nian earth and, 672, 673 1 , 686-7, 
687 2 ; prayer-mats made from skins 
of, 461, 46I 1 . 

God, Kizilbash belief in, 144; servant 
of, see servant; wrong cannot be 
done by, 700. 

Goivelmir tchin, guardian of flocks and 
herds, 496, 497- 

Goklen, Yuruk tribe, 128. 

Gold plant (lampedona, tortoise-herb), 
alchemy with, 645, 64 5 2 ; on moun- 
tain-tops, 644-5 645*- 

Golden Street of ancient Smyrna, 428'. 

Goliath, stones thrown on grave of, 

4i3 3 - 
Gon9alez, Pierre, Spanish sailor's 

saint, 346 1 . 
Good Friday, dead leave graves in 

Cairo on, 252*. 

Gorun, Rihanli, summer near, 480. 
Gospel, read over sick Turkish horse, 

Gothic doorway of Arab Jami, Con- 
stantinople, 718. 

de Gozon, Dieudonne, and dragon of 
Rhodes, 646-62; fossilized head of 
dragon of, 203% 65o 2 , 654; French 
origin of, 649, 658, 658 1 ; Rogations 
associated with, 66o 3 ; tomb of, 649, 
651-2, 652 3 , 662. 

de Gozon, Pierre Melac, 662, 662 1 . 

Gran, see Strigonium. 

Granada, flood expected at, 369 3 ; 
Moors at Constantinople from, 
724-6, 724 3 , 725 4 ; pomegranates, 
Red Apple, and, 738 s , 739. 

Grech, Mr. R., 5H 1 . 

Greece, Bektashi in, 525-36. 

Greek(s), Afshars claimed as, I56 2 ; in 
Albania after Balkan wars, 539-40, 
542, 545> 546, 547> 548; Anatolian 
anthropologically similar to Kizil- 
bash, 157; Church found at low ebb 
by Seljuks, 377; in Cilician villages 
with Turkoman chiefs, I56 3 ; forty 
among ancient, 393 3 ; hares thought 
creatures of Devil by, 243*; Jelal- 
ed-din knew language, 371, 37 1 3 ; 
kurban by, 8o 3 , 261, 26i 2 ; prophecy 
of Yellow King applied to, 47 1 4 ; 



Greek(s) (contd.) 

Revolution, churches molested by 
Turks during, 7*, 41 : Cretan crypto- 
Christians massacred during, 474 a : 
Cyril VI hung at, 379: Halid Efendi 
advised war of, 620': martyrs of, 
452: Tenos church connected with, 
67 : Turks quartered on Athos during, 

Seven Sleepers as charm for sleep- 
lessness among, 312, 312*; Solomon's 
power over demons credited by, 
280*; stones of penance carried by, 

20I 1 . 

Green Caps, nickname of Usbeks, 169*. 
Gregory the Great, Trajan and, 72*. 
Gregory II, patriarch, in inscription, 

Gregory of Tours, Seven Sleepers and, 

3ii 2 . 
Grenoble, river Drac personified at, 

659 s - 

Greshitza, Bektashi tekke at, 543. 

Grevena, S. George neo-martyr of, 457 a . 

Gridley, Nathan, missionary treasure- 
hunter on Argaeus, 644-5, 64 5 1 . 

Grosseteste, Robert, not canonized, 


Guardian spirit, see negro, serpent, 


Gueuk Musali, Yuruk tribe, 127, 475. 
Guilds, patrons of, 279, 348 3 , 432 3 ; 

girding of patrons of, 608. 
Gul Baba, Bektashi saint, 551, 703*. 
Gulgul Baba, Bektashi saint, 514. 
Gul Hisar, Bektashi tekke at, 507. 
Gumush-hane, Stavriotae near, 470. 
Guzel-beyli, Yuruk tribe, 476. 

Habit (khirka), of dervish in miracu- 
lous journeys, 583* ; of Khirka Baba, 
267, 358; of Prophet, 267, 358*. 

Hades, Well of Souls descends to, 270'. 

Hadrian, at Cyzicus, 749; Olympieum 
at Athens as palace of, 636, 636*; 
Smyrna aqueducts and, 427, 427 4 ' 5 . 

Hafik, Kizilbash in kaza of, 142. 

Hafiz Baba, Bektashi saints, 517, 525, 


Hafiz Khalil Baba, see Akyazili Baba. 
Hagios (S.) Vlasios, Bektashi tekke at, 

Haidar, AH called, 52 3 ; Yuruk name, 

1 .33 8 - 
Haidar of Haidar-es-Sultan, Bektashi 

adopted, 339, 403; buried at Haidar- 
es-Sultan, 52, 403, 572; confused 
with Haidar of Persia, 52, 403, with 
Karaja Ahmed, 403, 566, and with 
Khoja Ahmed of Yasi, 52, 403, 566, 
572; Haji Bektash and, 52, 403; 
tribal ancestor, 52, 52*, 337, 339, 

403> 405 2 - 

Haidar of Persia, confused with Haidar 
of Haidar-es-Sultan, 52, 403; father 
of Shah Ismail, 52, 140, 168-9, 43J 
Haidari Shias founded by, 52, 169; 
Kizilbash cap invented by, 169. 

Haidar Baba, Bektashi saints, 506, 

536, 55 1 - 

Haidar-es-Sultan, ' ambiguous* cult at, 
5*-3 403, 403 3 , 572; hereditary 
sheikh at, i62 a ; Kizilbash, 52, 572; 
madmen's well at, 52, 52*, 267*, 4O3 3 ; 
prophetess at, 269. 

Haidari, Shia sect, 52, 169. 

Haidarli, Haidar eponym of, 52, 403; 
Kizilbash tribe of Dersim, 52'. 

Haimaneh, imperial estate, 173, 173*; 
Rishwan Turkomans in, 481; Shia 
Kurds in, I73 8 ; Sunni Kurds in, 
136*; Yuruks affected by natural 
conditions in, 136. 

Haj Alian, unknown saint, 282 s . 

Haji Adem Baba, Bektashi saint, 525. 

Haji Ahmed Baba, Bektashi saint, 517. 

Haji Baba, Bektashi saint of Premet 
buried at Kesaraka, 545, 547; life in 
grave of, 545. 

Haji Baba, buried at Kaliakra, 51, 578, 

HajiBaba, buried between Turkhal and 
Merzifun, 489 3 ; made wall walk, 489'. 

Haji Bairam, Bairami dervishes 
founded by, 567*; Bektashi claim, 
509", 567*; Haji Bektash and, 289*; 
well on Ali Dagh of, iO2 8 . 

Haji Bekir, animals incubate at mill of, 
in, 234, 268, 268 5 , 692*, 694'; 're- 
fused* turbe, 234; Syrian saint of 
same name connected with, 268 3 . 

Haji Bektash, Abdal Murad and, 509; 
agate of Nevshehr and, 287-8, 287*; 
Ahmed Rifai and, 84, 285**, 287 1 , 289, 
289 a , 46o 9 ; Ahmed of Yasi and, 
52-3, 52*, 135, 403-5, 404 2 ' 3 , 566; 
Albanian legend of invention of 
Bektashism by, 493*; 'ambiguous' 
cult of, see S. Charalambos (below); 
Anatolian saints and, 501, 501'; 



Bektashi founded by, 83, 488: 
invoke at marriages and betrothals, 
560: patron, 554, 554* : unconnected 
with, 565; 

at Brusa during Orkhan' s siege, 
488, 488 2 ; buried near Kirshehr, 83, 
488, 502, 502*; at Caesarea, 489; 
Chelebi of Bektashi and, 162; com- 
panions of, 135, 429, 488, 5oi a , 509, 


death of, 160, 403, 490-2, 502*; 

Girding of Sultans and, 6I2 1 ; 
Haidar and, 52, 403; Haji Bairam 
and, 289 2 ; hand-print at Sidi Ghazi 
of, 186; Hurufi usurped tomb of, 
135, 160, I60 1 , 488, 493, 565; Janis- 
saries and, 159, 483-93* 6i3 3 : 
Kalenderoglu's descent from, 163, 
174; Karaja Ahmed and, 85, 404, 
404*, 460; from Khorasan, 135, 489; 
Kizilbash tribal saints and, 157; on 
Kossovo, 490-2; among Kurds, 513; 
life of, 83, 159-60, I62 1 , 488 2 , 489, 
565 a ; marriage of, 162, 163, i63 3 , 
174, 405; at Mecca, 289; Mentish 
brother of, 341, 489; Murad I and, 
490-2; Nakshbandi, 503, 567, 572; 
nefes oglu, 162*, 52O 1 ; Orkhan and, 
341, 483, 488, 488 2 , 489, 490, 493 
502 3 ; patron of Bektashi, Janissaries, 
pilgrims, soldiers, see s.vv. ; petrified 
spittle of, 287-8, 287 3 ; S. Chara- 
lambos and, 83-5, 83*-*, 84*, 289 2 , 
438, 571-2; S. Eustathius and, 84, 
84', 85, 572; saltings of, 283; Sari 
Saltik and, 429; seven hundred der- 
vishes of, 135, 429, 488, 501% 509, 
56s 2 ; at Sidi Ghazi, 186, 5732 ; at 
Sivas, 489; sleeve of, 483, 490, 491* 
492, 6i3 3 ; stag and, 85, 460, 461% 
572; Sunnis accept, 503; talking 
wolf and, 294 1 ; Tatar interest in, 
502 2 ; 

tekke (Pir Evi) of, account of, 
502-4, 503 1 : agate at, 287 3 , 288: 
Akhi Dede (Dede Baba) at, 161, 503, 
506: Albanians at, 161 : ' ambiguous* 
sanctuary, 83-5, 571-2: Balum Sul- 
tan buried at, 503, 504: Chelebi lives 
at, 161, 162-3, 503, 504: copper 
cauldrons at, 5O2 2 : George of Hun- 
gary and, 494, 496: Hurufi at, 135, 
1 60, i6oS 488, 493> 565: near 
Kirshehr, 83: Kizilbash pilgrimage 
to, 143, 150: Mahmud II's action at. 

83*, 503: Nakshbandi at, 83% 503, 
567, 572: Okhrai as, 83*: ordeal of 
passage at, 634: Orkhan as Tatar 
khan at, 502 a : revenues of, 503: S. 
Charalambos at, 83-5, 438, 571-2: 
Shia, 83 2 , 1 14 : Sunnis unwelcome at, 
83 2 : tumulus adjoining, 104; 

tribal hero, 135, 143, 157, 341, 
489, 493, 565* ; wall made to walk by, 

Haji Ephraim Teuvetlu, miraculous 

journey of, 293. 
Haji Hamza, liver offered to Bektashi 

saint, 255 3 ; lurbe of, 55o l . 
Haji Husain Baba, Bektashi saint, 551. 
Haji Keui, Kizilbash in kaza of, 142. 
Haji Khalfa, and Yakut, 364. 
Haji Khalil Baba, Khalveti saint, 542 1 . 
Haji Koyunlu, Yuruk tribe, 478. 
Haji Mustafa AH Ushak, sub-tribe of 

Afshars, 482. 
Haji Mustafa Rejeb Ushak, sub-tribe 

of Afshars, 482. 
Haji Ouren (Ouran), buried at Akshehr, 

505 55 3 - 
Haji Sheikhli, sub-tribe of Sheikhli 

Yuruks, 476. 
Haji Suleiman Baba, Bektashi saint, 

Hajim Sultan, MS. of Bektashi saint, 

437577 2 - 
El Hakim, Caliph, conversion to Chris- 

tianity of, 443 3 , 45o 2 ; Sepulchre 

church and, 450, 45o 2 ; transformed 

into woman, 241. 
Hakmun the Jew's immured daughter, 

745 4 - 

Halaj, Bektashi associations of, 5O7 3 . 
Halicarnassus, see Budrum. 
Halid Efendi, Mahmud IFs minister, 

620, 62o 3 ; Mevlevi benefactions of, 

620, 621*. 

Halid Khalid, see Khalid. 
Halikuti, Tripolines in Canea, 535. 
Hallalu, Turkoman tribe, 480. 
Halys, River, bridge across, 96, 96*. 
Hamid Baba, Bektashi saint, 548. 
Hamor, see Omar (Caliph). 
Hamza, and giant Sa'dan, 308. 
Hanauer, Rev. J., 394*. 
Hand, sacred imprints of, 186, i86 9 , 

Hand-reliquaries, and life in grave, 

252 1 . 

Hannibal, tomb of, 103, IO3 7 . 

G g 2 



El Harawi, visit to Constantinople of, 

Hare, Buddha as, 243*; cats and, 241, 
241*; souls of wicked as, 241, 242*; 
in synagogues, 243 s ; tabu against, 
241-3, 242 2 5 ' 8 , 243 1 * 8 ' 5 ; Yezid the 
Caliph's soul in, 241, 24i 6 . 

Harmandali, Yuruk tribe, 128, 476. 

Hartal, Yuruk tribe, 476. 

Harun-al-Rashid, Jafer Baba ambas- 
sador of, 729; talisman inscription 
stolen for, 203; Tyana mosque built 
by, 6. 

Hasan Askeri, nth Bektashi Imam,554. 

Hasan Baba, Bektashi saints, 507, 535, 

543> 545- 

Hasan Baba, Nakshbandi, Argyro- 
kastro and, 541; decaying cult at 
Tempe of, 118, 357 1 , 533; seven 
tombs of, 236, 357, 357 1 ; women and 
children helped by, 356-7, 356 1 . 

Hasan of Basra, Hayati patron, 538 1 ; 
ordeal of passage at, 627, 627 5 . 

Hasan of Cappadocia, and Tur Hasan 
Veli, loo-i. 

Hasan Chelife (Khalife), hermit life in 
cave of, 169, 223 8 ; in Shahkuli's 
campaign, 169-72. 

Hasan Dagh, Christian chapel and 
Turkish tomb on, 100-1 ; early chief- 
tain Hasan and, ioi 2 ; Tur Hasan 
Veli on, 100-1, ioi 1 , 134, 339. 

Hasan Dede, Bektashi saint, 228 1 ; 're- 
fused' turbe, 228 1 . 

Hasan Dede, Cilician saint and lagoon, 
283, 283". 

Hasan Dede, Kizilbash village near 
Denek Maden, 53, 171; Shahkuli's 
associate and, 171; sheikh heredi- 
tary in tekke of, i62 2 ; venerated 
stone from Mecca at, iSi 1 , 198. 

Hasan Dede of Klissura, 537 3 , 543. 

Hasan Demir Pehlivan Baba, see Demir 

Hasan Ghazi, makam in Kurdistan of, 


Hasan Hasanoglu, Yuruk tribe, 478. 

Hasan the Imam, among Bektashi, 
554, 560; head at Cairo of, 6i a ; Kizil- 
bash identify S. Peter with, 145, 151, 

335* 57i- 

Hasan Khalife (Chelife), Bektashi 
leader of Janissaries, 169, i69 3 . 

Hasan the Maksum, Kizilbash pilgrim- 
age to grave of, 150, 150*, 512*. 

Hasan el Masri, father of S. Pelagia, 
627, 627 4 ' 5 . 

Hasan el Merabet, Arab sailors offer 
food to, 343*. 

Hasan the negro, at Arab siege of Con- 
stantinople, 730. 

Hasan Pehlivan Baba (Pehlivan Baba), 
Bektashi leanings of, 593; Demir 
Baba confused with, 295-6, 295*; 
Demir Baba's tekke founded by, 295, 

593> 593 a - 

Hasan, Sheikh, at Ali Pasha's court, 

Hasan Sheret Baba, Bektashi saint, 
536, 588. 

Haskovo, Bektashi tekke at, 522, 522*. 

Hassa Keui, ordeal of passage at S. 
Makrina's tomb at, 632. 

Hatzidakis, and Janissaries, 485*. 

Haunted, barn, 43; bath, 40, 109-10, 
loo. 2 , no 2 , 203 5 , 265 2 , 268, 732*; cave, 
89*, 220, 223, 270 3 , 351, 735; church, 
42 3 , 69; cistern, 270*; cross and 
column talismans against, 194; 
house, 41, 4i l , 732* ; idols, 189; in- 
scription, 208; lake, 365 3 ; mill, in, 
203 5 ; ruins, 69, 351, 402; sarcopha- 
gus, 2o8 2 ; springs, 110-11, 351; 
stable, 4I 1 , 42, 43, 44; statues, 189, 
i8o 2 , 190, 192, 351 ; stones, 208, 2o8 2 , 
21 1 ; trees, 175-6, 175 * 5 , I76 2 , 213; 
underground water-channels, 365*; 
vaults, 2O3 5 ; water, no 1 , 27O 3 , 283 10 , 
367-8; wells, no 1 , 27o 3 , 351*; see 
also ghost, jinn, spirit. 

Havatan, Haji Ephraim Teuvetlu 
buried at, 293. 

Al Hawiyah, Seven Sleepers' cave at, 

315, 3i5 2 - 

Hawizah, dam burst at, 215. 
Hayati dervishes, in Albania, 538-9, 

538 1 ; Hasan of Basra patron of, 538* ; 

Khalveti offshoot, 538. 
Hayetti, heretical sect in Turkey, 538*. 
Hazarasp, Castle of Messiah given to, 

Headache cured by circumambulation, 

266; by S. John's Gospel, 34*. 
Head-carrying saints, examples of, 

196-200, I97 2 ' 3 , 200 2 , 413, 4I3 1 , 711; 

and multiplication of tombs, 413*; 

power of virginity in, 197-200, 197*, 

200 2 . 

Head-dress, of Bektashi dervishes, 277, 
409** 54i; of court officials, 6i3 3 ; of 


8i 3 

Janissaries, see s.v.; of Kizilbash, 
I39> J 69; of Mevlevi, 490*, 6i3 8 , 767* ; 
of Nakshbandi, 541; on Turkish 
tombs, 226. 

Healing, agents of, see animal, baking, 
bath, beads, binding, blood, circum- 
ambulation, coin, colour, column, 
contact, demon, dragon-stone, earth, 
egg, fumigation, incubation, in- 
scriptions, khirka, kurban, Lemnian 
earth, lemon, measuring, moon, 
mud-bath, nail, onion, passing 
through, petrified, prayer, rag-tying, 
reading over, relic, S. Panteleemon, 
S. Therapon, spring, walk over, well, 
yellow ; 

'ambiguous' sanctuaries frequen- 
ted for, 16, 67, 67', 70, 77, 78, 78 2 , 
79, 81-2, 212, 530, 570, 580*, 585, 
692, 692*; canonization for, 280; 

of diseases, see back-ache, belly 
pains, boil, childbirth, children, 
cholera, cough, dysentery, earache, 
fainting, fever, headache, jaundice, 
leprosy, lost memory, love troubles, 
madness, measles, neuralgia, ophth- 
almia, palpitation, paralysis, plague, 
poison, pregnancy, rheumatism, 
sleeplessness, small-pox, snake-bite, 
sterility, thinness, toothache, witch- 

religious scruples overcome by 
miracles of, 58, 80, 566, 570, 580*; 
transferences of cult promoted by, 

Hebron, Arba's gigantic grave at, 306* ; 
Forty Christian Saints at, 394; 
ostrich eggs at, 232 3 . 

Hecuba, Cynossema and, 344, 344 2 ; 
sailors* patron on Hellespont, 348 2 . 

Hedging, sometimes sin in men, 465 s . 

Hejaz, hare tabu in, 242*. 

Hekali, Bektashi influences at, 543. 

Helena, daughter of Yanko-ibn-Mad- 
yan, cure of, 686. 

Heliopolis (Cairo), S. Barbara localized 
at, 38*. 

Helios, S. Elias no 'survival' of, 329*, 
388; Zeus Atabyrios replaced by, 

Helle, cenotaph-tomb of S. Elias at, 


Hellespont, alive to Xerxes, 179*; 
Cynossema on, 344, 344 2 ; sailors' 
sanctuary on, 347 3 , 348 a . 

Helvaji Dede, sacred trees on grave of, 

Henry IV of France, de Gozon's 
dragon -stone owned by, 653. 

Henry VI of England, canonization of, 
217*; cult forbidden of, 255*. 

Hephaestus, Chimera flame and, 116; 
Lemnian earth and, 672, 685, 686. 

Heraclius, Emperor, converted to 
Islam, 355, 355S 444 J Jerusalem 
conquered and Cross restored by, 
355> 75 2 > 753% 754; Mohammed and, 
355 1 , 444; Turkish veneration of 
sarcophagus of, 354-5, 444- 

Herakleia (Irakla, Rakkah), Caliph 
Mamun's death near, 697, 697 3 . 

Herakleia Perinthus, S. George sea- 
saint at, 389. 

Herakleia Pontica, see Benderegli. 

Herakles, Apollo and, 59; bed of, 304, 
308; hot springs only sacred to, 108'; 
as magician -engineer, 366-7. 

Heraldry of Genoese, 719, 7I9 1 " 2 . 

Herat, dragon-fight at, 655* t 

Hergan Kale, see Amorium. 

Hermes, cippus near Pisidian Antioch 
of, 209, 209 2 ; helper in sudden need 
and sailors' patron, 350. 

Hermes Trismegistus, see Hermo- 

Hermit, of Adalia, 74, 74 2 , 574; in 
caves, 169, 223, 223 3 8 ; deer familiars 
of, 460, 460*, 461-2, 461*, 10 ; der- 
vishes as, 223; lions familiars of, 460, 
460; on mountain-tops, 99; mysti- 
cism of, 281-2; Nature one with, 58, 
8<5 3 , 247, 282, 291, 460, 46o 6 ' 6 ; neo- 
saint of Katirli, 459; renegades as, 
97 3 , 449 7 ; saints, 74, 74 2 , 278, 281, 
282, 461*, 574; Stylites, see s.v.; 
weather and, 346, 346* " 2 , 347- 

Hermogenes the Wise, pre-Christian 
Christian, 72; perhaps Hermes Tris- 
megistus, 72*. 

Hermus, River, Kizilbash near, 140, 
140*, I43-4- 

Hero, Ala-ed-din as popular, 607; 
eponymous, see tribal; historical 
figure as legendary, ioi 2 , 283 8 , 537 1 , 
603, 603 1 , 646, 646*, 651, 651% 659- 
60, 7io 7 ; power of intercession of, 
250; sanctity of tomb of, 250. 

Herod, strangers warned away from 
temple of, 22 5 . 

Herseka, see Kolonia. 



Herzegovina, stones thrown on graves 

in, 413*- 
Heshdek in Muscovy, Sari Saltik's 

missionary journey to, 432*. 
Heterodox Mohammedans, Shias in 

Turkey and Sunnis in Persia, 125; 

see also Shias. 
Heterodox Tribes, account of, 124-66, 

172; lists of, 475-82. 
Heurtley, Mr. W. S., xxiv 1 . 
Heyrnann, travels of, 598 1 . 
Hhouames, promiscuity of, 153*. 
Hidirnal, see Khedernale. 
Hierapolis, see Membij. 
Hill as sanctuary, see mountain. 
Hill-god, Zeus as, 329*. 
Hill-goddess, Cybele-Rhea as, 329 s . 
Hill-saint, prototype of, 329% 388; S. 

Elias as, 329'. 
Hillel and Shammai, miraculous water 

at tombs of, 626*. 
Hind, immured daughter of Hakmun, 


Hinduism, animal form of gods of, 464. 

Hippocrates (Bokrat), bewitched 
daughter of, 646% 648, 648*, 660, 
746; sites in Kos connected with, 15*. 

Historical facts, folk-lore version of, 
296-7* 369, 537 1 , 597> 646", 714, 
7I4 3 ' 6 , 716, 718-20, 728. 

Historical figures, in dragon legends, 
646-62, 646*; in popular legends, 
ioi 2 , 283*, 537 1 , 603, 603 1 , 646, 646*, 
651, 651% 659-60, 7io 7 . 

Hittites, anthropologically similar to 
Kizilbash, 157; monument at Ivriz 
of, 364 s ; monument at Plato's spring 
of, 363* 365> 366, 367. 

Hocha, Neby, see Osha. 

Hogarth, Dr. D. G., on Cyprian mono- 
liths, 192-3; S. Panteleemon iden- 
tified with, 6 1 2 . 

Hojanli, sub-tribe of Afshars, 482. 

Holland, and i6th-cent. enmity be- 
tween Spain and Turkey, 723*. 

Holy Cross, Golden Gate at Jerusalem 
opened for, 753'; restoration of True 
Cross commemorated by, 753-4; 
see also Orleans. 

Homer, pre-Christian Christian, 72*. 

Homereion at Smyrna, 416*, 418, 4i8 3 , 

Horns, 'ambiguous* cult of S. George 

at, 46*. 
Honey, in white magic, 221, 222. 

Hoof-prints, sacred, 48, 186-7, 
187', 205', 328-9. 

Hor, Mount, Moslem graves on, 104'. 

Horeb, Mount, rainfall determined by 
Pentateuch on, 202*. 

Horns, of Moses, 462'; prophylactic, 
231-2, 231*, 232 1 ; in tekkes, 231, 
231', 241, 461. 

Horse, ' flying', 286 2 , 287*, 292 ; Gospel, 
Koran, or Pentateuch read over 
sick, 77 ; grey for Khidr, 48, 186, 322, 
328-9, 498, and for S. George, 322"; 
omens from markings on, 63I 1 ; red 
for S. Demetrius, 322 s ; tombs of, 
269, 269*'*, 272-4; white for S. 
Claude or S. George, 49*, 322'; 
winged, 187, i87 3 . 

Horseman relief, as S. Demetrius, 190, 
467*; as S. George, 190, 467. 

Horseman saints, Khidr, 48, 49, 322, 
322 3 , 327 5 , 329, 498; S. Alexander 
Nevski, 646*; S. Claude of Antioch, 
322 3 ; S. Demetrius, 49 2 , 190, 322% 
467*; S. George, 48, 49", 190, 32i l , 
322 3 , 3232, 467; S. Michael, 32I 1 ; 
S. Theodore, 49. 

Horus, S. Michael, S. George, and, 32I 1 . 

Hosea, see Osha. 

Hospitality, prostitution in, 151; 
Yuruks characterized by, 137. 

Host, bleeding, 462'. 

Houses, charms for, 204, 205, 231*, 
2 3 2 ~3> 3*3; dogs not admitted into 
Mohammedan, 313; haunted, 4 1,41*, 
732 1 ; placation with corn-plaits of 
spirits of, 233, 233*. 

Huelgoat, church of Notre Dame des 
Cieux ' bound ' at, 264 2 . 

Hulfet Ghazi, origin of cult of, 61*. 

Human sacrifice, at Yannina, 259 8 ; in 
bath at Ephesus, 265 2 . 

Humesh, Blatza near, 551. 

Hunting, as typical worldly pursuit of 
men, 460, 461, 461*, 462, 465. 

Hunyadi, John, Turkish perversion of 
name of, 686*. 

Hurufi, Bektashi originally called, 565; 
Christians and, 436 2 , 568-9, 568 s ; 
disguised as Bektashi and Mevlevi 
when persecuted by Timur, i6o l ; 
Haji Bektash's tomb usurped by, 
135, 160, i6oS 488, 493, 565; hereti- 
cal doctrines of, 160, 565; MS. at 
Sidi Ghazi of, 510*. 

Hur-Ushak, sub-tribe of Afshars, 482. 


8i 5 

Husainabad, see Alaja. 

Husain Baba, Bektashi saints, 356, 
517, 524, 536, 542, 543, 544, 545> 546. 

Husain Dagh, Husain Ghazi buried on, 
504, 711-12, 7ii 2 . 

Husain Ghazi, 'ambiguous' tekke of, 
94, 55> 573, 7 IO ~i 2 ; Arat > warrior 
adopted by Bektashi, 94, 505, 710- 
12; Bairami saint, 504, 7ii a ; buried 
on Husain Dagh, 504, 711-12, 7ii a , 
and in Shamaspur tekke, 95, 234 6 , 

55> 55S 573, 7"J nsh sacred to, 
244, 244 1 , 246-7 ; headache cured by, 
266, 267; Jafer's father, 711; Sidi 
Battai's father, 95, 573, 709, 711; 
tomb duplicated of, 504, 505, 711, 

7 i i. 

Husain, Imam, Bakir born from head 
of, 146, I46 3 ; Bektashi accept, 554, 
559, 560; buried at Kerbela, 685 2 ; 
daughters of, buried at Constan- 
tinople, 17, 729; (sacred) earth from 
grave of, 68 5 a ; head of, 146, I46 8 ; 
among Kizilbash, 145, 151, 335, 571 ; 
S. Paul as, 145, 335, 571; Yezid 
caused death of